13Th OIC Observatory Report on Islamophobia
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The Srebrenica Genocide and the Denial Narrative
DISCUSSION PAPER The Srebrenica Genocide and the Denial Narrative H. N. Keskin DISCUSSION PAPER The Srebrenica Genocide and the Denial Narrative H. N. Keskin The Srebrenica Genocide and the Denial Narrative © TRT WORLD RESEARCH CENTRE ALL RIGHTS RESERVED WRITTEN BY H. N. Keskin PUBLISHER TRT WORLD RESEARCH CENTRE July 2021 TRT WORLD İSTANBUL AHMET ADNAN SAYGUN STREET NO:83 34347 ULUS, BEŞİKTAŞ İSTANBUL / TURKEY TRT WORLD LONDON PORTLAND HOUSE 4 GREAT PORTLAND STREET NO:4 LONDON / UNITED KINGDOM TRT WORLD WASHINGTON D.C. 1819 L STREET NW SUITE 700 20036 WASHINGTON DC www.trtworld.com researchcentre.trtworld.com The opinions expressed in this discussion paper represent the views of the author(s) and do not necessarily reflect the views of the TRT World Research Centre. 4 The Srebrenica Genocide and the Denial Narrative Introduction he Srebrenica Genocide (also attribute genocidal intent to a particular official referred to as the Srebrenica within the Main Staff may have been motivated Massacre), in which Serbian by a desire not to assign individual culpability soldiers massacred more than to persons not on trial here. This, however, does eight thousand Bosniak civilians not undermine the conclusion that Bosnian Serb Tduring the Bosnian war (1992-1995), has been forces carried out genocide against the Bosnian affirmed as the worst incident of mass murder in Muslims. (United Nations, 2004:12) Europe since World War II. Furthermore, despite the UN’s “safe area” declaration prior to the Further prosecutions were pursued against the genocide in the region, the Bosnian Serb Army of Dutch state in the Dutch Supreme Court for not Republika Srpska (VRS) under the command of preventing the deaths of Bosniak men, women and Ratko Mladić executed more than 8,000 Bosniak children that took refuge in their zone located in 2 (Bosnian Muslims) men and boys and deported Potocari. -
Islamophobia and Religious Intolerance: Threats to Global Peace and Harmonious Co-Existence
Qudus International Journal of Islamic Studies (QIJIS) Volume 8, Number 2, 2020 DOI : 10.21043/qijis.v8i2.6811 ISLAMOPHOBIA AND RELIGIOUS INTOLERANCE: THREATS TO GLOBAL PEACE AND HARMONIOUS CO-EXISTENCE Kazeem Oluwaseun DAUDA National Open University of Nigeria (NOUN), Jabi-Abuja, Nigeria Consultant, FARKAZ Technologies & Education Consulting Int’l, Ijebu-Ode [email protected] Abstract Recent events show that there are heightened fear, hostilities, prejudices and discriminations associated with religion in virtually every part of the world. It becomes almost impossible to watch news daily without scenes of religious intolerance and violence with dire consequences for societal peace. This paper examines the trends, causes and implications of Islamophobia and religious intolerance for global peace and harmonious co-existence. It relies on content analysis of secondary sources of data. It notes that fear and hatred associated with Islām and persecution of Muslims is the fallout of religious intolerance as reflected in most melee and growingverbal attacks, trends anti-Muslim of far-right hatred,or right-wing racism, extremists xenophobia,. It revealsanti-Sharī’ah that Islamophobia policies, high-profile and religious terrorist intolerance attacks, have and loss of lives, wanton destruction of property, violation led to proliferation of attacks on Muslims, incessant of Muslims’ fundamental rights and freedom, rising fear of insecurity, and distrust between Muslims and QIJIS, Vol. 8, No. 2, 2020 257 Kazeem Oluwaseun DAUDA The paper concludes that escalating Islamophobic attacks and religious intolerance globally hadnon-Muslims. constituted a serious threat to world peace and harmonious co-existence. Relevant resolutions in curbing rising trends of Islamophobia and religious intolerance are suggested. -
Title: Utøya – Christchurch – Halle. Right-Wing Extremists' Terrorism
