Okekparakpara Deity and Its Socio-Religious Influence On

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OKEKPARAKPARA DEITY AND ITS SOCIO-RELIGIOUS INFLUENCE ON

ENUGU-AGU ACHI, ENUGU STATE, NIGERIA.

OJIEKWE, EPHRAIM CHINEDU

2008097001F

DEPARTMENT OF RELIGION AND HUMAN RELATIONS

NNAMDI AZIKIWE UNIVERSITY

AWKA – NIGERIA.

DECEMBER, 2011.

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OKEKPARAKPARA DEITY AND ITS SOCIO-RELIGIOUS INFLUENCE ON

ENUGU-AGU ACHI, ENUGU STATE, NIGERIA.

OJIEKWE, EPHRAIM CHINEDU

2008097001F

A DISSERTATION SUBMITTED TO THE DEPARTMENT OF RELIGION AND

HUMAN RELATIONS IN PARTIAL FULFILMENT OF THE REQUIRMENTS

FOR THE AWARD OF THE DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY (Ph. D) DEGREE IN

RELIGION AND HUMAN RELATIONS

FACULTY OF ARTS

NNAMDI AZIKIWE UNIVERSITY, AWKA – NIGERIA.

DECEMBER, 2011.

CERTIFICATION

I, OJIEKWE, EPHRAIM CHINEDU, with the Reg. No. 2008097001F, hereby certify that this dissertation is original and has been written by me. It is a record of my research and has not been submitted before in part or full for any other degree of this University or any other institution or any previous publication.

------Ojiekwe, Ephraim Chinedu Date (Student)

------Prof. J. E. Madu Date (Supervisor)

APPROVAL PAGE

We ratify that this Dissertation carried out under our supervision, has been examined and found to have met the regulations of Nnamdi Azikiwe University, Awka. We therefore approve the work for the award of Ph.D. Degree in Religion and Human Relations

(African Traditional Religion).

------Prof. Jude Emeka Madu Date (Supervisor)

------Rev. Fr. Prof. A. B. C. Chiegboka Date (Head of Department)

------Prof. C. O. Tagbo Ugwu Date (External Examiner)

DEDICATION

This work is dedicated to the evergreen memories of my father, Late Pillar Chief Gilbert

Ojiekwe (Ochiagha 1 of Enugu-Agu Achi) and my mother, his loving wife, Late Ezinne

LoLo Adaugo Chibugo Janet Ojiekwe (Agbara-ruo-uka) and to the souls of all the faithful departed.

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ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

My profound gratitude goes first to God Almighty for His bountiful benevolence unconditionally showered on me during the course of this research, and for bringing this work to a successful completion. I wish to start highlighting the assistance rendered to me during this work by first appreciating exceedingly the wealth of academic proficiency emptied into this work from the competent hands of my indomitable supervisor – Prof.

Jude Emeka Madu under whose guidance this work has come to fruition. Words are insufficient to express my gratitude to him for the special role he played in this investigation.

I thank the Head of the Department of Religion and Human Relations, Rev. Fr. Prof. A.

B. C. Chiegboka for his concerns in the progress of the students of this noble department and for his relevant intellectual insights and support of the topic of study. It is my heartfelt desire to thank Very Rev. Msgr. Prof. J. P. C. Nzomiwu and The Very Rev.

Prof. D. C. Okeke for their remarkable learned contributions to my academic life. I thank them for their enthusiastic audience that sustained my confidence. I am equally grateful to Rev. Fr. Prof. B. A. C. Obiefuna for his encouragement and technical input in this work.

I recognize and appreciate the great help and support from other academic staff of the department like Very Rev. Dr. P. E. Nmah and Dr. O. O. C. Uche especially for their advice and their assistance in providing me with some relevant literature. May God reward them abundantly! I thank Dr. L. E. Ugwuenye, Dr. (Mrs) E. O. Ezenweke, Ven.

B. O. S. Udezo for their support and inspiration. Others to whom I owe my gratitude include: Rev. Fr C. J. B. G. Okpalike, Mr. I. L. Umeanolue, Mr. K. L. Nwadialor, Miss

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A. M. Uzoigwe and Mr. S. C. Mgbemena. I sincerely appreciate your presence and unique contributions to this work. I can never forget to acknowledge the importance and help of the non-academic staff of the department of this great institution- Mrs. M. C

Nweke, Mrs. G.S. Ugochukwu and Rev. Sr. O.J. Obayi; their secretarial work can never be under-rated in the success of this study.

Mr. D. N. Agha and Mr Emeka Nzeh C’s invaluable and priceless time, energy and talents shown in this work would forever evoke my profound gratitude. I also thank the

Librarians and the Library staff of Spiritan Theological College, Attakwu (SIST) and to all my typists both in Enugu and Awka, for their great help to me.

Furthermore, I acknowledge the immeasurable moral and financial support and psychological boost accorded to me by my siblings – Prince Azunna Nze-Ojiekwe; Nze

Chidi Alexis Ojiekwe; Bar. Henry Ikechukwu Ofoebgunam Ojiekwe; Chief Valentine

Chidozie Ofoegbunam Ojiekwe; Princess Caroline Tochukwu Ojiekwe; Matron Loreto

Chinwe Ojiekwe Samuel; Nurse Eucharia Ojiekwe and Mr.Samuel Onuoha throughout the course of this work. I most truthfully appreciate their admirable co-operation. Though too many to mention, I equally acknowledge the assistance and concern of Chief Dr. Alex

Obiechina; Engr. O. C Ezedozie; Engr Agubata Linus; Engr Cyril Obitulata and Engr.

Isaac Okah respectively. May you be favorably rewarded!

Finally, to all those who have responded favourably to my research questionnaire and all those that have proof-read my dissertation and offered significant ways to enhance it, I shower thanks of sincerity and gratitude.

OJIEKWE EPHRAIM CHINEDU

TABLE OF CONTENTS

CONTENTS PAGES Fly Leaf ------i Title Page ------ii Requirement Page ------iii Certification ------iv Approval page ------v Dedication ------vi Acknowledgements ------vii Table of Contents ------ix Abstract ------xii

CHAPTER ONE: INTRODUCTION 1.1 Background of the Study ------1 1.2 Statement of the Problem - - - - - 7 1.3 Purpose of the Study ------8 1.4 Significance of the Study ------9 1.5 Scope of the Study ------10 1.6 Methodology ------11 1.7 Definition of Terms ------12

CHAPTER TWO: LITERATURE REVIEW 2.1 Preamble ------14 2.2 Genesis of Igbo Traditional Religion and the Position of the Deities ------16 2.3 Concept of Deities in Igbo Traditional Religion - - 18 2.4 The Significance of Deities in Igbo Traditional Religion - 24 2.5 Igbo Worldview ------27 2.5.1 Man in Igbo Thought ------33 2.5.2 The Igbo Philosophy of Life - - - - - 36 2.5.3 The Igbo Traditional Attitudes towards Women - - 41 2.6 Gender in Igbo Cosmology - - - - - 43 2.6.1 Religious Rituals and Gender Inequality - - - 46 2.6.2 Ritual as Communication Symbols - - - - 50 2.7 The Concept of Ofo in Igbo Traditional Worship - - 52 2.8 Concept of Sacrifice in Igbo Traditional Religion - - 56 2.8.1 Expiation Sacrifice (Ikpu-alu or Ikpocha-ife) - - - 57 2.8.2 Sacrifice to ward off Molestation from unknown Spirits - 59 2.8.3 Petition ------59

2.8.4 Thanksgiving ------60 2.8.5 Interior Sacrifice ------60 2.9 The Igbo Concept of Worship - - - - - 61 2.10 Shrine in Igbo Traditional Belief - - - - 65 2.11 Summary of Literature Review - - - - - 66

CHAPTER THREE: THE PHENOMENOLOGY OF THE OKEKPARAKPARA DEITY 3.1 The Origin and Meaning of Okekparakpara Deity - - 75 3.2 Nature of Okekparakpara Deity - - - - 77 3.3 Functions/Importance of Okekparakpara to the Enugu Agu Achi ------83 3.3.1 Economic Functions ------85 3.3.2 Political Functions ------86 3.3.3 Social Functions ------88 3.3.4 Religious Functions ------90 3.4 Demerits of Okekparakpara Deity in the Lives of Enugu-Agu Achi People ------91 3.4.1 Caste System (Osu practice) - - - - - 92 3.4.2 Negative Economic Consequences - - - - 93 3.4.3 Lack of Forgiveness ------93

CHAPTER FOUR: OKEKPARAKPARA LITURGICAL CULT WORSHIP 4.1.1 The appropriateness of the officiating functionary - - 96 4.1.2 Purity of the presiding person and use of sacred emblems - 97 4.1.3 Availability of the necessary materials - - - - 98 4.1.4 Constitution of the liturgical assembly - - - - 98 4.1.5 Adherence to traditional liturgical procedure - - - 99 4.1.6 Confidentiality ------99 4.1.7 Disposition of the presiding officer, good memory and dutifulness of the person ------99 4.2 Signs, Symbols and Images of Okekparakpara Deity and their Socio-Religious Significance - - - - - 101 4.3 Okekparakpara Ritual Worship and the Traditional Deities in Achi ------109 4.3.1 The Traditional Festivals and Gender Involvement in Enugu-Agu Achi ------112 4.3.2 Liturgical Procedure and Celebrations in the Worship of Okekparakpara Deity ------116

4.3.3 Singing, Music and Dances in the Socio-Religious Ceremonial Worship of Okekparakpara Deity in Enugu-Agu Achi - 122 4.3.4 The Sacrifices and the Liturgical Words in the Worship of Okekparakpara Deity ------125 4.4 The Liturgical Calendar of Okekparakpara Deity 134 4.5 The Shrine of Okekparakpara Deity - - - - 135 4.6 The Diversity of the Okekparakpara Liturgical Cult Worship 137

CHAPTER FIVE: GENDER DISCRIMINATION AND ITS SOCIO-RELIGIOUS INFLUENCE IN THE OKEKPARAKPARA LITURGICAL WORSHIP 5.1 Male and Female participation in Okekparakpara Ritual Worship ------145 5.2 Enugu-Agu Culture and the Issue of Gender Involvement and Responsibility ------151 5.2.1 The Role of Kola Nut (Oji Igbo) in the Enugu-Agu Achi Traditional Worship ------153 5.2.2 Women and Priesthood of Okekparakpara Deity in Enugu-Agu Achi ------156 5.2.3 Inheritance ------160 5.3 The Priest of Okekparakpara Deity - - - - 162 5.3.1 The Responsibilities and Importance of the Priests - - 164 5.3.2 The Liturgical Costume of Okekparakpara Priests and their Sitting Position ------167 5.4 Impact of Gender Discrimination on the Social, Economic, Religious and Political Life of Enugu-Agu Achi Society - 179 5.5 The Influence of Modernization and Globalization in the Worship of Okekparakpara Deity - - - - 172

CHAPTER SIX: SUMMARY AND CONCLUSION 6.1 Summary ------178 6.2 Conclusion ------182 6.3 Recommendations ------184 6.4 Suggestions for Further Research - - - - 185 References ------186 Appendix ------198

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ABSTRACT

The belief in the worship of Okekparakpara deity is entrenched in Igbo traditional religion. Okekparakpara is a spirit-force that is believed to be very vibrant, active and highly dreaded by the worshippers. The deity punishes miscreants and rewards good people by favouring them. It encourages socio-religious interaction especially during its numerous ceremonies and celebrations. Thus, its worship is very essential and paramount to the people of Enugu-Agu Achi. This act of worship in its effect, were meant to unify and increase the sense of belonging among them. However, the various phenomena of the deity tend to be gender and family discriminatory. This seems to pose an enigma to the much needed socio-religious relationships among family members, community members and friends. This work therefore, is an attempt to investigate the origin, nature of

Okekparakpara deity and its link with the Enugu-Agu Achi culture. Also, it is to examine its socio-religious influence on the worshippers in this era of modernization and globalization. The study was based on Social Cognitive Theory and Self-Efficacy by

Enugu-Agu Achi people as a framework. The designs of the study were survey. Both primary and secondary sources were used for data collection and interpreted using area- culture approach. The work found out that modernization and globalization have affected the worship of Okekparakpara deity socio-religiously. Also, there are some culturally restricted norms and customs which promote discrimination among the worshippers. The findings were presented by the use of descriptive analytical tools like frequency tables, pie-charts and histograms. The study made some recommendations which would hopefully address observed anomalies.

CHAPTER ONE

INTRODUCTION

1.1 Background of the Study

Belief in divine powers and authorities is entrenched in Igbo traditional society and Enugu-Agu Achi is not an exception. This is typified in the myths associated with the existence of mermaid-spirits, appearance of the dead and other unusual physical manifestations of Supernatural forces, which are predominant among many African communities (Mbiti, 1970, Opoku, 1978). Undoubtedly, these beliefs influence the daily lives of the people, which manifest in their value scales and attitudinal orientations.

The Okekparakpara deity is one principal divine power believed in and worshipped by Enugu-Agu Achi people. The deity is located in “Owuru” community under Umumba clan of Enugu-Agu Achi.The choice of Owuru as the homestead of the deity was as old as the community itself since the area happened to be the first settling point for the whole of Umumba people. Close to the shrine of the deity is a market square known as “Ujiri” which holds every Afor market day, where people gather together to sell their farm products and also to relax after their daily activities. Owuru is so centrally and strategically located in Enugu-Agu

Achi that the presence of the shrine of Okekparakpara deity close to the market square gives a sort of identity, security, unity and solidarity to the people.

Consequently, the life, culture and existence of the aborigines of Enugu-Agu Achi

2 were woven around the deity and its worship. There was serious Okekparakpara consciousness and even when Christianity came to the scene, most of the worshippers could not easily join the new faith due to fear of punishment by the deity, loss of protection and security. This was why Obiechina (1978) says that

“traditional Igbo religion was and is still inextricably bound-up with Igbo culture”

(p.208).

In a typical Enugu-Agu Achi tradition and culture, deities like Okekparakpara are called “Arunshi” or “Arushi”. The name was coined to represent contrivances or devices instituted or set up by their ancestors to ward off evil or negative forces beyond their powers. In line with this view, worshippers claim that the deity guarantees protection and progress to the people of Enugu-Agu Achi. Consequent upon this, sacrifices and worship were accorded the deity by all the Enugu-Agu

Achi people in the olden days. According to Ifesieh (1989), worship is an important aspect of all religion. It is the heart of all religion. It is the means through which man responds to the appearance of the holy, that is, to the sacred, transcendental power. Thus, in Enugu-Agu Achi traditional religion, the worship of Okekparakpara deity appears to be very essential and paramount to the people.

The name “Okekparakpara” strikes a note of fear in the ears of every body especially in the olden days. Some people referred to it as “the god of thunder” since they believed that the deity is connected with thunder. Literally speaking, the

3 people explained the meaning of the name as “excessive vibrance or vigorous activity”. In the olden days, an everage Enugu-Agu Achi person would prefer not to hold any discussion about the deity. Okekparakpara deity has a number of distinctive and thought-provoking qualities. These include the use of two substantive male priests serving the deity at the same time, the presence of twelve messenger-spirits attached to its functions and the issue of some strange physical manifestations ascribed to the deity. Up to the incumbent priests, the priesthood of the deity is confined to only two particular families in Owuru clan. From these two families, only the male members can officiate as priests and can constitute the liturgical assembly. They conduct consecrations, pour libations and offer sacrifices to the deity. Participation during ritual celebration is not very open and free since there is high degree of restrictions to certan gender and to certain people.

Consequently, this generated fear and lack of sense of purpose and oneness. And as such, solidarity amongst the worshippers was affected.

Worship of Okekparakpara deity involves the use of symbols and images, consecrations, sacrifices, singing, music, incantations, pouring of libations and celebration of specific festivals attached to the deity. In the words of Firth (1973)

“symbols are not simple communication media, they can be envisaged as possessing a spontaneous power in themselves” (p.49). He explained further that the symbols are potent store house of information and crucial factors in the activity field. In the worship of Okekparakpara deity, the different symbols are

4 used during different circumstances. Some of these symbols like “Aro” and “Oji” appear almost identical but are believed to have different Supernatural powers and uses. Certain people like women and men who are not of the priesthood families are not allowed to touch or to handle them because they are very sacred. It has been an acceptable fact that the Igbo people believe in the existence of

Supernatural powers even before the colonial era and it served them. Many of their needs were met through means that cannot be empirically verified successfully

(Opoku, 1978).

In Madu (2006), a deity like “Agwu” is believed to come into full operation in man with a liberating force, compassion and commitment in order to maintain cosmic balance and healthy human relationship. In Enugu-Agu Achi, worshippers of Okekparakpara deity ascribe a lot of socio-religious functions to the deity.

These functions include – unification functions, control of crime, promotion of human rights, justice, peace and love amongst worshippers, creation of a spirit of oneness, protection of cultural norms and traditions, as well as guaranteeing the over-all growth and development of the people. Moreso, it promotes and enhances morality in the community.

Eventhough, in recent times, it is noted that the people have strong belief in the socio-religious influence of Okekparakpara deity in their lives. It is also observed that the socio-religious lives of the people is on the decline. There are instances of

5 incest, abortions, robbery, kidnapping, murder and sexual promiscuity and such other vices. Obviously, and in the light of the fore-going, the belief of the people on the socio-religious efficacy or influence of the deity becomes questionable. It may be necessary to mention that as in many world religions, the Igbo belief that any deity that has no answer to the people’s needs should be replaced and that meeting the needs of the people are usually through these intermediaries (Nwala,

1985 and Dempster, Klaus and Peterson, 1991).

As earlier said, Okekparakpara deity has two priests serving it at a time. These priests in collaboration with other priests of Ala-Elugwu and Achihi deities determine the partern and mode of celebration of common festivals like New Yam festival and Nnekeji festival in Achi land. The Nnekeji festival used to be very popularly celebrated especially in Enugu-Agu-Achi. In preparation for this festival, certain sacrifices are first made to Okekparakpara deity in its shrine and elaborate celebrations are made at the shrine on a particular day. These celebrations served a social function of bringing all Enugu-Agu Achi people home. In the olden days, new yam could not be consumed without first being offered to the deity. Nowadays, some of these practices have reduced to some extent with the influence of modernity. Nnekeji festival records fairly significant participation currently and a good number of people buy and eat the new yam in their various homes without much regard to the deity. Ezekwonna (2005) affirmed that culture is not static but dynamic. It changes in time and space since

6 change is an inevitable phenomenon in any human society. As such in recent times, the rate of cultural diffusion especially with regard to Okekparakpara deity and its socio-religious impact on the people of Enugu-Agu Achi seems to be at high.

Despite the influence of Christianity and its attempt to view the world from different perspectives, the lives of many Enugu-Agu Achi people are still being influenced by their cultural belief system. Ndiokwere (1994) observed that

Christian faith among the Igbo in general and Enugu-Agu inclusive is very shallow. It has not penetrated beyond the skin such that they still patronize their traditional deity. Moreover, Christianity and Christian conviction are yet not quite internalized (Madu, 2000). Thus, a critical examination of the socio-religious life of the people of Enugu-Agu Achi could reveal a great deal of practices and phenomena that are incongruous with the claim of the worshippers who tend to arrogate much positive or beneficial influence on the deity, Okekparakpara.

Human beings are conditioned by their environment and together with genetic influence one’s ideas are sometimes influenced and shaped by what one sees and/or does regularly in his environment. It is culture that makes a people a distinctive group. Our context determines what we see, hear, value and appreciate

(Manus, 2003). Against this background, there is need for a conscious and objective study of Okekparakpara deity and its socio-religious influence on the

7 people of Enugu-Agu Achi community to filter and to ensure that the positive influence are upheld so as to foster a good rapport among the people.

This study therefore is an attempt to assess the credibility of Okekparakpara as a deity and to analyze its positive and negative socio-religious influence on the people of Enugu-Agu community.

1.2 Statement of the Problem

The above background study warrants an investigation into the relevance and exact influence of Okekparakpara deity in the socio-religious life of Enugu-Agu

Achi people in this era of globalization and modernity. Furthermore, there seems to be insufficient studies in this area which has created a knowledge gap in literature thereby leading to practices probably based on assumptions and suppositions. In every socio-religious activity, participation of every member is necessary to make valid the celebration. Mbiti (1975) opined the fact that “I participate and therefore I am”. A situation where certain people are denied full participation in the religious life of the community is discriminatory and contravenes the individuals’ human right and dignity. Moreover, “to be” in

Igboland is to “be communal”, and to be excluded is personal extermination. In other words, “I am because we are and because we are, I am”. Therefore, if the

Okekpaakpara deity influences negatively the life of the Enugu-Agu people, then, the benefits may be eluding some members of the worshipping community due to

8 some discriminatory practices. But where there is positive impact, unity, oneness of purpose and solidarity among the worshippers are ensured.

The problem of this study is therefore itemized as follows:

Why is Okekparakpara deity mystified and dreaded gravely by its

worshippers?

Does the deity Okekparakpara actually have any positive socio-religious

influence on the people of Enugu-Agu Achi?

Why are the socio-religious phenomena of the deity gender and family

specific?

What are the effects of discriminatory tendencies in the socio-religious,

economic and political life of Enugu-Agu Achi people?

What are the impacts of globalization and modernity on the socio-religious

influence of Okekparakpara deity?

1.3 Purpose of the Study

The major purpose of the study is therefore:

 To examine the origin and nature of this deity called Okekparakpara and to

identify its link with Enugu-Agu Achi culture.

 Secondly, to analyze the mode of ritual worship of Okekparakpara deity

stressing its socio-religious, economic and political influence on the people

of Enugu-Agu Achi community.

 Thirdly, is to investigate and identify the areas of disrimination in the

worship of Okekparakpara deity and to verify why it is gender and family

specific.

 Fourthly, to evaluate the impacts of globalization and modernity on

Okekparakpara worship on Enugu-Agu Achi community.

 Finally, to make some useful suggestions believed to be a panacea to

observed anomalies

1.4 Significance of the Study

The findings of this work will be beneficial to Enugu-Agu Igbo traditional and

Christian believers alike, pastors, scholars and general public as stated below. This research will broaden the minds of the entire community. It will give an insight into their traditional culture as the basis of their political, socio-economic and religious institutions, as well as, the interpretation and expression of their ritual worship of the Okekparakpara deity. It will help them to come to appreciate their religious and socio-cultural values more than ever.

For the Christians, it will help them to come to a better realization of the need for accommodation and assimilation of certain traditional customs and norms and be ever ready to dispose of those, which are arbitrarily, against our women folk human rights, especially in this era of modernization and globalization.

More so, it will open the eyes of the general public on the negative effects of discriminations as it concerns the gender differentiation. Ghali (1995), the former president of the United Nations, observed in Beijing, China, that “gender disparities and unacceptable inequalities persist in all countries” (p. 3).

This study will help to bridge the huge gap caused by the fear and uncertainty that still exists between the real facts and assumptions about the deity. It will also open more areas for scholars in religious studies, social science, cultural studies and many other allied courses for further investigation.

1.5 Scope of the Study

The origin, nature and functions of Okekparakpara deity were studied. Various socio-religious issues on Okekparakpara ritual activities were raised and studied.

The study also took a look at some concepts and phenomena as found elsewhere.

The issue of traditional festivals and gender and family involvement, as they affects Enugu-Agu Achi culture and its link with the Okekparakpara deity were discussed.

Also, studied were the impact of gender discrimination on the socio-religious, economic and political life of Enugu-Agu Achi community. Moreover, the advent of Christianity and the influence of globalization and modernization on the worship of Okekparakpara deity were examined.

1.6 Methodology

The study is essentially a descriptive research. It is a form of research that studies a specific situation (that is, Okekparakpara deity and its socio-religious influence on Enugu-Agu Achi).

The authority and authenticity of any tradition depend on how far it is supported or given credence to primary as well as secondary sources. Hence, the instruments for data collection for this study consisted of both primary and secondary sources.

The primary sources consisted of the use of interviews using closed and open ended questions and observation method, while the secondary sources consisted of documented materials both published and unpublished studies or simple works on aspects of the history and culture of the people of Enugu-Agu Achi and neighbouring Igbo communities. Articles and monographs written by indigenous

Nigerian and foreign authors were also used.

The data collected was analyzed by the use of area-culture approach of interpretation. This was found most appropriate because of the culture bound nature of the study. It helped the researcher to ensure and maintain originality.

Moreover, the data were presented by the use of descriptive statistical techniques involving frequency tables, pie charts and histograms.

1.7 Definition of Terms

The following terms are defined in this work, Gender, liturgy, Deity, and Culture.

(a) Gender: The concept of gender in this work concerns the psychological,

social and cultural differences between males and females. It is

distinguishable from the term sex which refers to physical differences of

the body (Giddens, 1993; Uchem, 2005). In other words, it is used to refer

to those socio-religiously defined capacities and attributes assigned to

Enugu-Agu Achi persons on the basis of their alleged sexual

characteristics. Gender in this work refers to both Enugu-Agu female and

male human identity. It has nothing much to do with their biological

category of sexual differentiation.

(b). Liturgy: Liturgy is a fixed form of public worship used in religions. Thus,

Ersenhofer & Lechner (1961), states that “it is an act of religion, an act that

unites both body and soul together” (p. 33). In this work, therefore, it is an

“action” of the whole Enugu-Agu Achi Igbo traditional believers gathered

as cult members in celebration. It is the whole believers that celebrate. It

implies a communal life, a communal life that is solidly organized.

It is the traditional worship that involves ritual sacrifices. It is an act

through which the Enugu-Agu traditional worshippers appease and venerate

the Okekparakpara deity.

(c). Deity: Deity is a concept used traditionally to refer to either a male or

female spirit-force. It is a concept in this work used to identify the spiritual

being called Okekparakpara (Ifesieh, 1989). In the context of this work, it

is the personification of a force or power.

Deity refers to the sons and daughters of Chukwu in Igbo pantheon. It is

sometimes referred to as the messengers and the manifestations of the

power of Chukwu, the Supreme Being.

(d). Culture: The concept of culture in this investigation embraces all aspects

of the life of the people of Enugu-Agu that include what they believe in,

what they do and the way they do things. It is a complex whole which

includes knowledge, belief, art, moral, custom and any other capacities and

habits acquired by Enugu-Agu man or woman as a member of the

community (Tylor, 1871; Arinze, 2008 and Wikipedia, 2009).

Hence, the concept of culture in this sense of writing consists of the values

the Enugu-Agu Achi community, the norms they followed, and the material

goods they created (Ekwunife, 2003). It is that which makes the Enugu-

Agu people a distinctive group.

CHAPTER TWO

LITERATURE REVIEW

2.1 Preamble

It is quite obvious from the researcher’s experience that in every research work, or rather in any investigative processes, review of related literature is very important and vital as it helps the researcher to get acquainted with the past and present works as related to the topic of investigation. This is why Osuala (2005), says that,

“one of the easiest ways of bridging our effort in any enquiry is to review and build upon work already done by others” (p. 39).

Review of related literature therefore remains crucial such that any researcher that ignores it does so at his/her own detriment because he or she will end up using un- productive techniques and methods and thereby failing to contribute much to the advancement of human knowledge which every researcher aims to achieve.

To the best of the researcher’s knowledge, not much have been written and published on Achi town in general and Enugu-Agu Achi in particular, more especially as it concerns the Okekparakpara deity. This notwithstanding, other literary sources that are related to this one will be consulted.

To undertake the task of the chapter, the researcher collated and reviewed various and varied literary sources of relevance to the study under the following sub- headings:

2.2. Genesis of Igbo Traditional Religion and the position f the Deities.

2.3. Concept of Deities in Igbo Traditional Religion.

2.4. The Significance of Deities in Igbo Traditional Religion..

2.5. Igbo Worldview.

2.5.1 Man in Igbo thought.

2.5.2 The Igbo Philosophy of life.

2.5.3 The Igbo traditional attitudes towards women.

2.6 Gender in Igbo cosmology.

2.6.1 Religious rituals and gender inequality.

2.6.2 Ritual as communication symbols.

2.7 The concept of Ofo in Igbo traditional worship.

2.8 Concepts of Sacrifice in Igbo traditional religion.

2.8.1 Expiation Sacifice (Ikpu-alu or Ikpocha-ife).

2.8.2 Sacifice to ward off molestation from unknown spirits.

2.8.3 Petition.

2.8.4 Thanksgiving.

2.8.5 Interior sacrifice.

2.9 The Igbo concept of worship.

2.10 Shrine in Igbo traditional belief.

2.11 Summary of the Literature review.

2.2. Genesis of Igbo Traditional Religion and the Position of Deities

Religion could be defined as faith and practice involving the relationship between mankind and what is regarded as sacred. According to Tylor (1871), religion arose out of intellectual curiosity concerning mental status and other things that are not fully understood. Metuh (1991) defined religion as:

The outward act or form by which men indicate their recognition of the

existence of God or (of gods) having power over their destiny, to whom

obedience, service and honour are due; the feeling or expression of human

love, fear or awe of some superhuman and over-ruling power, whether by

profession of belief, by observance of rites and ceremonies or by the

conduct of life. (p. 20).

Idowu (1973) observed that the people of West Africa (the Igbo people inclusive) generally believe in a pantheon of deities who share aspects of the divine status and are believed to have emanated from the Supreme Being. They are also concerned about the objective phenomena of the religion. Most offerings and sacrifices revolve around these deities who appear to have dominated the whole life of the people. In his own contribution, Ugwu (2002) opined that the position of the deities in West African traditional religion has helped tremendiously in bringing the state of affairs between the two realms of existence (sacred and profane) to a state of equilibrium.

The Igbo pantheon has a hierarchy of beings in its retinue. At the head of the hierarchy is Chi-Ukwu (the Supreme Being) who is regarded as the creator and sustainer of the universe. Hence, they call him Onye Okike (one who creates), or

Onye nwe Uwa (One who owns the world) and accordingly reverence and worship are accorded the being. Afigbo (1981) traced the origin of Igbo traditional religion to two main periods he termed b-horizon and c-horizon. B-horizon was marked by recession of pure intuition, the fall of man, the withdrawal of the creator (the

Supreme Being) and dominance of man’s daily existence by a host of gods and spirits. Since this Being became removed from the created world, he left the world to the watchful eyes of the deities. The C-horizon marks the era of Arochukwu ascendency with its Ibinukpabia oracle in Igboland. Hence, Igbo traditional religion originated as a direct revelation of “Chukwu”, “Chineke” to the earliest

Igbo ancestors. In the course of time, the ancestors lost touch with the original revelation and turned their back on Chukwu but focused on the worship of created things like “Ani” or “Ala” (the Earth goddess) not as a creator but as their sustainer and protector. This leads to the theory of the origin of Igbo traditional religion as a combination of psychological and sociological needs for their protection and survival (Afigbo, 1981).