Title: Utøya – Christchurch – Halle. Right-wing Extremists’ Terrorism Author: Karolina Wojtasik Citation style: Wojtasik Karolina. (2020). Utøya – Christchurch – Halle. Right-wing Extremists’ Terrorism. "Security Dimensions" nr 33 (2020), s. 84-97, doi 10.5604/01.3001.0014.2670 SECURITY DIMENSIONS NO. 33; 2020 (84–97) DOI 10.5604/01.3001.0014.2670 UTØYA – CHRISTCHURCH – HALLE. RIGHT-WING EXTREMISTS’ TERRORISM Karolina Wojtasik1 ABSTRACT The article deals with three terrorist attacks of right-wing extremists: in Norway (2011), New Zealand (2019) and Germany (2019). First, the modus operandi of perpetrators was shown and the course of each attack was analyzed. It was indicated what tactics the attackers used and why it was or was not effective. Secondly, the ideological background and motivations of the perpetrators were shown. It was possible to analyze the manifestos that the perpetrators left, and thus their way of thinking, their ideologies, and the purposes of organizing the attacks. Thirdly, issues related to the publicizing of the attacks by the perpetrators were shown. The goal of the article is to show that radical ideology of right-wing extremists (expressed in manifestos) leads to tragedies. In analyzed cases radical appointment of the perpetrators caused three deadly attacks. The article shows that the radical actions are preceded by radical speech, expressions, manifestos. The 1 Karolina Wojtasik, Ph.D., University of Silesia, Katowice, Poland; correspondence address: Instytut Socjologii UŚ, ul. Bankowa 11, 40-007 Katowice, Poland; email: [email protected] Utøya – Christchurch – Halle. Right-wing Extremists’ Terrorism second goal is to pay attention to hate speech (also expressed in manifestos), which is just as dangerous as bullets or improvised explosive devices. -
A Salafi-Jihadi Insurgency in Cabo Delgado?
A Salafi-Jihadi Insurgency in Cabo Delgado? EVOLVING DOCTRINE AND MODUS OPERANDI: VIOLENT EXTREMISM IN CABO DELGADO Thomas Heyen-Dubé & Richard Rands THE UNIVERSITY OF OXFORD Evolving Doctrine and Modus Operandi: Violent Extremism in Cabo Delgado Thomas Heyen-Dubé and Richard Rands Correspondence to: Thomas Heyen. Email [email protected] A violent extremist group poses a significant threat to parts of Cabo Delgado province.1 Since its first major attack in October 2017, it has perpetuated a conflict to the detriment of sections of the population and government, as well as disrupting economic development. Little is known about the group and its various cells, and serious scholarly studies on the topic are scarce. There is a considerable amount of confusion in policymaking and academic circles about the nature of the violent extremists (VE) and their relationship to the wider global Salafi-Jihadi community. By analysing the theological underpinnings of VE and their action in Cabo Delgado (CD), we bring clarity to this debate to enable international actors and policymakers in Mozambique navigate the complexities of the situation. From this analysis we conclude the following: • VE are not Salafi-Jihadis as they do not share their ideological and theological understanding of the world. VE do not subscribe to the notions of tawhid, hakkymiya, jihad, al-wala wa-l-bara, and takfir, all key criteria that are consistently found within the Salafi-Jihadi nebula. 1 For this study, the term violent extremism is used, which defines the actions of the group not their beliefs and ideologies (e.g. -
Anti-Muslim Hatred and Discrimination Submission from Dia Kayyali Associate Director of Advocacy at Mnemonic, Independent Consul
Anti-Muslim Hatred and Discrimination Submission from Dia Kayyali Associate Director of Advocacy at Mnemonic, independent consultant on technology and human rights, and co-chair of the Christchurch Call Advisory Network1 [email protected] Summary: This submission focuses on the online aspect of anti-Muslim hatred and discrimination (Islamophobia). Content that incites violence against Muslims is too often left up on major social media platforms, while important content produced by Muslims is often removed. This leads to diminishing opportunities for justice in conflict zones such as Syria, while facilitating increased violence against Muslim communities around the world. Furthermore, online content is never solely online. Rather, it is intimately linked to violence and discrimination against Muslims in a harmful feedback loop. How the online feeds into the offline and back again, creating a vicious cycle The online component of Islamophobia has deadly consequences for Muslims around the world. At the same time, predominantly Muslim communities see content they post online regularly removed by major social media companies. Islamophobia, like other social ills, is stuck in a dangerous feedback loop. Offline discrimination and violence lead to online hate speech and dangerous speech. This content then worsens discrimination, and sometimes directly incites offline violence and other negative consequences. The cycle is self-perpetuating, and it is deadly. Muslim lives have already been lost as a result, and Islamophobia threatens other essential human rights including freedoms of expression and religion. Who is Muslim? Islamophobia doesn’t just impact Muslims. As outlined in this submission, it also impacts people who are secular or practice other religions but are in Muslim majority countries or communities. -
Israel Today Maart 2017.1.1
Maart 2017 ISRAËL/NEDERLAND 37 www.israeltoday.nl Israëlische ambassadeur in Nederland: ’Terugkeer Joden versterkt de staat Israël’ Sjoukje Dijkstra Ambassadeur ‘Israël is het thuisland van alle Joden, Aviv Shir-On wereldwijd’, dat zegt Aviv Shir-On, de nieuwe tijdens de welkomstreceptie ambassadeur van Israël in Nederland. Dat die in veel Joden vandaag de dag terugkeren naar januari werd Israël ziet hij als een positieve ontwikkeling. georganiseerd door het ‘Het maakt de staat Israël sterk, en het ver- IsraëlPlatform. stevigt de positie van het volk.’ erder zegt de ambassadeur: ‘Het leiden om de situatie tussen de Israëli’s verspreiden van de waarheid ons helpen Vzal ons helpen om onze relatie met en de Palestijnen te verbeteren. In decem- om de relaties te verbeteren tussen de andere landen te verbeteren.’ Volgens ber vond er een eerste ontmoeting plaats mensen.’ Overheden schuift hij daarbij Shir-On is een sterk Israël belangrijk tussen premier Rutte en Netanyahu hier ter zijde. ‘Het gaat om het publiek, de voor Europa en de hele wereld: ‘In het in Den Haag. En er zal nog een vervolg mensen. Overheden hebben immers altijd bijzonder vanwege wat er er nu gebeurt op komen.’ bijbedoelingen en politieke belangen.’ in het Midden-Oosten. Hoe meer Joden De boodschap van er naar Israël komen, hoe sterker en Gemis gelukkiger Israël zal zijn.’ Aviv Shir-On Shir-On woont en werkt nog maar Het eerste doel van de nieuwe een half jaar in Nederland en mist Israël. Positieve ontwikkelingen ambassadeur is om de boodschap van de ‘Maar gelukkig zijn daar nog de moderne Shir-On liet daarbij weten hoop- staat Israël en het volk aan de mensen communicatie- en transportmiddelen. -
France 2016 International Religious Freedom Report
FRANCE 2016 INTERNATIONAL RELIGIOUS FREEDOM REPORT Executive Summary The constitution and the law protect the right of individuals to choose, change, and practice their religion. The government investigated and prosecuted numerous crimes and other actions against religious groups, including anti-Semitic and anti- Muslim violence, hate speech, and vandalism. The government continued to enforce laws prohibiting face coverings in public spaces and government buildings and the wearing of “conspicuous” religious symbols at public schools, which included a ban on headscarves and Sikh turbans. The highest administrative court rejected the city of Villeneuve-Loubet’s ban on “clothes demonstrating an obvious religious affiliation worn by swimmers on public beaches.” The ban was directed at full-body swimming suits worn by some Muslim women. ISIS claimed responsibility for a terrorist attack in Nice during the July 14 French independence day celebration that killed 84 people without regard for their religious belief. President Francois Hollande condemned the attack as an act of radical Islamic terrorism. Prime Minister (PM) Manuel Valls cautioned against scapegoating Muslims or Islam for the attack by a radical extremist group. The government extended a state of emergency until July 2017. The government condemned anti- Semitic, anti-Muslim, and anti-Catholic acts and continued efforts to promote interfaith understanding through public awareness campaigns and by encouraging dialogues in schools, among local officials, police, and citizen groups. Jehovah’s Witnesses reported 19 instances in which authorities interfered with public proselytizing by their community. There were continued reports of attacks against Christians, Jews, and Muslims. The government, as well as Muslim and Jewish groups, reported the number of anti-Semitic and anti-Muslim incidents decreased by 59 percent and 58 percent respectively from the previous year to 335 anti-Semitic acts and 189 anti-Muslim acts. -
India: Anti-Muslim Citizenship Amendment