The definition of religion by Mbiti (1975) underscores or implies the existence of a divinity or Supernatural power in every religious activity of the people. The people recognize the obvious limitations and the transcendentality of these powers

18 over their lives and so pay obedience, honour and worship to them. Their attitude to the Supernatural includes belief and a code of ethical behavior, rites and ceremonies.

2.3 Concept of Deities in Igbo Tradaitional Religion

Obidigbo, as cited by Iroegbu (2009) defines a deity as a Supernatural being with such powers and attributes believed in and most times worshipped by a people and believed or thought to control some parts of their life. This view stems from the fundamental belief by Africans in the existence of two worlds. Ugwu (2002) presented the two worlds as – the visible, tangible and material world (Uwa) inhabited by God’s creatures and the invisible, intangible and immaterial world

(Ala mmuo) inhabited by the Supreme Being and his other agents –Deities. Madu

(2004) confirmed this when he said that:

The cosmological sketch of the Igbos of Nigeria consists of three-tier

intimately related but distinct worlds, each of which is well inhabited - the

heavens, the earth and the under world. The heaven is the abode of the

Supreme Being (Chukwu/Chineke) and such major divinities like Amadioha

(thunder god). The earth is the home of the earth goddess (Ala/Ani) and

man…the ancestors and myriads of spirit forces inhabit the underworld. (p. 5).

Hence, the Igbo people as well as Enugu-Agu Achi in particular believe in an

Ultimate reality. And the search for this Ultimate reality for any human group

19 begins with their attempts to explain the world around them. The Igbo world is one world, that is, one world which includes not only the peoples’ view of the

Supernatural but also their understanding of the nature of the universe, the nature of human beings and their place in the world. It is generally believed all over

Igboland that the universe was created. The creator is God Himself and in many

African languages and Igbo language in particular, the name of God means creator. In Igbo He is called Chukwu (Great God), Chineke (the creator). It is the

Igbo belief that God continues to create and that the universe is a religious universe (Mbiti, 1975). Man is the centre of the universe and turns part of the universe into sacred objects and uses other things for sacrifices and offerings. In

Igbo traditional believe nobody can reach the edge of the universe; it has no edge or rim. The universe is believed to be unending and without limits. As man remains at the centre of the universe, God, the Supreme Being is ultimately the sustainer, keeper and upholder of the universe (Arinze, 1970).

The Igbo as a people owe their existence to Chukwu, the Supreme Being who is the creator and whose central significance and comprehensive importance with individuals and the universe as a whole are known. They demonstrate this belief through their myths, native folk tales, proverbs and idioms that Chukwu created all things and to buttress further His greatness, He controls all that he has created.

Chukwu in the Igbo vocabulary remains and is seen as a central ontological magnetic knot that draws all things to self, interacting with both the living and the

20 non-living things at their various degrees according to their cognitive or instinctive abilities or power in space and time (Ifesieh, 1989).

In Igbo belief, it is the Supreme Being who gave moral order to people so that they might live happily and in harmony with one another. Through this moral order, customs and institutions have arisen in all communities. It helps the people to know what is good and evil, right and wrong, truthful and false and to be able to formulate their own values. There is power in the universe, the mystical power which governs the universe. This power is available to spirits and to certain human beings. This power helps them perform wonders and ‘miracles’ such as rain making, finding the cause of the misfortunes and troubles. It is regarded as evil magic, witchcraft or sorcery (Mbiti, 1975). The Igbo people have so many spiritual beings in the invisible world of reality. Thus, Ogbajie (1995) confirmed that:

Categories of being in Igbo invisible world are many. Different powers are

called up in different situations…. The world of Igbo man cannot be

completely understood without his conception of mystical forces, which the

Igbo man calls “Ogwu”. Simply put, “Ogwu” is a force of vital energy or

mystical power that is employed for medical, magical, sorcery and

witchcraft purposes. (p. 56).

There is a strong belief among the Igbo people on the great pantheon of deities.

Many of these deities are the expression of the forces of nature, which men fear or try to propitiate. They generally have their own shrines, priests and their worshippers cannot justly be called Animists but polytheists since they worship a variety of deities. They are not restricted to one place. Many of them are everywhere and have numerous shrines; even if there is only one shrine, the deity is not imprisoned in it (Arinze, 1970).

The Deities are sometimes referred to as the sons of Chukwu, or his messengers and sometimes as his manifestations. In Ugwu (2002), they share aspects of the divine status and are often believed to have emanated from the Supreme Being. In other words, the deities are in existence only as a consequence of the Supreme

Being. Some Igbo scholars like Anyanwu (1999); Ugwu (2002) and Madu (2004) hold that the Supreme Being is a Deus Otiosu – that God has completely left the universe in the hands of the deities who then act independently but for God and are considered to be generally beyond human reproof. On another note, the deities hold a mediatory role between God and man or the rest of the world. In this case, the deities are God’s servants or messengers. They were always treated with reverence and with awe.

Deities are paramountly concerned with the function of mediating between God and the world. They operate between the realm of the profane and the sacred. They were believed to have the power of rewarding human beings or punishing them

22 with misfortune, disease or even death. The divinities have their cults, priests and shrines and there were some among them which were associated with various features of the environment: but these palpable objects were the abodes of the deities and not the deities themselves. The deities are usually regarded as male, although some are thought of as female. Most are believed to dwell in the sky above and beyond the human world; many also have immanent or terrestrial aspects, which may be harmful in contrast to the generally benign nature of the deity in the sky (Opoku, 1978).

Based on the cultural background and religious orientation, the name which was given to these deities differs from one culture area to another. But the mode of worship and their roles are similar primarily because of their interceding functions

(Ugwu, 2002). Corroborating this view, Anyanwu (cited in Iroegbu, 2009) explained further that Igbo deities are generally believed to be many and are classified loosely as major and minor deities. Major deities are said to be universal or acknowledged within such a wide social group as the tribe or nation. Example

Anyanwu, Ahajioku, Ala, Igwe.The minor deities on the other hand are those with whom the destiny of particular localities are associated and which occupy influential positions in those societies and have their shrines in them. To this group, Metuh (1999) identified such deities as Ogwugwu, Idemili, Ojukwu, Ngwu,

Ulasi, Ubu, Ele. Okekparakpara deity having been located at Enugu-Agu Achi community and influencing the lives of the people fall appropriately into this group of minor deities.

Sacrifices visibly offered to the Deities are believed by the Igbo to be ultimately received by Chineke, the former, being only mediators. This Igbo theology is now clearly and logically expressed by modern writers as in the words of Arinze

(2008):

Worship of the lesser deities is an act of worshipping the high god, who is

considered to be immanent in subordinate beings or is symbolized by the

images of lesser deities. In any case, whatever powers the inferior deities

possess, these powers are ultimately derived from God, the source. Thus

among the Igbo in Eastern Nigeria, deity shrines (among which are those of

Ani) are common but it is also understood that the deities are descendant

powers, essentially considered of Chukwu - Chi, Ekuke, Chineke. (p. 108).

Nwoga (1984) in trying to prove that Christian God is not the Igbo God and that both operate on a different platform also agreed that “the Supreme God (Being) is worshipped through the minor deities. He neither has any cults to himself nor priest whether he is remote or immanent; worship of the other deities goes indirectly to Him” (p. 61). Contrary to the views expressed already by various authors on Igbo traditional religion, Arazu (2005) insists that Chukwu is definitely

“paid practical cult” especially in Ihembosi in Ekwusigo Local Government Area of Anambra State, where a whole native week is dedicated every year to the worship of Chukwu at his ancient shrine. Everybody takes part in the ceremony, men, women and children. The annual feast of Chukwu in Ihembosi is called

“Igba Okwu Chukwu” (p.173). Also, in line with Arazu’s thought, Ilogu (1974) made a similar discovery in Ihiala town when he noted that:

There are parts of Igboland where public and private shrines of Chineke

exist. At Ihiala I have discovered a public shrine called “Egbo Chukwu”

(the square of the Supreme God). The annual public sacrifice performed at

this shrine and offered to the Supreme God, includes the offering of cocks

by mothers who have given birth to female children, within the period

between one annual celebration and another…. All Ozo titled men at Ihiala

erect household shrines to Chukwu, commonly called Ihu-Chukwu.

Sacrifices are offered at these shrines annually during religious festivals

like Iro- Muo and Ite otite. (p. 51).

Therefore, the researcher deduces from the evidence that in Ihiala and Ihembosi there are some who believe that Chukwu has shrines, priests and cults. Some also believe that Chukwu can be approached directly without medium. Others believe that He is remote and cannot be reached so easily. Thus, believing that to have sacrificed in worship to deities and ancestors is to have worshipped Chukwu or

Chineke.

2.4 The Significance of Deitievs in Igbo Traditional Religion

As noted before concerning the origin of Igbo traditional religion, some scholars have the theory that it is the result of the effect of two great forces – the

25 sociological and psychological needs of the people for protection and survival.

Coroborating this view, Iroegbu (2009) explained that a powerful spirit may be consulted in order to find one’s way in politics, business, dispute and medicine.

For an economic venture, the deity for business, fortune or riches called Mbataku would have to be approached for necessary rites. In Enugu Agu Achi, this particular role was performed by the “Ihu-Ezi” messenger-spirit attached to

Okekparakpara deity. Iroegbu enumerated a number of deities and their roles in human life and welfare. These deities include – Ala (the Earth deity). This is the most important deity and is the basis of law and moral sagacity, progress and stability. When defiled, no other force can stop its retaliation. In Enugu-Agu Achi palance, this deity is termed “Ajala deity”. Amadioha (god of thunder) is associated with Okekparakpara deity n Enugu-Agu Achi. Ikoro (Spirit of war corresponds to what is obtained in Enugu-Agu where Ikoro Okekparakpara deity serves for war and communal emergencies. Agwu remains the spirit for healing and divination. Iroegbu (2009) further observed that the capacity to assist man may be impaired due to consequences of transgressions or moral insufficiencies.

Writing on shrines as homes of deities and oracles, Iroegbu (2009) describes a shrine as places of consultation with esteemed extrahuman forces to answer unanswerable questions in order to allay fear and provide a way out or resolve problems – be they economic, political, religious, kinship, theft, murder, accusation, power-seeking and all that require Supernatural insight and

26 competencies. According to him, oracles have played and continue to play a major role as a form of Supreme (divinatory) court. He cited the Ibinukpabi oracle in

Arochukwu, Agbara oracle in Awka, Igwekala oracle in Umunoha. Iroegbu (2009) explained further that a community may call upon their deities for life regeneration, protection and growth as well as for oath-taking. To buttress this fact, he cited the case of Ogwugwu deity in Okija which was used extensively for oath-taking and settlement of various inter-personal disputes. In conclusion, he explained that shrines in Nigeria are both private and political vehicles and instruments of access to power, political offices and resources.

Deities like Ibinukpabi of Arochukwu are believed to answer question on issues that are mysterious through the medium of qualified priests (Talbot, 1969). In the account of Talbot, the goddess has power to identify sorcerers, witches and poisoners. He also believed that the deity can make barren women fertile and give success in trade, fertility of crops and granting victory in war. Arinze (1970) went ahead to identify three deities as having much influence on the life and welfare of

Igbo people – the Ojukwu deity, Agwu deity and Amadioha or Kamalu deity. He likened the Ojukwu deity to the Yoruba Sanponna because of the much dread worshippers have for the deity. He explained that the Ojukwu is an expression of the wrath of God (Supreme Being) and is god of small pox. The deity is believed to hate evil men and so withholds his aid from them. Arinze (1970) and Madu

(2006) further explained that the Agwu deity is tutelary divinity of diviners who

27 seek to discover secrets and give advice on spiritual matters. The deity can be capricious to the extreme, can hinder or help, bring prosperity or calamity but can be difficult to placate if defiled. Arinze specifically likened the Amadioha to the

Yoruba Sango deity which he explained descends swiftly on moral offenders like witches, murderers, sorcerers, those who steal and those who break his laws. The deity is also believed to be the rain sender and the giver of fertility. Prayers are therefore made to him for good harvest and for children in the home.

2.5 Igbo Worldview

The word “Igbo” is a collective name given to the people who inhabit the South-

East central part of Nigeria. According to Basden (1982), “the Igbo occupy a very considerate area of the South-Eastern corner of Nigeria. The area covered by the

Igbo is so extensive” (p. 27). In accordance with Diara (2001), the word ‘Igbo’ is derived from the root word ‘Ibo’ which is widely held to have genealogically originated from ‘Ibri’, the root word from which the name ‘Hebrew’ was derived.

It refers to both the people and their language just as Njoku (2006) asserts that:

The word ‘Igbo’ is used to refer to those people whose primordial

homeland is Igbo land …. The Igbo share in common some cultural

denominator by which they are identified…. The most common of these is

the Igbo language, their ‘mother tongue. (p. 13).

Many authors have defined ‘world-view’ differently to mean how the world is conceived, contemplated, and perceived by people who live in it. It is the totality of a people’s assumptions. Thus, it gives a sense of direction and purpose to the live of the people, and enables them to act purposefully in exercising a measure of control over their environment. It is the complex of people’s beliefs and attitudes concerning the origin, the nature, structure, organization and interaction of beings in the universe with particular reference to man (Madu, 1997). Hence, different cultures have different ways of ordering their world. Uchendu (1965) asserted that:

The Igbo world is a world in which forces interact, affecting and modifying

behaviour, a world that is delicately balanced between opposing forces each

motivated by self-interest. The interaction may be minimal or even hostile

in character. It is a world in which others can be manipulated for the sake of

an individual status or advancement. (p. 20).

The result of this innate quest by man in his day to day relation with the cosmos, in his strive, and often unconsciously, to have a base in the form of a unifying factor which Oguejiofor (1996) understood and described as “a terminus a quo

(the origin) and ad quem (the end) of life” (p.47), constitutes what is known as

‘world-view’. It was this natural craving by man for an explanation of the cosmos that in turn gives a clue to the concept of the Supreme Being among that human race.

The Igbo world view is, indeed, very striking. In a sense, one can safely say that the Igbo world is “one world”. For the Igbo, the world presents itself as one fluid coherent unit in which the invisible and the visible world “dovetail” unto each other but not to the exclusion of the other. Hence, Metuh (1991), unequivocally echoed that “generally, the world of human experience is seen as one fluid coherent unit in which spirits, man, animals plants and other elements are engaged in continious interactions” (p.38). So, the Igbo world whether visible or invisible is a ‘real’ world in every sense of the word. The invisible world is the counterpart of the visible. It is symbolized or manifested by visible and concrete phenomena and objects of nature. The Igbo people express this metaphysical perception of ultra-sensuous world in this exclamation Uwa-di-egwu, meaning that this world is profoundly mysterious, full of mysteries beyond man’s comprehension.

The point is that the reality of the spiritual world is not an academic proposition; it is rather an empirical, common-place experience. It is a world vision although unique but by no means lacking in coherence. Traditional Igbo religion was, and still is, inextricably bound up with Igbo culture. It is a perverse force. As

Obiechina (1978) aptly puts it:

There is hardly any important area of human experience which is not linked

to the Supernatural and the people’s sense of religion and religious

piety…are part and parcel of the ideological structures of traditional

society, and so essential to a proper interpretation of experience in the

traditional social context. (p. 208).