India: Anti-Muslim Citizenship Amendment SAYRA RAFIUZZAMAN • POLICY ANALYST • 2 OCTOBRE 2020 Women attending the Shaheen Bagh Protest Summary Prime Minister Modi’s government intends to assemble a National Register of Citizens (NRC) across India. Along with this, the Citizenship Amendment Act (CAA) or Citizenship Amendment Bill (CAB) 2019, has created a situation in which the Muslim minorities and document-less minorities of India may be deprived of citizenship and rights (Shankar, 2020). This affects women minorities in particular, risking displacement in mass numbers (BhowmicK, 2020). Currently there are four ways to obtain Indian citizenship: birth, descent, registration and naturalization (Shankar, 2019). However, due to socio-economic restrictions, many women do not have access to birth certificates or paperwork, leaving them at risk of being stripped of their Indian identity (Bhowmick, 2020). Background The Citizenship Amendment Bill which was passed into legislation at the closing of 2019 has left India with widespread protests. The bill fast tracKs citizenship for immigrants of three neighboring countries: Bangladesh, Afghanistan, and Pakistan. This process is open for minorities who may face persecution based on religious beliefs in these countries. The range covers Hindus, SiKhs, Buddhists, Jains, Parsis, and Christians. However, it excludes Muslims, even minorities sectarian Muslims who are widely persecuted, such as Shia and Ahmadiyya Muslims (PTI, 2020). While the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) claims this amendment is beneficial in the race to protect minorities, it is important to note that it is unconstitutional as it targets only particular groups, based on religion. It does not provide an equal opportunity for all individuals based on minority status or asylum need (PTI, 2020). -
Tell MAMA Reporting 2013/14 Anti-Muslim Overview, Analysis and ‘Cumulative Extremism’ Dr Matthew Feldman Mark Littler Teesside University, July 2014
Inspiring success Centre for Fascist, Anti-Fascist and Post-Fascist Studies Tell MAMA Reporting 2013/14 Anti-Muslim Overview, Analysis and ‘Cumulative Extremism’ Dr Matthew Feldman Mark Littler Teesside University, July 2014 Tell MAMA Reporting 2013/14: Anti-Muslim Overview, Analysis and ‘Cumulative Extremism’ Dr Matthew Feldman Mark Littler Centre for Fascist, Anti-fascist and Post-fascist Studies Teesside University July 2014 Executive Summary 1. Introduction 2. Tell MAMA: Methodology and Data Collection 3. Hate Crimes: National Trends and Police Data 4. Tell MAMA reporting 1 May 2013 – 28 February 2014 5. ‘Cumulative extremism’ and the ‘spike’ in post-Woolwich incidents 6. Conclusions Appendices Executive Summary • The Centre for Fascist, Anti-fascist and Post-fascist Studies at Teesside University analysed anti-Muslim incidents recorded by Faith Matters’ Tell MAMA project over 2013/14. • There were 734 self-reported cases between 1 May 2013 and 28 February 2014; of these, there were 599 incidents of online abuse and 135 offline attacks, combining for an average of more than 2 cases per day. • Of the 18% of offline anti-Muslim attacks recorded by Tell MAMA; 23 cases involved assault and another 13 cases involved extreme violence. • Estimated age of perpetrators was between 10 and 30 in 60% of offline attacks. • Two-fifths of all anti-Muslim incidents recorded by Tell MAMA reported a link to far-right groups (e.g. BNP, EDL, etc.); including 45% of online abuse. • In the wake of Drummer Lee Rigby’s brutal murder, reported incidents to Tell MAMA skyrocketed – there were nearly four times more online and offline reports (373%) in the week after 22 May 2013 than in the week beforehand. -
Understanding Anti-Muslim Hate Crimes Addressing the Security Needs of Muslim Communities
Understanding Anti-Muslim Hate Crimes Addressing the Security Needs of Muslim Communities A Practical Guide Understanding Anti-Muslim Hate Crimes Addressing the Security Needs of Muslim Communities A Practical Guide Published by the OSCE Office for Democratic Institutions and Human Rights (ODIHR) Ul. Miodowa 10 00-251 Warsaw Poland www.osce.org/odihr © OSCE/ODIHR 2020 All rights reserved. The contents of this publication may be freely used and copied for educational and other non-commercial purposes, provided that any such reproduction is accompanied by an acknowledgement of the OSCE/ ODIHR as the source. ISBN 978-83-66089-93-8 Designed by Homework Printed in Poland by Centrum Poligrafii Contents Foreword v Executive Summary vii Introduction 1 PART ONE: Understanding the challenge 7 I. Hate crimes against Muslims in the OSCE region: context 8 II. Hate crimes against Muslims in the OSCE region: key features 12 III. Hate crimes against Muslims in the OSCE region: impact 21 PART TWO: International standards on intolerance against Muslims 29 I. Commitments and other international obligations 30 II. Key principles 37 1. Rights based 37 2. Victim focused 38 3. Non-discriminatory 41 4. Participatory 41 5. Shared 42 6. Collaborative 43 7. Empathetic 43 8. Gender sensitive 43 9. Transparent 44 10. Holistic 45 PART THREE: Responding to anti-Muslim hate crimes and the security challenges of Muslim communities 47 Practical steps 48 1. Acknowledging the problem 48 2. Raising awareness 51 3. Recognizing and recording the anti-Muslim bias motivation of hate crimes 53 4. Providing evidence of the security needs of Muslim communities by working with them to collect hate crime data 58 5. -
Final Copy 2019 01 23 Derou
This electronic thesis or dissertation has been downloaded from Explore Bristol Research, http://research-information.bristol.ac.uk Author: Derounian, Flora Title: Representations and Oral Histories of Working Women in Post-World War Two Italy (1945-1965) General rights Access to the thesis is subject to the Creative Commons Attribution - NonCommercial-No Derivatives 4.0 International Public License. A copy of this may be found at https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0/legalcode This license sets out your rights and the restrictions that apply to your access to the thesis so it is important you read this before proceeding. Take down policy Some pages of this thesis may have been removed for copyright restrictions prior to having it been deposited in Explore Bristol Research. However, if you have discovered material within the thesis that you consider to be unlawful e.g. breaches of copyright (either yours or that of a third party) or any other law, including but not limited to those relating to patent, trademark, confidentiality, data protection, obscenity, defamation, libel, then please contact [email protected] and include the following information in your message: •Your contact details •Bibliographic details for the item, including a URL •An outline nature of the complaint Your claim will be investigated and, where appropriate, the item in question will be removed from public view as soon as possible. Representations and Oral Histories of Working Women in Post-World War Two Italy (1945-1965) Flora Derounian A dissertation submitted to the University of Bristol in accordance with the requirements for award of the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in the Faculty of Arts in the School of Italian. -
Islam in Northern Mozambique: a Historical Overview Liazzat Bonate* University of Cape Town
History Compass 8/7 (2010): 573–593, 10.1111/j.1478-0542.2010.00701.x Islam in Northern Mozambique: A Historical Overview Liazzat Bonate* University of Cape Town Abstract This article is a historical overview of two issues: first, that of the dynamics of Islamic religious transformations from pre-Portuguese era up until the 2000s among Muslims of the contemporary Cabo Delgado, Nampula, and to a certain extent, Niassa provinces. The article argues that histori- cal and geographical proximity of these regions to East African coast, the Comoros and northern Madagascar meant that all these regions shared a common Islamic religious tradition. Accordingly, shifts with regard to religious discourses and practices went in parallel. This situation began chang- ing in the last decade of the colonial era and has continued well into the 2000s, when the so-called Wahhabis, Sunni Muslims educated in the Islamic universities of the Arab world brought religious outlook that differed significantly from the historical local and regional conceptions of Islam. The second question addressed in this article is about relationships between northern Mozambican Muslims and the state. The article argues that after initial confrontations with Muslims in the sixteenth century and up until the last decade of the colonial era, the Portuguese rule pursued no concerted effort in interfering in the internal Muslim religious affairs. Besides, although they occupied and destroyed some of the Swahili settlements, in particular in southern and central Mozambique, other Swahili continued to thrive in northern Mozambique and main- tained certain independence from the Portuguese up until the twentieth century. Islam there remained under the control of the ruling Shirazi clans with close political, economic, kinship and religious ties to the Swahili world.