This pervasiveness of religion through the total way of life of Igbo people gave traditional religion a remarkable wholeness within the context of the culture out of which it originated. But for traditional Igbo Enugu-Agu Achi community is much more than simply a social grouping of people bound together by reasons of natural origin and/or deep common interests and values. It is a society as well as a unity of the visible and the invisible worlds, the world of the physical living on the one hand and the world of the ancestors, divinities and souls of children yet to be born to individual kin-groups (Mbiti, 1975).

In Igbo cosmology, there is Odinani which is defined as a pantheistic faith, having a strong central deity at its head. All things spring from this deity. In

Wikipedia (2009), “a deity is a postulated preternatural or Supernatural immortal being, who may be thought of as holy, divine, or sacred, held in high regard, and represented by believers, often religiously referred to as a god” (p. 225). Deities are depicted in a variety of forms, but are also frequently expressed as having human or animal form. Some faiths and traditions consider it blasphemous to imagine or depict the deity as having any concrete form. They are usually immortal, and are commonly assumed to have personalities and to possess consciousness, intellects, desires, and emotions similar to those of humans. Such

31 natural phenomena as lightening, floods, storms, other ‘acts of God’, and miracles are attributed to them, and they may be thought to be the authorities or controllers of various aspects of human life (such as birth or the afterlife). Some deities are asserted to be the directors of time and fate itself, to be the givers of human law and morality, to be the ultimate judges of human worth and behaviour, and to be the designers and creators of the earth or the universe (Wikipedia, 2009).

Like all religions, Odinani is the vehicle used by its practitioners to understand their world (called “Uwa”), or more specifically, the part of the world that affects them. Chukwu is the Supreme deity in Odinani. The powerful and genderless,

Chukwu is said to be the unknown, infinitely powerful, and absolute force in the cosmos, encompassing everything in space and time itself. Linguistic studies of the Igbo language suggests that the name Chukwu is a portmanteau of the Igbo words “Chi”, as the “spiritual beings’ or “personal gods” are called ukwu which means “great in size” or “formidable”. In this sense, Chukwu comes to mean the

Great God or the God that is powerful. Chukwu as the source of all the other Igbo deities is often referred to as Chineke, “the God who creates” and Ike k’ike meaning “The Supreme Power” (Wikipedia, 2009).

Ekwensu, in Wikipedia (2009), is an Igbo deity with a convoluted modern identity.

Among the Christian Igbo, this deity is misrepresented as the Christian “Devil” or

“Satan” and is seen as a force which places itself opposite to that of Chukwu.

Anthropological studies suggest however that this traditional deity may have been a revered Trickster God, similar to Eshu amongst the Yoruba people. According to

Idowu (cited by Dopamu, 2000) “Evil is not associated with him; rather it is strongly believed that he demands justice, fair play and rectitude” (p. 5). Hence, in

Igbo traditional understanding, this Alusi, (alternatively known as Arusi or Arunshi depending on dialect are minor deities that are worshipped and served in Odinani) was adept at bargains and trade, and praying to Ekwensu was said to guarantee victory in negotiations. As a force of change and chaos, Ekwensu also represented the God of War among the Igbo. He was invoked during times of conflict and banished during peacetime to avoid his influences of inciting bloodshed in the community.

The cosmos itself is divided into “four constituent complexes” known as Okike,

Alusi, Muo, and Uwa. Okike is the event of “Creation’, the Alusi are the lesser deities, Muo are the spirits of the Ancestors and all other beings, and Uwa is the

World. Alusi are the Chukwu’s incarnations in the World (Uwa). They spring from Ani, the Earth goddess and Goddess of Fertility, who embody the workings of the world. They are lesser deities in Odinani, each of whom is responsible for a specific aspect of nature or abstract concept (Dopamu, 2000).

2.5.1 Man (Mmadu) in Igbo Thought

The Igbo word for Man is Mmadu which refers to a human being irrespective of age, sex or status. The term Mmadu, distinguishes the human species from Muo, spirit, in the sense that spirits are the invisible counterparts of humans. Man in

Igbo is widely believed to be a creature of God. Names, proverbs and myths express this. For example, Mmadueke (man does not create) (Metuh, 1991).

Man (Mmadu) is created by Chukwu who is a great spirit (Ilogu, 1974). Thus, in

Odinani, the Igbo man and woman believe that at the time of the birth of man or woman the Great Spirit, Chukwu, endows him or her with a part of His divine nature that is called Chi which becomes the spiritual double of the human being throughout his or her life. This is the reason why whatever good or bad fortunes, successes, failures or weaknesses possessed by man are often attributed to his Chi.

So, this is why we are different because children of the same parents are variously endowed with different kinds of Chi. And through this special spirit called Chi,

Chukwu the Supreme Being connects with all created human beings. Chi is personal, hence, the Igbo saying: Ofu Nne n’amu ma ofu Chi a deji (the same mother, yes but not the same Chi). Every human being is expected to prove his or her right and worthy of honour and glory by genuinely and totally aspiring for a holy and loving life expressed daily in various socio-economic and political activities. In this respect, a person’s Chi is analogous to the concept of a guardian

34 angel in Western Christianity, the demon of Greek myth, and the genius of Roman myth (Wikipedia, 2009).

Iwuagwu (1975) asserted that:

Igbo Religion is an ethical religion. For it did plant in the people the sense

of guilt and sin. The idea of sin was expressed in the concept of “Nso or

Nso ani” which means “things not to be done, things forbidden or things

abominable to Chukwu, the Supreme Being and to Ala, the mother earth,

guardian of morality and productivity…. Igbo religion is a religion of “rigid

justice”…. The deity in Igbo religion is a God of righteous wrath. For the

Deity to be just and right, he should show no mercy to the spoiler of the

land. (p. 18).

Harmonious living is clearly a pivotal value. Igbo traditional religion which has been rightly referred to as the womb of the people’s culture, plays a key role in the realization of this all important value among every traditional Igbo group (Mbiti,

1975). Hence, Igbo people believe that religion is central in inculcating the promotion and realization of harmonious inter-relationship among individuals and the community. The fact that man and woman are at the centre of the universe is widely acknowledged in Igboland. They see everything else in its relation to this central position of man. It is as if God exists for the sake of man. So both the good and bad acts of Mmadu in the Igbo cosmological outlook have a reward. This explains why the deities must be revered or worshipped (Mbiti, 1975).

It is thus quite clear that the Igbo saw failure in his world as a terrible calamity which implied damnation and so did everything possible to avoid it. It is this fear of failure, this drive to succeed here, and attain the status of Ogaranya (a rich man or woman) which he could carry across to the next world, which account for the economic drive of the Igbo man, as for the high score and prestige set on hard work, resourcefulness, foresight, and rugged individualism. The Igbo is not prepared to attribute any failure to his personal ‘chi’. Thus, the Igbo saying that onye kwe chi ya ekwe (determination is the key to success) locates the Igbo in the context of determination and faith to succeed. It is for this reason that he has to get all forces on his side. The achievement orientation finds the Igbo in reverence of

Ikenga, the cult of strength, a symbol for personal achievement, heroism and success. The Igbo man and woman love to be rewarded and recognized after having worked hard (Onwu, 2002).

Thus, all the interactive processes in Igbo cosmology are geared towards the welfare of Man. In other words, both the spiritual forces – the Supreme Being, the deities, the spirit-forces, and the ancestors are in continuous interaction with Man.

And as long as this interaction is in harmony and is balanced, man’s welfare will be guaranteed. This harmony is always preserved, maintained and promoted through sacrifices expressed in worship (Onwu, 2002).

Common lores amplify this fact such as “the world is a market place to be traded in turns” (uwa bu ahia, onye zuru ibe ya azuru); “Man is the force or maker of his worlds” (Mmadu mere uwa ya); Man is his neighbour’s god” (Mmadu bu chi ya na ibe ya); “when one agrees, his personal god, chi agrees also” (onye kwe chi ya ekwe). The implication of all these is that the world is conceived in such a way that change can come given human’s capacity to influence these other forces at his or her disposal. But again, this capacity may be impaired due to consequences of transgressions or moral insufficiencies. A transgression in this context means falling short of the moral expectations of the society in relationship with others and the gods (Onwu, 2002).

2.5.2 The Igbo Philosophy of Life (Ndu)

From generation to generation, anthropologists, ethnologists, philosophers and theologians have argued with consistent veracity and uniformity that the fundamental category of existence in Igbo is LIFE. As Orobator (2000) formulated that, “the primary Igbo philosophical interest is life, the gift God gave and continues to give to this world” (p. 150). This does not mean that qualifying life as philosophical category can reduce it to a purely abstract category. For the

Igbo people, life signifies a concrete experience. They experience life as belonging, communion, sharing, hospitality, celebration and participation. Man

(Mma-ndu) is made up of Life (Ndu), intellect (Uche) and body (ahu). When there is no life in a person he or she is ozu (corpse). It is the sole function of life to hold

37 body and intellect firmly in their positions and sustain them. As far as life is doing this, man is said to be living a human life and is capable of showing the act of knowledge. Thus the source or origin of human knowledge is life. This life comes from God (Onwu, 2002).

In addition, the Igbo people experience life as abundance and well-being, material, spiritual, psychological, social, economical and political. Hence, this will mean that the attainment and preservation of the fullness of life come into play as the constitutive elements of human experience in Igboland. According to Magesa

(1997) “all principles of morality and ethics are to be sought within the context of preserving human life and its power or force” (p. 128). This is why all life forces, that is, all creation, are intended to serve and enhance the life force of the human person and community. In other words, the sole purpose of existence for every

Igbo man and woman is to seek life, to see that it continues and grows to its full capacity. And in order to make things easier Orobator (2000) defines the ethically good as those actions or orientations which give life and affirm life. The ethically bad, on the contrary, denotes actions which undermines life. As a consequence, the responsibility devolves on the community to struggle constantly to overcome the menace of evil to its corporate life.

Thus the concept of a man as a person who co-exists with others gives rise to the idea of collective responsibility, inter-dependence and humane living which is an

38 important aspect of Igbo social and religious life. Ifemesia (1974) rightly argued that, “interdependence is a fundamental principle of Igbo philosophy of life because; a tree does not make a forest” (p.70). The Igbo ideology of interdependence recognizes that unity is strength (Igwebuike). It promotes discipline, reduces crime and humanizes relations. Igbo religion recognizes personal/individual salvation, but it exists mainly for the preservation of the collective life (umunna/ikwunne) and of the community (oha).

So, the concept of democracy (oha, umunna-kwuru) which is contained in the Igbo philosophy of republicanism is deeply rooted in Igbo life and thought as embodied in umunna concept. Before taking any decision, the Igbo have the tradition of gathering together to discuss matters of interest in order to arrive at a consensus and agreement. This is called in Igbo Igba izu (consultation). This is the basis of

Igbo republicanism which Ekwuru (1999) calls the “consensus philosophy” (p.

134), but referred to by Nwala (1995) as “Unanimity” (p. 168). According to

Wkipedia (2009), republic is defined as an affair, interest, a state or nation in which the supreme power is rested in the whole voting community which elects indirectly or directly, representative to exercise the power; a group whose number is regarded as having a certain equality or common aims, pursuits. In other words, republicanism is a system with clear pattern of organization and a mode of behaviour. Hence, in Igbo republicanism, individuals and groups of individuals up

39 to the clan level aspired to relevance, had rights and responsibilities, worked harder to better their lots and welfare and contributed to policies (Onwu, 2002).

Igbo world is principally anthropocentric. It is for this understanding that the Igbo say Ndu bu isi (life is first). Because of the heavy accent which the traditional Igbo people place on human life, they go to any length in order to preserve it. As the

Igbo man and woman move from shrine to shrine he or she moves for definite material satisfaction bordering on life, off-spring and health. Even in their traditional prayers (Igo ofo) and sacrifices to the deities there are mainly petition prayers only for the welfare of Mmadu. When sacrifices are made to the malevolent spirits, the only reason for doing so is to ward them off from doing harm. The Igbo man and woman constantly resort to divination, traditional medicine, magic, the use of protective charms or amulets and initiation into secret cults in order to cope with the uncertainties of life, for protection and progress.

Hence, childlessness was considered a threat to life among the Igbo as it hits the very root of that traditional primary value which is life (Mbiti, 1969).

Life is greater than wealth (Ndukaku). Life is king (Ndubueze). If life agrees

(Ndukwe). All these names portray vividly the Igbo belief about life. In every aspect of Igbo affair, the ultimate goal is to preserve and enhance life through good living (Ezindu) in contradiction to bad life (Ajondu) which is totally against the Igbo belief about life. The Igbo strongly believe in the life here and now and

40 more so, in the life after death. When a person dies his or her soul (obi, mmuo) is believed to wander till it is received into the blessed company of his forbears, on the condition that the relations on earth celebrate the full funeral ceremonies. In some places this belief requires also that the person must have been a good man or woman on earth or at least that a cleansing rite be performed over the corpse before burial. Only people with such good record can attain the status of an ancestor. Hence, for a typical Igbo person life does not end here, it continues in the next round (Arinze, 2008).

The dead remained members of the society and there is the belief that there is a community of the dead alongside the community of the living and there is a symbiotic relationship between the two communities. Human society is an unbroken family made up of the dead, the living and the yet un-born (Mbiti,

1975).

With regard to human’s relation to society, being human means belonging to a community and that involves participating in the beliefs, ceremonies, and officiating in ritual sacrifices and festivals of that community. In Igbo world of beliefs therefore, membership of the community is emphasized more than a members’ individuality. For a society is based more on obligation than on individual rights and an individual assume his or her rights in the exercise of the obligations, which make a society a chain of inter-relationships. The Igbo is afraid

41 of failure in life. He believes that nature has endowed him or her with the ability to subdue his world and succeed and therefore had to do just that. Definitely the mandate to control that land is a mandate to be successful (Onwu, 2002).

Furthermore, human life is viewed and understood as a cycle of birth, puberty, marriage and procreation, death and the afterlife. An individual does not stay in one stage of existence for ever, he necessarily moves on to the next, and in order to make the transition smooth, special rites are performed to ensure that no break occurre, and movement and regeneration continue perpetually (Mbiti, 1969).

Hence, life is considered as a well-managed redistribution of forces in the world.

This is the essence of marriage, funeral rituals, title taking, office holding, any form of socially rewarded achievement, as well as in health and healing, dispute resolution and justice.

2.5.3 The Igbo Traditional Attitudes towards Women

The traditional Igbo society is co-terminous with traditional culture. Kalu (1978) has rightfully asserted that, “the Igbo traditional society is so tightly constructed that a puncture from any angle posed a threat to the whole” (p. 317). Uchem

(2005), while addressing co-existence of the male and the female among the Igbo people from the Christian perspectives, stressed the need to recognize the rights and the dignity of women in both tradition and Christian environment. She strongly believed and maintained that “we cannot opt for the easy peace that

42 reigned in the past when women suffered in silence while nursing their grievances” (p. 21). This is an abject belief of the Igbo people especially in this era when everyone is talking about women emancipation in the global age of science and technological explosion. What are those beliefs about women in the traditional

Igbo community?

Thus, Uchem (2005) states that, “in terms of importance and indispensability, all genders are equal but they may differ in terms of functions” (p. 38). Women in traditional Igbo understanding are consumer of wealth (ori-aku). That is to say that, women do not play any significant role in providing for the family. They are believed to be sole dependent on man for all their economic needs. This explains why women folk is not allowed to plant trees, mark a land boundary and are not expected to plant yam. But are only restricted to such women crop like cocoyam

(ede) In every situation, men are always right and has to take the whole decision of their family or kindred. Women can never participate in the discussion with men.

The only responsibility reserved for women in Igbo tradition is house work, which includes child bearing, cooking and serving the men (Nmah, 2003).

The courage of every man is shown in his ability to command women to obedience. In general women were thought to be biologically and intellectually inferior to men. This teaching and belief of Aristotle regarding women as symbolizing the lower realm of body or matter as opposed to the transcendent

43 mind which is more naturally symbolized by men is well-stated in his politics. The male therefore is by nature superior and the female inferior with a defaced human nature, and in other words, a “mutilated male”. For over two thousand years

Aristotle’s misogynist description of women influenced the conception about women and what they can do and cannot do particularly in the western world and in Igboland (Loomis, 1943).

So, no matter how these views can be approached the only simple truth is that, in

Igbo traditional religious belief, gender is a social or communal issue and not biological which end-up in denying women their divinely inherited right to be, to officiate and to participate in all the traditional worship.

2.6 Gender in Igbo Cosmology.

For a better understanding of the word “gender”, Win (1985) made a distinction between sex and gender by saying that:

Sex refers to biological, physical characteristics of male and female.

Gender on the other hand is the socially defined capacities and attributes

assigned to persons on the basis of their alleged sexual characteristics.

Gender is a social and not a biological category. (p. 2).

So, the issues on gender are social or communal events. Nnamani (2004), corroborating Win (1985), asserts that “Gender equality is not gender uniformity.

Equality can accommodate differences even in roles but it abhors discrimination,

44 subjugation, exploitation and disparagement in the exercise of the same” (p 170).

He accepts the fact that Igbo culture is a patriarchal culture that is much inclined to the practice of gender inequality. Chiegboka (2001) condemned the idea which sees equality as sameness or uniformity rather than unity in diversity. Okure

(1998), an eminent Nigerian feminist and Biblical scholar, weighing upon (Gen.

1:26-2:4b; 5:1-2) explicated that human species are composed of man and woman conjointly. This conjunction is a unity in nature and diversity in sex. It is as this unity, according to her, that God created the human species in God’s image and likeness. Drawing upon the term, Adam, in this narrative, Okure explained that it is clearly a generic term for humanity defined as male and female. For Umoren

(2005), it is only:

On the basis of gender inequality, Nigerian culture, with few isolated

exceptions generally deny women the right to participate in decision

making and leadership, the right to attain certain educational heights, the

right to gainful employment, the right to freedom of expression, the right to

freedom of religion and more so participation, the right to freedom of

movement, the right to choose one’s life partners, the right to hold an

opinion and the right to a higher promotion. (p. 5).

Hence, for Uchem (2005):

Gender equality is a situation whereby both men and women are equally

recognized and respected as human beings both in fact and in practice. It

refers more to equality of social, political, economic cultural and religious

opportunities for both men and women rather than to biological sameness.

It is not about denying differences and natural functions. (p. 45).

Sanford (1980) approaches male and female differentiation from the psychological perspective, expressing the very fact that every human being is androgynous. And for him:

The word androgynous, drawing from two Greek words, andros and gynous

meaning ‘man’ and ‘woman’ respectively and refers to a person who

combines within his or her personality both male and female elements. The

word hermophrodite is an analogous word. It comes from the Greek god

Hermophrodatus who was born of the union of Aphrodite and Hermes and

embodied the sexual characteristics of both of them. (p. 9).

This, therefore, means that within every man there is the reflection of a woman, and within every woman there is a reflection of man. In the book of Genesis 2:24 for instance, the writer read that God was an androgynous being and that the first human beings, being created in His image were likewise male and female. So, to trace the origin of male and female in the history of creation Sanford (1980) wrote that:

On the day, God created Adam He made him in the likeness of God. Male

and female He created them. He blessed them and gave them the name

man. We are also told in the second chapter of Genesis that when God

wished to make woman He put Adam into a deep sleep, removed a rib from

his body and made Eve from Adam’s rib. Clearly the original man Adam

was thus both male and female. From this early division of the originally

whole bisexual human being comes the longing through sexuality for the

re-union of the severed halves. The second chapter continues ‘this is why a

man leaves his father and mother and joins himself to his wife, and they

become one body. (p. 10).

Ever since the origin of feminine and masculine, the two severed parts of the original human being have been trying to re-unite. Kung (1990) used the term

‘anima’ and ‘animus’ to qualify this distinction of male and female. Thus, by anima he meant the feminine component in a man’s personality and by the animus he meant the masculine component in woman’s personality. He derived this two words from the latin word ‘animare’ which means ‘to enliven’ because he felt that the anima and animus were like enlivening souls or spirit men and women. So, he summed it up by saying that the roles men and women play sometimes seem to be assigned by the particular cultures in which they exist. Thus, he supports the idea that each person is a combination of male and female polarities.

2.6.1 Religious Rituals and Gender Inequality

Obviously, the Igbo people have the belief that the efficacy of each ritual depends on the faith of the community. Thus, the efficacy of the ritual is dependent upon

47 the intent of the participant and moreso, upon the prescribed elements for the ritual. Even as it applies to this work, the efficacy of the ritual does not depend necessarily on the gender but instead on the intent of the individual worshipper whether male or female. It does not also count on their roles or positions in the congregation or in the community. This is why Goggins II (1996) thinks that “the quality of the ritual is embedded in the intent of the ceremony” (p. 2). Hence, every participant must demonstrate deep trust in the ritual to attain its efficacy.

Ekwunife (2003) categorized rituals into communal, family and individuals. He explains that while communal ritual asserts formal cohesiveness in the community, family rituals provide unity and cohesiveness in the family and individual rituals demonstrate individual relationship with the universe. All these rituals-communal, family and individual are by no means disconnected rather they are interdependent, providing consistently between community, family and individual responsibilities in the process. By performing these rituals the participating members demonstrate their ability to fulfill their responsibilities within that culture or society.

Hence, ritual is a statement in metaphoric terms about the paradoxes of human existence. All rituals therefore are communication. As communication, it speaks to our minds, spirits and intuitions by words, sights, sounds and smells. For communication is always self-revealing (Shaughnessy, 1973). Traditional prayers play an important role in the promotion of the sense of community. Most of them

48 are intensely communitarian in content and orientation. Whether offered by the individual elder in front of his family shrine, or by a priest or other ritual experts in public shrines (Arinze, 2008).

In Igbo traditional life women are allowed to perform some rituals, and if not for the public, in private occasions like in the cases of individual and family rituals.

One of the areas where this role is prominent is in offering prayers for their families in particular and their communities in general. In many areas there were

(and still are) women priests (priestesses), almost everywhere. In Africa and in many communities in Igboland the mediums (who are so important in traditional medical practice) are nearly always women, those who experience spirit possession are in most cases also women. Traditional healing is a profession of both men and women and it is more often the women practitioners who handle children and other women’s medical needs (Mbiti, 1969).

On the other side, many scholars (Okure, 1998 and Uchem, 2006) still witnessed some discriminatory practices which are hindrances to the full enjoyment of rights by women. In Igboland, for instance, they believe that women cannot break the kola nut and cannot be shown kola nut when presented on the mere ground that they are women, but in the assembly of the Umuada or Umuokpu they do

(Agbasiere, 2000; Uchem, 2006). This act of exclusion of women from the ceremonial act of breaking and presentation of kola nut, which is supposed to be

49 an inclusive act is dehumanizing and demoralizing to women. This act of exclusion of women though very simple and easy in the eyes of everyone carries with it a serious socio-economic, religious and political hazard on the entire Igbo community at large (Arinze, 2008).

Generally, the Igbo believe in the concept of Ofo-na- Ogu, which is like the law of retributive justice. It is believed that Ofo-na-Ogu will vindicate anyone that is wrongly accused of a crime as long as their “hands are clean”. It is only the one who is on the side of Ogu-na-Ofo that can call its name in prayer. Otherwise such a person will face the wrath of Amadioha (the god of thunder and lightning)

(Wikipedia, 2009).

Among the Igbo, the ritual of the blessing, presentation and breaking of the kola nut is often a complicated and an elaborate process, which tends to consume much of the time scheduled for a ceremony. It is regularly used in sacrifices and in worship (Uchem, 2006). Hence, the denial of women’s right to break Igbo ceremonial kola is more of social character and organization and does not imply a let-down or inferiority. Women do break the Igbo kola when they gather in their usual cultural groupings of Umuada or Umuokpu or Umumgboto, and also in the

Oha Ndom, that is council of women where no man has a say (Ukaegbu, 2003).

2.6.2 Ritual as Communication Symbol

Ritual occupies a central position in Igbo traditional religion, as in most other traditional religious systems of Africa. In the words of Ejizu (1986):

Religious ritual is concerned primarily with ordering bodily movements in

space in man’s endeavour to transcend self and communicate with the

divine. Man indulges in ritual also in a bid to inter-relate the various

spheres of his life in a harmonious and fruitful manner. Through ritual man

says something about his inner religious awareness, his vision and belief

about the cosmos. He also does something. He re-enacts the deeds of the

gods. He manipulates sacred objects and speaks sacred words in a pertinent

effort to make experience conform to normative patterns of meaning and

thereby control and renew the shape and destiny of the world. (p. 71).

According to Ekwunife (2003) “Religious rituals reveal the social value of the religious community” (p. 19), while Elochukwu (1997) describes ritual as “a programmed way of acting that characterized an ethnic group so that the participants express their being part of the group through the ritual gesture” (p.41).

Ritual, therefore, is actionable through ceremonies. And ceremony is the cynosure

(center of attention) of a ritual. Thus, ceremonies are the external display of rituals. Indeed they are the visual representations, symbols or sacraments of what happens as a result of the ritual. Inherent in the ritual also is its repetitious propensity through which it habituates a way of doing things rigidly or

51 conservatively. Hence, ritual is generally considered as a regulated gesture acquired by way of gesticulation or through making blind affirmations

(Elochukwu, 1997). In continuation of the explication of the meaning of ritual,

Ekwunife (2003), viewed it as a “prescribed formal behaviour for occasion not given over to technological routine, having reference to beliefs in mystical beings or powers” (p. 1).

Communication is very important in any relationship whether between God and human being, or between human beings. Even in sacrifice and worship there is an expression of language spoken either directly or indirectly. Ejizu (1986), states that “symbolism is the basis of human communication, for by nature man is a homo symbolicus, a symbolizing, conceptualizing and meaning seeking animal. He is capable of using one thing to stand for or represent another” (p. 4). African and

Igbo traditional religion itself is a vast symbolic system and is basically a cluster of ideas, acts, relationships or linguistic formations woven into some sort of ordered whole.

Symbols denote many things, take many forms and have many functions especially in traditional sacrifices and worships. Therefore, symbol as distinct from a mere sign stands, according to Cohen (1974), “ambiguously for a multiplicity of meanings, evoke emotions and impel men to action. They are usually in stylized patterns such as in ritual ceremony, gift exchange and various

52 culture traits” (p. 23). Religious symbols reveal man’s experience of the ultimate reality and to integrate the various levels of his awareness – the pre-conscious, the personal and the transcendental. It mediates knowledge about the cosmos and man’s place in it.

In the words of Firth (1973) “symbols are not simple communication media, they can be envisaged as possessing a spontaneous power in themselves projecting the mind towards the absolute” (p. 49). For in Igboland, as well as in Africa, ritual behaviour, echoed Ray (1976), “is a way of communicating with the divine for the purpose of changing the human situation” (p.78). Thus visible things stand for invisible things just as mask evokes and makes present the ancestral spirits.

African traditional religious symbols, as well as the Igbo traditional symbols, are the potent store house of information and crucial factors in the activity field.

Traditional Igbo preserve and express the ideal of harmonious community-living through their dominant ritual symbols. The Ofo ritual object features prominently in traditional Igbo life and culture. It is the dominant symbolic object that expresses for the traditional Igbo people important ideas, beliefs and values concerning their religious, social and political life.

2.7 The Concept of Ofo in Igbo Traditional Worship

Ejizu (1986) defined Ofo as “the principle of patriliny, of gerontocracy, the concepts of truth, justice and ancestral authority. It is an embodiment of Igbo

Religion; it is a vehicle of divine power” (p. 47). Hence, the Ofo ritual symbol is a traditional means of communicating with the spiritual beings

The Igbo term Ofo designates a particular plant species (Dietarium Senegalese) which grows in the Igbo area. In a derived sense, it identifies the twig or branch- let from the wood of that tree. Both the plant and the sticks are equally referred to as Ofo. The etymological root of the disyllabic word, Ofo, is not yet known in the

Igbo linguistic vocabulary. Different kinds of Ofo go by different names in different parts of Igboland. Likewise, the term Ofo is affected by few dialectical variations in certain areas. Traditionally in the Nsukka area it is referred to as Oho, while the people of Ezza call the tree ‘Oshi-owho’ and the ritual stick ‘Owho’. In

Cross-River Igbo of Ohafia it is called ‘Otusi’. But, from the common usage, it appears that the concept of Ofo is more immediately and directly linked to Ofo as a twig and subsequently as a ritual phenomenon. This explains why in the traditional Igbo culture, Ofo evokes the notion of an idea and a realized symbolism. Thus, Ofo in Igbo cosmology imports wholeness and individuality

(Ejizu, 1986). Ofo symbol in most Igbo communities is largely a male symbol.

Oma is apparently the female counterpart of Ofo. It goes according to lineage, in the patrilineal or matrilineal. Hence, Ejizu (1986) continues that:

when the traditional Igbo elder feeds his Ofo ritual stick with chewed Kola

nut, animal fat and blood, or when he address his Ofo directly in prayer and

in other instances of ritual usage does he assume a relationship of identity

between the stick and the spirit force that is believed to be acting through

the stick. (p. 40).

There is no symbolic object, there is only symbolic relationship. This is because a symbol has a referential character, indirectly mediating the relationship between man and the supernatural. It always guaranteed the presence and efficacy of that power. Some Ofo are straight while others resemble a question mark. It is usually small in size, commonly used by men but rarely used by married women. The use of Ofo among the Igbo people parallels the Christian use of the Bible. And to buttress this further, Ejizu (1986) would say that:

It is primarily a staff of office which symbolizes justice, righteousness and

truth. It is used for the conferment of titles and for the ratification and

consecration of laws. Ofo is used in maintaining and claiming innocence.

Hence Ofoism is another name for Igbo religion. (p. 30).

Many other Igbo scholars like Njaka (1974), Ilogu (1974), Metuh (1981) held on to the same view of the importance of Ofo to Igbo communities especially in the areas of prayers, swearing, meetings, installations and in settling disputes. Ofo is the staff of authority which the lineage head receive from the ancestors to control and to direct the activities of its members. Metuh (1981) listed four categories of

Ofo especially as it relates to Nri culture of Igboland as, “Ofo Nri which is the supreme Ofo, Ofo ozo, lineage Ofo and Ofo Alusi” (p. 39). Some of these Ofo

55 symbols that are considered rather very sacred and powerful may not even be seen by women, such as the Ofo-Ataka found in Nnewi, a special titular Ofo

(Onwuejeogwu. 1981).

In Metuh (1999) also, ritual experts who happened to be women such as diviners, native-doctors and the categories of married women known as the

Umuada/Umuokpu in the north-western sub-cultural zone, as well as married women from upwards of middle age in areas like Nsukka and Aro Ndizogu possess small sized Ofo twigs. They use them for few events like in meetings and settling disputes among their ranks. Ritual experts among them especially from

Aro Ndizogu use them very much like their male counterparts to communicate with their spirit patrons- Agwu. Ordinarily, the small sized Ofo which the groups of women keep is known as Ofo nkiti (used in their everyday activities). Some keep them at their Chi shrine. Some of the women carry them in their hand bags.

Ofo is primarily the medium of communication with spirits, including the ancestors and divinities. It is known as the ‘ear of the spirits (Ofo bu nti ndi Muo).

As a key religious symbol, it is used in ritual sacrifices, in prayer, for cleansing taboos and abominations, as well as for wide varieties of rites. Its socio-ethical functions include its use for attesting to the truth, for affirming ones innocence, in settlement of disputes, for covenant-making, oath-taking, and decision-making.

Igbo male elders usually begin their day by offering prayers to the ancestors and

56 other spirit beings for the health of the members of their family, good fortune and general progress in life. They do this with the help of the lineage Ofo which they hold in their right hand while pronouncing the prayer and benediction. Most times, when traditional Igbo male elders of a particular community gather to discuss a serious matter affecting the community, each of them brings with him his lineage

Ofo to the venue of the meeting (often in the community square or market place).

At the end of their deliberation, the spokesman would normally recap the agreement reached. The assembled elders would then seal their decision by striking their respective lineage Ofo on the ground while invoking divine sanction of ancestral spirits on any person or member of the community who would defy or disobey their decision (Ejizu, 1986).

2.8 Concepts of Sacrifice in Igbo Traditional Religion

The word sacrifice, according to Arinze (2008), means to make a thing sacred or to do a sacred act. “Sacrifice plays a great part in the religion of the traditional

Igbo people. And it is really the essence of their worship and the heart of their worship” (p.8). Religion manifests itself in cult or worship. A cult, according to

Haught (1990), “is understood as a small religious group cut off from the main religious bodies and attached to a living charismatic cult figure” (p. 256). The sacrificial rite is composed essentially of two elements: oblation and immolation.

Oblation can be taken as the matter, immolation as the form of the sacrifice.

Sacrifice is the soul of Igbo cult and if it is removed, according to Arinze (2008),

“Igbo traditional religion is almost emptied of its content” (p. 22). Arazu (2005) while applauding him for his scholarly exposition of the concept of sacrifice, denounced his Roman Catholic bias in the idea of the essence of sacrifice being

“oblation and immolation” (p.163).

By sacrifice therefore, human beings acknowledge God’s supreme dominion and excellence and offer Him adoration and worship Him with humility and joy.

Sacrifice is an offering to God by a priest of a sensible thing through its immolations in acknowledgment of His Supreme dominion and human subjection.

The priest is the public person who acts for the community in the acts of public worship. Sacrifice is an act of external and public worship and the three objects of

Igbo sacrifice are God, the spirits and the ancestors (Arinze, 2008). Hence, when an Igbo man recognizes that he is not the master of the world and that there are other superior powers – invisible spirits, the ancestors and the human spirits of wicked deceased people, he deems sacrifices necessary. And believing that this invisible universe was in action all around him, therefore, he felt it was up to him to propitiate them and to treat them with courtesy and reverence. This explains vividly why there are many forms of sacrifices in Igboland, Arinze (1970) named them as follows:

2.8.1 Expiation Sacrifice (Ikpu-alu or Ikpocha-ife)

In order to regain the favour of the higher powers when an Igbo man or woman sins, he or she offers an expiatory sacrifice. It can either be a sacrifice to remove

58 abominations or sacrifices for lesser offences. Sacrifice to remove abomination is conducted when special grave moral faults have been committed. Abomination embraces serious personal and moral crimes according to Igbo morality, such as in the cases of patricide, incest, stealing of yams and sheep, bestiality, willful abortion, pregnancy within a year of a husband’s death, suicide by hanging and killing of sacred animals. This abomination which needs an expiation sacrifices also includes those things which the Igbo people considered abnormal or un- natural for example, giving birth to twins (ejima). Certain abnormal behaviour on the part of some animal calls for expiatory sacrifices, for example, it applies when a dog or fowl crosses a corpse, or when a fowl lays only one egg. So, in all these cases, a cleansing sacrifice is necessary and once done, the wrong doer is regarded as cleansed. This type of sacrifice is always performed by a special priest from

Nri. The usual sacrificial victim is a sheep. And during the sacrificial ceremony the earth spirit, Ani and the ancestors are invited to forgive the culprit. As regards the lesser offences like fighting in the stream or when a woman in her menses enters water, the sacrifice of expiation is offered. This sacrifice made it possible for a town or a village to heap all its sins on a goat or cow and then offer it to the spirit. But sometimes in few places like in Onitsha human beings were used to remove the ills of the multitude.

2.8.2 Sacrifice to Ward off Molestation from Unknown Spirits

In Igbo understanding, there is no effect without a cause. Thus, he has his own ways of finding out the cause of evils and seeking a remedy. And when the disaster cannot be traced to human or known cause, then it is attributed to the invisible powers which may be the ancestors, some known human spirits or spirit with shrine, priest and cult or bad spirit (ajo mmuo). When the diviner has ascertained that the person is molested by bad or wicked spirit the sacrifice (aja) is offered without love and with a victim that is most often ugly. In this case there is no sacrificial meal. The petitioner only wants to be left alone by this evil spirit.

2.8.3 Petition

The Igbo man believes that his many desires can be obtained if he makes the proper recourse to the ancestors, the spirits, or God in rare cases. Life is the greatest thing that man wants. So, he offers sacrifices of petition for good health, for the recovery of the sick, to stop epidemic, for the preservation of the travellers.

Though, the Igbo know that children come ultimately from God, they also go to the spirits to ask for offspring with the conviction that they are following the proper procedure. In the words of Arinze (1970), “a person is born and he has to beget others” (p. 39). On the occasion of big undertakings too, special sacrifice of petition is necessary, seeking the protection of the higher powers. Even at the inauguration of a new market, sacrifice of petition is needed. Some sacrifices of petition are made to the ancestors to ask them at the funerals to accept the spirit of

60 the deceased into their company, to overlook any of his or her past misdeeds, and to show the ancestors that the living had good relations with the deceased and has nothing against his or her future happiness. People at various times and circumstances have invoked spirits to do harm to others by setting symbols or special objects from the shrines as protection over their farms.

2.8.4 Thanksgiving

The Igbo people are grateful. Thus, when they obtained their desires or requests, they often make a sacrifice of thanksgiving, which is almost always mixed-up with hopeful future protection. Examples of sacrifice of thanksgiving include child birth when the couple offers sacrifice of thanksgiving to the spirit, Omumu, to whom the woman had made a special request for a child. If it is a male child, a cock is required as a victim and if it is a female child a hen is needed. In Igbo tradition, it is the sacrifice to the ancestors which is the most joyous and familiar.

It is usually seven Igbo weeks (28 days) after the birth of the child. Other occasions that warrant sacrifices of thanksgiving include the harvesting periods and before and after Ozo title-taking.

2.8.5 Interior Sacrifice

This is an offering of oneself to God who is the creator, the preserver and the end of all things. Through this special sacrifice, the Igbo recognize and affirm God’s supreme dominion. Thus, he knows and acknowledges that no spirit can do

61 anything if Chukwu (Great God) decides otherwise. In this sacrifice, there is no question of celebrating his independence from the invisible spirits and ancestors.

Ritual purity is also demanded especially as it concerns the priest before his offering of sacrifices. So, the moral life of individual priest is of paramount importance. He is expected to be a good man.

Summarily, the elements of interior sacrifice are mostly embedded in the other forms of sacrifices, but adoration, even in the loose sense, is given a rather secondary place (Arinze, 1970).

2.9 The Igbo Concept of Worship

According to Arinze (2008), the word worship, includes such phrases as “to pray”

“to offer sacrifice’ and “to make offerings”. Hence, since the objective phenomena of Igbo traditional religion are the cults of the divinities, worship is an expression of man’s attitude towards God and other spiritual beings. It is, therefore, an act of communication and communion between man and the supersensible world, a means of retaining God-man relationship, and the channel through which an upset of the balance of such relationship is rectified and restored. And in the words of

Arinze (2008) “worship is the inward expression of spiritual realities by means of the physical, the medium of channel by which divine powers are presented to man” (p. 115).

And in Awolalu (1981), the Greek word for worship, “is therapeia, which is translated as waiting on, serve, attendance” (p.98). For him, worship is a religious exercise. It is a means of honouring spiritual being or an act of veneration paid by human being to such spiritual beings. It is a response of the creatures to the eternal, response to the nature and action of God (Supreme Being). When these are analyzed they show that worship is truly offered by man to a being higher than himself. The worshipper’s response is evoked by his spontaneous or reflective discernment of the nature and action of the Supernatural power or powers. And the response is conditioned by a person’s conception of the divine being in accordance with his or her mental level. Hence, it is a religious exercise which involves the performance of devotional acts in honour of the deities or divinities. It presupposes a yearning for God and it is a means of glorifying the source, the sustainer and the end of life. It confirms man’s acknowledgment of the

Transcendent Being who is independent of the worshipper but upon whom the worshipper depends. When man has lost the favour of the Supernatural Being, it is through worship that he seeks to regain it. Worship in the traditional sense testifies to the belief, creed, myths and philosophy of a people. Worship seen as a total response to the Ultimate Reality, is expressed by word as well as by deed, every act of worship has distinct elements (Awolalu, 1981)). Prominent among these elements were:

. Liturgy – consists of ritual form and its content including prayer, music and

dancing.

. Cultic functionaries – Officials and the attendants at worship.

. Sacred places – where worship is carried out like the shrines, the temples and

the altars.

Ifesieh (1989) also view worship as “man’s response to the appearance of the

Holy, that is, to the sacred, transcendent power of Being” (p. 92). In Igbo traditional religion as in other religions, the normal mode of response and assent to the unique Holy include all kinds of cults such as rituals and liturgies. Liturgy is a means of communication and communion with deity within the context of the worship. It is made up of elements such as libation, invocation, offering, prayers, dances of all sorts, sacred songs, symbols, sacred music, silence, assumption of certain postures, private and individual acts of homage to persons and objects, sermons from experts who are there as the visible interpreters of the deities and

Supreme Being, Chukwu (Arinze, 1970). In his further exposition on worship

Ifesieh (1989) stressed the impact of worship in the life of every Igbo man and woman and on the community as a whole. Among these functions was that:

The worship establishes, cultivates and maintains the relation between man

and that holy whom it is responding to; it enriches and remains man’s life.

The practice of communal worship helps to develop broad-mindedness,

training character, including moral, ethical, social, cultural religious ethos,

norms, solidarity, openness and the traditional norms. it inculcates into

individuals the sense of belonging, of safety, of providing and of

encouraging personal support to individual members of any group or of a

society that practices it and above all a sense of well-being and of good

health in the faces of human problems. (p. 94).

Worship begins, controls, and ends all the departments of life. The Igbo people are always conscious of the presence of the divinities wherever they are and whatever they do. In all things, the divinities are called upon for assistance and the people never do anything without first calling upon the divinities to bless and support them. Worship can be regular or occasional depending on where people have the shrines of their tutelary divinities. Usually, the daily worship is not as elaborate as those performed in the communal shrines. And certain divinities have their sacred days. This may involve the participation of several worshippers (Arinze, 1970).

There are different types of worship in Igbo traditional religion which Arinze identified as corporate worship and personal worship. Corporate worship can be exclusive and inclusive. It is exclusive in the sense that it is only meant for Ndi dibia, Osu, Ogbanje group and widows who have completed their mourning periods. This kind of worship can also be witnessed during initiation ceremonies such like in masquerade initiation (Ima mmawu). Corporate worship is inclusive when it involves the whole town especially when a certain town for instance

65 schedules an annual festival in honour of a certain deity that binds the town together. In this worship every member of the community is included. Personal worship involves one person or it may involve him, his wife or wives and their children. This type could be daily or occasional as the case may be (Arinze, 2008).

2.10 Shrine in Igbo Traditional beliefs

According to Uchendu (1965), shrines as well as the market places are the usual places where sacrifices can be offered to the deities. They are “meeting point for the living, the dead and the spirits” (p. 95). In agreement, Arinze (2008) defined shrines as the abode of the spirit and in his words described it as:

Not generally large enough to shelter more than a few people. Many have

no roofs over them. Most have conical roofs over the most important part-

the altar of sacrifice. It is always called in Igbo Okwu Alusi. Uno alusi, Uno

muo. The big shrines are generally rectangular buildings with walls

artistically decorated in black and white. The first and outermost part is the

place for the worshipper. A dwarf wall separates this section from the next

apartment reserved for the priest; the altar of sacrifice is situated here too.

At the very extreme room may be where the idols and all the accessories of

the cult are kept under lock and key. At the entrance large earthen ware pots

containing water for ceremonial ablution are found. Whether the shrine is

big or small, the ground around it is the compounds of the spirit. Around

the shrine of a very important town there often arise markets. The ground

often serves as a play ground in honour of the spirit or for social meetings

that have no religious character at all. (p. 107).

Shrine therefore, remains one of the important sacred institutions which contribute significantly in promoting the sense of community. They serve many purposes for traditional Igbo and specifically for religious worship. Symbolically, shrines and adjoining public squares signify for traditional Igbo men and women the meeting- point or communion of the invisible world of spiritual beings and the visible world of human members of the community. Such place is surrounded by all kinds of prohibitions and taboos. As a sacred place, they inspire awe and elicit reverence because of what they stand for (Iroegbu, 2009).

Thus shrines are places of consultation with esteemed extra-human forces to answer un-answerable questions in order to allay fear and provide a way out to resolve problems, be they economic, political, religious, kinship, theft, killing, accusations, power seeking, and all that require supernatural insight and competencies. Shrines are cogent, communal and awesome traditional institutional spaces and sites of consultation and rituals.

2.11 Summary of Literature Review

One of the goals that spurs human struggle is value, worth or importance or usefulness of something to somebody. It is often said that whatever attracts few human endeavour has very little value and vice versa. This is why it is correct

67 when the Igbo people say that, no one goes into a business that has no profit.

Perhaps, that is why things of great value are pursued with a great vigor. And in

Igbo socio-religious context; this explains vividly why the worshipper always seeks the face or benevolence of the Supreme Being through ritual sacrifices offered to the deities. Hence, to deprive or deny someone of this adoration and worship in a typical traditional Igbo community is to deny him or her of life and humanity.

In this literature review therefore, the writer presents the Igbo people as an identical cultural group who have strong belief in an Ultimate Reality called

Supreme Being and to whom they owe their existence (Oguejiofor, 1996), and in other divinities or deities through whom He is worshipped or honoured. Thus, human being with his or her Chi now relate with the Supreme Being who is the architect of his or her wellbeing. And for an average Igbo man or woman living in a traditional Igbo community, participation in their beliefs, ceremonies, rituals and festivals of the community gives them a sense of belonging (Mbiti, 1975).

It was noted that relating with the divinities involves a number of rituals, symbolisms, worship and sacrifices. The Igbo believes in a kind of symbiotic relationship with the deities. They worship and offer sacrifices to the deities on the belief and convinction that the deities promote their welfare. Ritual is actionable through ceremonies and ceremony according to Ekwunife (2003) is a cynosure

(that is, a centre of attention) of a ritual.

Sacrifices play an important role in the Igbo traditional worship. Igbo people sacrifice in order to attone for their sins, appease their deities and appeal for divine assistance. The sacrifices are usually offered to the deities by the priests who serve as mediators between man and the deities. In most of the Igbo communities, the choice of the priests depends exclusively upon the dictates of the deity in question and is mostly gender discriminatory in favour of the menfolk. Female participation is limited to very few activities.

Worship is man’s response to the Sacred, Transcendental power of being. This can be reached through ritual cult, liturgical cult – prayer, dances, sacred songs, symbols, sacred music and silence (Ifesieh, 1989). It is through worship that the relationship between humans and the Supernatural is cultivated and maintained. It gives the celebrants the sense of belonging, safety, encouragemet and the feeling of living in harmony with the deities whom he believes has great influence upon his wellbeing.

Also recorded in this review are the various applications or uses of deities in different parts of Igboland. Talbot (1969) cited the case of Ibinukpabi deity in

Arochukwu which was believed by the people to answer questions on mysterious issues, make barren women fertile, give success in trade, grant victory in war and identify wicked sorcerers, witches and poisoners. Arinze (1970) and Madu (2006) writing on deities, explained that such deities as Agwu has the ability to discover

69 secrets and give advice on spiritual matters. It can hinder or help to bring prosperity or calamity but can be difficult to placate if defiled. In his own contribution, Iroegbu (2009) describes shrine as a place of consultation with extrahuman forces to answer unanswerable questions in order to allay fear and provide a way out or resolve problems – be they economic, political, religious, kinship, theft, murder, accusation, power-seeking and all that require Supernatural insight and competencies.

In a general sense therefore, the Igbo cosmology presents the Igbo people as a people who believe that their life and well being hinges on their relationship with

Supernatural divine forces. In the next chapter of this investigation, the researcher is going to focus on the deity called Okekparakpara in Enugu-Agu Achi community and its socio-religious influence in the life of the people. Is

Okekparakpara deity among the Igbo Pantheon?

CHAPTER THREE

THE PHENOMENOLOGY OF OKEKPARAKPARA DEITY

The issue of the phenomenology of Okekparakpara deity as it pertains to Enugu-

Agu Achi people can be analyzed based on the following view-points: i. How is Okekparakpara deity perceived and incorporated in the

transmission of life essence? In other words, how is the presence of this

deity identified? ii. Why do Enugu-Agu Achi people think that Okekparakpara is a deity? Why

does it command respect, belief and patronage by Enugu-Agu Achi people?

The figure below shows the percentage of response to each of the questions raised

Incidence of unusual events

8% 16% Control o ver certain natural 36% occurances

Punishment of evil doers/offenders

24% 16% Assistance if approach and sacrificed to deity

Due to physical manifestation

Figure 1: Distributions of RespondentsAccording to Way(s) they Conceive of Okekparakpara Deity Source: Field data 2010

From the above figure, it appears that the people have some bases for recognizing

Okekparakpara as a deity. Physical manifestation of the deity has the highest score of 36%. The deity obviously manifests its presence to the people in quite a

71 number of ways unusual to their daily experience. Punishment to evil doers and defaulters of traditional norms has the next score of 24%. In other words, those who hold on to the view that the deity commands respect due to the people’s fear of his punishment has the average score of 24%. Then those that need to be assisted by the deity in matters beyond their capacity have the score of 16%.

Deities are supernatural or extra human forces without visible physical forms although can be represented with images or symbols and beliefs by the people to have influence over their lives. The Wikipedia (2009) defines the deity as

“postulated preternatural or supernatural immortal being who may be thought of as holy, divine or sacred, held in high regard and respected by human beings” (p.

225).

The Enugu-Agu people believe in the existence of Supernatural forces or beings superior and transcendental over and above their mundane existence. They further believe that the presence of these beings can be manifested in many ways and in different objects like hills, rivers, trees, rocks and the land (earth). Consequently, nomenclatures such as “Chukwu-Ala”, “Arushi”, “Igwe”, “Ndichie” (ancestors),

Mmuo mmiri (water spirit), abound commonly in Enugu-Agu Achi to represent such Supernatural forces believed to have control over their lives. Most of these forces are referred to as deities by the people (Ugwu, 2002 and Madu, 2004).

Achi people have a multiplicity of deities distributed one word the twelve villages of Achi. In Enugu-Agu Achi, the dominant deity is Okekparakpara. There is obvious consciousness of the deity in the community. Interviews were conducted to discover the people’s fundamental perceptions about the meaning and significance of the name deity or “Arushi”. A total of 25 persons (worshipers and non-worshipers of Okekparakpara deity) were interviewed. Those selected were visited on different dates with questionnaires. To ensure that the questions can elicit the relevant response and are answerable by the target group, a pilot survey was first conducted using a sample of the questionnaire before final application in the field.

Save for “Mmuo mmiri” (which they refer to as mammy water) the rest of the spirit-beings enumerated by them (from Agwu to Ajalla) were referred to as Arushi or deity. All the respondents refer to the Almighty God as “Chukwu Okike” and the rest as Arushi or deity. The worshippers of Okekparakpara deity believe that the deity helps to preserve their society and that their conducts do not in any way contradict their belief in the Supreme God but instead are complementary to it.

Their lists of deities include:

 Okekparakpara

 Ajalla;

 Ngene;  Ojukwu;

 Ala;  Agwu; and  Ikoro.

Because the people believe, respect and feel that the deity controls their life, they

look up to and consequently, offer sacrifices and worship to it. On the

cosmological origin of the deities, the people presented varied opinions as shown

in the table below:

Table 1: Responses on the Origin of Deities by Enugu-Agu Achi people Yes No Origin of Deities No. of Percentages No. of Percentages respondents respondents Deities are descended from God 19 76% 6 24%

Deities are man made 10 40% 15 60%

Are domesticated spirit-beings 18 72% 7 28%

Are angels of Supreme Being 19 76% 6 24%

Agents of Satan or Devil 6 24% 19 76%

Source: Field data 2010.

From the table above, 76% of the people are of the opinion that deities are angels

of the Supreme Being (God) and so are descended from Him. The same people

disagree on the idea that deities could be agents of Satan or devil. At the same

time, 40% of the respondents said that deities are man-made while 72% are of the

opinion that deities are domesticated spirit-beings. By domestication, the people

mean that deities are independent existent spirit-beings that can be influenced by

74 man through his regular sacrifices and worship to improve his well-being. The capacity to do this may be impaired due to consequences of transgressions, moral insufficiencies or ritual defilements.

On the techniques of domestication, the people enumerated the following:

* Use of regular and proper sacrifices;

* Preparation and use of means or charms like the use of Ofo Alulebe (used to

eliminate enemies instantly);

* Establishment of covenants;

* Communal agreements;

* Regular worship and supplications; and

* Righteousness or uprightness of character.

As angel of the Supreme Being (refer to table 1), the people believe that one can gain eternal salvation if one lives according to the precepts or rules prescribed by the deity, by avoiding transgressions and improprieties or offences that constitutes abomination (Iru ala). Having descended from God, the people claim that deities are the first transcendental spirit-beings encountered by their ancestors and used by them to mediate their cultural, economic, socio-religious and political life

(Iroegbu, 2009). In Enugu-Agu Achi, the names for deities are: i. Arushi; and ii. Arunshi.

On the meaning and genesis of these names, the people presented two ideas obviously connected to their belief that deities were fundamental instruments used by their ancestors to render essential services to man. One opinion says that the name “Arushi” was derived from the primary needs of their forefathers to stop certain evils or calamities. They explained that “Aru” in Achi language means evil while “shi” means stop or cease. Aru–shi, therefore, means “evil stop” or

“evil cease”. Viewed from this angle, when a child utters some insultive word, the elders will tell him, “Nwatakiri shi or shi-nwatakiri” meaning stop that, boy (or girl). The other opinion explained the meaning of the word Arushi to be derived from the word “Irunshi”. “Iru” means to neutralize or spoil (for example, iru ogwu) while “nshi” means to neutralize a poison or a dangerous charm or filthy thing. From these view points, the people explained that deities or Arushi/Arunshi were instruments employed by their forefathers to control adverse influences beyond their powers.

3.1 The Origin and Meaning of Okekparakpara Deity

According to Achi mythology, the people of Achi have one traditional great and dreaded deity known as “Ala-Elugwu” situated at the traditional primordial home of their forefathers at Orie-ala Mkpokoro Achi. Ala–Elugwu has a consort known as “Achihi” and “Okekparakpara” was the first and only son (Di – Okpara) of that union.

According to this mythology, “Oke” (in short form) was too strong, fearless, courageous and powerful that his father (Ala-Elugwu) used him to defend his

“children” (that is, Achi people) and also to ward off enemies and invaders thereby ensuring peace, order and security through out Achi communities. One of his current priests – Akpumoo II, in an oral communication claims that the deity has and uses the powers of thunder which according to him stems from the Old

Testament stones eventhough he could not explain which or what stone and the exact circumstance. He further explained that this great deity, Ala–Elugwu uses

“Oke” to fight enemies and evil doers due to the latter’s vibrancy and courage.

Due to its courage and vigour, “Oke” was positioned by its father at the boundary between Achi and Inyi communities as a guard and to oversee to the life of the rest of Achi people living at the other end of the Achi community (Achi-Agu) – hence, its location at Enugu-Agu Achi.

On the meaning of the name “Okekparakpara”, the mythology, according to the respondents, postulated one possible theory. The name was coined from two words “Oke” and “Kparakpara”. According to them, the word “Oke” was applied in two senses to the name of the deity. i. As a complementary prefix to the name of the deity and in this sense, it

implies “too much” of a thing. For example, “Oke iri ihe”, meaning too

much eating.

77 ii. To represent inherent masculine strength (or male strength) as masculinity

could be used to symbolize strength while feminity is believed by some

people to symbolize weakness, example, “Oke mmadu”, meaning very

powerful man. Oke Nwanyi, to mean a highly powerful and courageous

woman.

On the other hand, the suffix “kparakpara” was explained by the respondents to mean vigorous or vibrant activity and fearlessness. When joined together, the name “Oke – kparakpara” therefore means much vibrant or vigorous power or action. As a manifestation or proof of this vibrance, it usually goes with thunder and is also given the name thunder sender by the adherents. It is also referred to as the god of thunder.

3.2 Nature of Okekparakpara Deity

Okekparakpara is a strong spirit being believed to be a male and descendant of

Ala-Elugwu deity. He was the first and only son (according to our popular and traditional mythology) of Ala-Elugwu. The deity has a shrine located at Enugu–

Agu Achi and is usually served at a time by two priests who must be males selected by the deity from two priestly families in Enugu-Agu. Females have never served as priests to the deity and are forbidden to enter a particular area of his shrine. The deity has its own special “Ofo”, “Aro”, “Oji” and “Mma Ikpa” all placed in its shrine. There are also few carved wooden human sculptures

78 known as “Osu” within the shrine. It is a taboo for any woman to touch any of these sacred objects used to symbolize the presence and power of the deity.

Unfortunately, these items can never be snapped and their location was secluded using the “Egbo” medicine wand.

“Oke” (as it is shortly called) uses these twelve principal spirits to execute its wishes. These spirits include:-

 Ngene Ishiogba; (god of fertility and favour).

 Ngwu Ishiogba; (god of defence, protection and neutralizer).

 Ikoro Okekparakpara; (god of war and emergencies).

 Ngwu Ikoro; (god of defence, protection and war).

 Ngwu Ezi Nze Nwanyi; (god of defence, protection and neutralizer).

 Ojukwu Egbo Oke; (god of neutralizer and defence).

 Ojukwu Okekparakpara; (god of neutralizer and defence).

 Agwu Oke; (god of fighter and inspirator).

 Ngwu Oke; (god of defence, protection and neutralizer).

 Ngwu Ogbanta; (god of defence, protection and neutralizer).

 Ihu – Ezi; and (god of progress).

 Agwu – Ike. (god of fighter, attacker and inspirator).

These spirits-deities perform various roles to their master Okekparakpara depending on what the later wants to accomplish. Sacrifices are offered to these messenger-deities by the priests, of the master deity Okekparakpara. The deity

79 was believed to be very vibrant, active and was highly dreaded in Enugu-Agu

Achi. One of the shrines of the messenger-spirits attached to the deity has the emblem of a lion to connote the power ascribed to it, and how the people dread it.

Figure 2: Picture of the Shrine of the Messenger-Deity with an Emblem of a Lion.

The people claim that the deity can appear physically in human forms either as a small boy or a very old man with walking stick when it is out for a special assignment. While on such missions, it can also manifest its presence in the form of either of the following:

 Thunder;  Bees;  Giant yellow butterfly;  Severe tempest/storm, and  Hearing one’s name called without seeing the caller.

In the event of any of these, the involved person would usually consult diviners for interpretation and necessary action. When the mystery is unravelled and was certified to be linked to the “Okekparakpara” deity, the priests are consulted and the demands of the deity fulfilled accordingly.

Okekparakpara deity is usually served at a time by two male priests selected by the deity from the male members of the two main priestly families (Ndibe Eme and Ndibe Joba) in Enugu-Agu Achi. The mode of selection of the priests is an exclusive reserve of the deity. Humans have no hand in it and it usually occurs sometimes after the death of any of the serving priests. The selection is usually phenomenal and it is then that one of its praise names (that is, Ete jide Nwankwu

Omaba Nnyaghiri- meaning that when a rope get hold of a small palm tree then It will start shaking) becomes manifest especially to stubborn non-traditionalists and youths who feel frustrated to return to the village and serve as priests to the deity.

This is because, once the eye of the deity settles on anybody as the new priest, the person has no option than to accept. If not, he will be ready to face severe calamities or afflictions such as: illness, disability or maiming, set-backs; and blockages or even madness. These afflictions would continue until the person submits.

The deity demands sacrifices from its priests and individuals. Animals sacrificed to it or to any of its messenger-spirits are consumed by humans though not in all

81 circumstances. At times only the few initiates are allowed topartake in the sacred meal.

The deity abhors evil conducts like murder, abortion, sale of human beings, incest, human sacrifice, preparation and use of dangerous charms, injustices and suppression. It punishes miscreants who violate traditional norms and also rewards good conducts. Beyond shading of human blood and committing of any of the above mentioned evils, C. O. Nwankwo (personal communication, 24

October, 2010) said that the deity is closely associated with the following traditional Igbo taboos in Enugu-Agu Achi culture:

 Killing or consumption of totem or sacred animals like tortoise. He that kills

such animals (for whatever reason) commits an abomination and must

perform some sacrifices to appease the deity. If the offence is committed in

the secret, the deity follows the offender until it avenges itself.

 Having sexual intercourse with a widow during her period of mourning.

Also, any priest of Okekparakpara must never have sexual intercourse with

any women during her menstrual period. Handling of any of the sacred

emblems of the deity by women and desecration of the shrine constitutes a

serious abomination in the worship of Okekparakpara deity.

 Women must never pour libations to the ancestors and must never officiate

during any traditional or customary issues in the presence of any male. Their

tradition holds that the male is always senior to the female irrespective of his

age.

 Death with swollen abdomen and limbs implies evil and the body must never

be buried until disemboweled and some appeasement sacrifices performed to

cleanse the land.

 A pregnant woman who dies with her pregnancy is never buried until she is

rid of the foetus and some sacrifices performed. And if a woman dies under

one month after delivery, her funeral must never be conducted until one

month of her post delivery.

 Suicide especially through hanging represents evil and therefore spells doom

and the victim is never buried until sacrifice of expiation or purification have

been done.

 It is equally abominable for any woman to break the Igbo Kola in any

gathering especially if a very small boy was present. In such a case, the

small boy, blesses and breaks the kola for them. Where the gathering is

exclusively women affair, any male can be invited to bless and break the

kola. In the event of violation of any of the above traditions, the deities of

the land and the ancestors are believed to become angry and would usually

visit the offender with some calamities.

 In the same vein, new yam is never harvested or consumed until the priests

have done some sacrifice at the shrine of the Okekparakpara deity.

Harvesting and taking the yam before this sacrifice incurs the wrath of the

deities.

3.3 Functions/Importance of Okekparakpara to the Enugu-Agu Achi

Okekpaprakpara deity was presented by the respondents to have existed long before the advent of Christian religion or any other religion in Enugu-Agu Achi.

Consequently, the life, culture and existence of the aborigines of Enugu-Agu Achi were woven around the deity and its worship. According to Obiechina (1978),

“traditional Igbo religion was, and still is inextricably bound up with Igbo culture”

(p.208). Before the advent of Christianity, there was strong connection between their daily activities and the worship of the deity. The deity controlled their life and was worshipped then by everybody. There was serious Okekparakpara consciousness even when Christianity came to the scene. N. O. Ude (personal communication, 30 October, 2010) explained that most people could not join the new faith due to some reasons which included: i. Fear of punishment by the deity; ii. Fear of loosing the protection and security believed to be guaranteed by the deity; and iii. The reluctance to abandon the numerous ceremonies and the lavish entertainments and feasting of tapioca, foo-foo and yam with vegetable suce generously presented and served by the women during such celebrations. All the respondents presented one particular issue about the role of the deity to the whole of Achi people (not just Enugu Agu Achi). The chief priest (Akpuemoo II)

84 claimed that the deity regarded all Achi people as her children. And when any of her children stays in a foreign land for so long without thinking of visiting home, the deity usually appears in human form to such a person and force him to visit home. In other words, they claim that the deity brings home the prodigal sons and daughters of Achi back to Achi land.

Beyond this, and deriving from responses to question number 16 in the questionnaire, the role or functions of Okekparakpara deity in Enugu-Agu Achi can specifically be categorized into economic, political, social and religious functions. The table below represents different degrees of affirmation on the specific importance of the deity on the life of Enugu–Agu Achi people.

Table 2: Response on the Importance of the Deity Importance Response % response Economic Importance 2 8 Political Importance 1 4 Social Importance 2 8 Religious Importance 12 48 Cultural Importance 7 28 Miscellaneous Importance 1 4 Total 25 100 Source: Field data 2010

From the table above, more of the people are of the opinion that the deity impacts more religiously on their lives with the response score of 48%. In fact, they say that the deity controls their religion and culture, and both are so interwoven

(especially before the advent of Christianity) that you cannot be discussing their culture without referring to their traditional religion which revolves around the worship of the deity. This mix between culture and traditional religion of Igbo people was originally observed by Onwu (2002) when he submitted that:

Religion is intrinsic part of culture…that whereas, on the one hand, cultural

elements can be discerned from the people’s religion, the people’s religion

itself is an intrinsic part of the people’s culture in a broader sense.

Therefore, studying one is by implication studying some of the vital

elements of the other. (p. 24).

The Okekparakpara deity is bound with Enugu-Agu Achi “Omenala” and they live their life according to what “Omenala” dictates so as to ensure order and decorum in the society. In specific terms, the role of this deity on each of the above indices (as contained in the table) can be presented below.

3.3.1 Economic Functions

The Okekparakpaa deity, through his chief priests grants repayable loans to prospective borrowers who usually would apply in person and with some kola nuts and palm wine. These funds accrue from the numerous material sacrifices offered to the deity and penalties paid by defaulters. And because nobody dares tamper with such money (unless directed by the deity), huge sums of idle funds are accumulated and banked on behalf of the deity by the priests. Repayment within

86 the stipulated time is a must and here lies the snag with borrowing from the deity.

Borrowers do not abscond. Inability to repay within the stipulated period could be reported to the priest who would then appeal to the deity for extension of the repayment date. Failure to abide by this process spells doom to the borrower.

It does also grant free loans to very poor people in the society or whoever the deity wants to favour. Because the worshippers know that the deity has a lot of resources (both animals and cash), people apply for assistance from the deity through the priests. Approval is usually ascertained through divination or ccutting of two pieces of yam (ibe ji). The Okekparakpara deity can give its livestock to people for breeding purposes. As the animals breed the off-springs are shared equally between the keeper and the deity on an agreed ratio. It can instruct its priest to sell its livestock and use the money to solve the priests’ personal problems. It can also instruct its priest to kill any of its animals during major festivals thereby guaranteeing improved diet to the priest family members. This is in addition to the frequent slaughter and consumption of sacrificial animals at the shrine. It is used extensively to secure properties and ward off thieves when placed on such properties

3.3.2 Political Functions.

It is used by politicians to sustain loyalty from the spirit sons. The spirit fathers achieved this by getting the spirit sons swear by the deity to ever remain loyal to

87 them. More so, to consolidate this agreement sacrifices are made to the deity, thus, establishing a covenant.

It is used as a native court to ensure justice; equity and sincerity in inter-personal relations. Worshippers report disputes at the shrines of the deity for settlement.

The report is usually made with some items involving a certain amount of money and some drinks. This is traditionally referred to as “Ido Manya”. At the receipt of this report, an emissary from the spirit would be sent to the accused person inviting him to appear for a defence on a given date which must be either “Afor day” or “Eke day” corresponding to the days of worship of the deity. To answer to this invitation which traditionally is referred to as “Iza Ikpe” or “Iwuchi Manya” the accused would usually pay double of the items spent by the complainant. At the commencement of discussions, the priest would bring out the “Ofo” and make invocations calling upon the spirit of the deity to come and witness. The concerned parties would be asked to pull off their foot-wears and swear by the “Ofo” to say just the truth and nothing but the truth.

It is used extensively to enforce compliance to established traditional rules and norms. This is done by the chief priest who (under agreement with the entire worshippers) uses the “Ofo” or any other emblem of the deity to pray and declare the practice permissible or abominable.

It guarantees a pride of place for the members of the priesthood families especially during traditional community ceremonies. During such ceremonies, they occupy the centre stage, take the juicy and a big share of the offerings and food items and their opinions are not just dismissed with a wave of the hand.

It guarantees protection (to adherents) against evil attacks. Some worshippers dedicate themselves to the deity for purposes of protection by offering sacrifices to either the deity or any of the messenger-spirits attached to it. During such a function, a cock or hen would be waved around the head of the protected and prayers are made by the priest upon the man.

It guarantees security to life and properties of all Achi people (especially during the olden days) against encroachment into Achi land. In the olden days (during the

“Oye Nnekeji” annual festival) some special sacrifices were offered for the general protection of all Achi people and properties. According to the chief priest,

Akpuemoo II, the deity – Okekparakpara though, descended from Ala-Elugwu

(located at Achi Uno) is situated at its present location at Enugu-Agu Achi for the singular reason of protecting and securing the rest of Achi people and their possessions outside Achi Uno.

3.3.3 Social Functions

It is used for oath-taking to determine the truth especially in matters of controversy. During such cases, the “Mma Ikpa” and“Ofo” are brought out,

89 sometimes also with the old dane-gun present in the shrine. The parties are taken into the secluded area of the shrine, asked to remove their foot-wears and then the incantations by the priest followed up with prayers. The Igbo kola nut will be prayed upon by the priest and broken accordingly. The parties are made to swear for sincerity and then offered one of the lobes of the kola nut. After all these rituals, the parties will be warned to say only what they know is the truth otherwise they would be ready to face the ugly consequences.

It serves as the last and cheap resort to the under privileged in the society. There is no favouritism and no bribery associated with matters involving the deity. Any one who does what is good and acceptable in the sight of the spirit and man is favoured. Therefore, both the rich and the poor were treated in the same way.

Even the priest receives his due punishment from the deity especially, when he derails, motivated by corruption.

It is used to preserve and control traditional festivals. The priests in conjunction with the traditional rulers determine the days and mode of celebration of traditional festivals. In a festival like New Yam, nobody eats the new yam until the priest has made his first sacrifice to the deity and announcing the set date for the festival in the market especially, during Eke market day. It is with this announcement that the harvesting of the new yam for family consumption begins.

It encourages social interaction especially during the numerous ceremonies and celebrations. Worship of Okekparakpara deity involves feasting and dancing of different types. Some festivals are dedicated to the deity and during the celebrations, families and individuals exchange visits, gifts and gather together to celebrate. In-laws exchange pleasantries and people relax at home and latter in the day gather at the village squares.

3.3.4 Religious Functions

It creates in the people the consciousness of a supreme and transcendental being and man’s dependence on that being. It is used to put people’s behaviour and activities in check and control by acting as a supreme monitor. In this sense, it helps to reduce the incidence of murder, abortion and such other vices. It creates in the people the consciousness of their conducts being watched by the supernatural. Worshippers believe that the evil they commit today could be visited upon them or their families in future. In pouring libations, they pray for their back to be better than their present, that is, for their off-springs to fare better when they were no more. As a result, their popular maxim is “to avoid leaving behind any sour food for their off-springs” (that is, Irifoduru Umu ya nri gbara uka). This is because of the consciousness of a monitor who do not forgive any evil committed on the land.

According to I. Akpuemoo (personal communication, 3 July, 2010), the deity is important to all Achi people (not only Enugu-Agu Achi) because it performs such

91 other miscellaneous functions as follows: If approached and sacrifices made to it, it guarantees journey mercies to their people especially those traveling abroad. It was used extensively to control the incidence and spread of epidemics in Achi- land during the olden days. It can still do the same now if appropriately motivated

(according to the chief priest). It guarantees divine healing if consulted and appropriate sacrifices made to him.

It also neutralizes any dangerous charm being brought into Achi land by anybody.

For this reason, Achi people can freely drink with one cup and from the same pot without fear. Dare the devils who somehow managed to get such charms into our land and succeeded in inflicting injuries on people with the charms usually are met with disasters in the long run. He further explained that most of the appeasement sacrifices offered to the deity presently are consequences of such acts committed in past years.

3.4 Demerits of Okekparakpara Deity in the Lives of Enugu-Agu Achi

People

Inspite of the views expressed by the people on the positive contributions of the

Okekparakpara deity in their lives (as seen in table 2 above), about 60 percent of the respondents, representing 15 persons are of the opinion that the worship of the deity has some inherent negative impacts.

3.4.1 Caste System (OSU Practice)

Allegiance and worship of the deity encourages such Christian abhorred “caste” practices, where some people in the society are looked-down upon and treated as untouchables and social pariahs that is, Umu Arushi or Umu Osu Okekparakpara.

These people are discriminated against in the community. They neither eat nor share anything in common with the free born in the community. They are not free to inter-marry with the free born. And as such, their credit to socialization is also limited. They were ostracized from the rest of the community. There is no free market for the Osu in the liturgical worship of “Oke” deity. Any free born knowingly or unknowingly that goes contrary to this state or act otherwise has automatic ticket to become an Osu. This condition and status create fears and un- neccesary anxieties in the lives of the people of Enugu-Agu Achi. In this vein, some of the people were of the opinion that the worship of the Okekparakpara deity savours or has a tincture of bandage since there is much fear and social stigma tagged to some members of the worshipping community. It encourages inferiority complex among its adherents. Hence, dehumanizes and promotes disunity among the members. It has great negative socio-religious impact on the adherents, since, such people cannot be allowed to participate or officiate in any public functions.

3.4.2 Negative Economic Consequences

The location of the Okekparakpara deity and its twelve messenger-spirits covers a large space of land. It embraces a large area of primordial forests and trees exclusively owned by the deity. Hunting and agricultural activities are forbidden in this area of arable land which otherwise could have been used for the growth and development purposes. The trees must not be felled and the land cannot be given out to prospective users. Consequently, the land and forests remains a site prominent and outstanding in the Enugu-Agu Achi community.

3.4.3 Lack of Forgiveness

The idea of Christian forgiveness is not common with the worship of the deity.

Every mistake or default is met with a punishment. One does not get free from any offence by just being and saying sorry. There is a great sign of give and take attitude that controls their socio-economic and religious lives. Everybody pay for his or her evil deeds either in kind or in material. A woman who defies a sacred emblem by touching or handling it does not just replace the emblem but must pay heavily for some sacrifices or otherwise would begin to experience some mysterious illness immediately.

CHAPTER FOUR

OKEKPARAKPARA LITURGICAL CULT WORSHIP

The liturgical worship of Okekparakpara deity seems to be very elaborate and comprehensive. To be effective the deity stresses on a number of conditionalities and functions to be fulfilled by its worshippers. Worship is an important aspect of religions. In fact, it is the heart of religions. It is the means through which man responds to the appearance of the Holy, that is, to the sacred, transcendent power of being (Ifesieh, 1989). In Igbo traditional religion, as in other religions of the world, the normal mode of response and assent to the unique Holy include such through cults as rituals and liturgies. Thus, in Enugu-Agu Achi traditional religion, the worship of Okekparakpara deity appears to be very essential and paramount to the people. And with this fact in view, some questions appear relevant at this point. i. Can a deity like Okekparakpara exist without worship? ii. Who benefits from the act of worship – the deity or the worshipper? iii. How is the act of worship conducted? iv. What is the relevance of worship of a deity like Okekparakpara?

This chapter addresses some of these issues as they affect the worship of

Okekparakpara deity in Enugu-Agu Achi. However, considering the last issue – that is, the relevance of worship of the deity, the table below show cases the people’s response.

Table 3: Response on the Relevance of Worship to Okekparakpara Deity Relevance of worship to Okekparakpara Number of % response deity respondents A sign of submission to its Authority 5 20 Used to make the deity stronger 2 8 Used to make the deity pleased 4 16 It makes it more responsive 6 24 In appreciation of a favour/role 4 16 As a sign of obedience/loyalty 3 12 Is of no use 1 4 Total 25 100 Source: Field data 2010.

Up to 24% of the respondents accords worship to the deity because they believe that the worship of the deity makes it more responsive to their needs and therefore submit to its authority (20%). 4% of the respondents are of the opinion that the deity is of no use to them. As the table can show, 96% of the people gave various reasons as to the relevance of worship to the deity.

According to Awolalu (1981), worship is used to honour spiritual beings. It is an act of veneration paid by human beings to such spiritual beings believed to have great influence over their lives. Through the act of worship, the worshippers acknowledge the supremacy or superiority of the worshipped over their lives and by so doing seek to maintain a positive relationship with the worshipped.

Essentially, worship can be seen to testify to a people’s belief, need, creed and philosophy. Awolalu (1981), therefore, was of the opinion that worship is

96 expressed by word as well as by deed and that every act of worship has distinct elements which he enumerated as follows:

* Liturgy;

* Cultic functionaries; and

* Sacred place where the worship is conducted.

These elements and more are analyzed critically as they apply to the worship of

Okekparakpara deity in Enugu-Agu Achi. Liturgy is a fixed form of public worship in religion. It is an indispensable aspect of worship and involves prayers, music, sacrifices and even dance. To yield the desired results, certain issues might seem relevant and salient. These conditions might determine certain liturgical circumstances in officiating during the worship itself which include:

1. Conditions for a successful celebration in the traditional religious liturgy;

1. Hindrances to proper conduct of liturgy; and

2. The consequences of improper conduct of liturgy.

In the traditional worship of Okekparakpara deity, the priests enumerated the following conditions for a successful celebration of their traditional religious liturgy:

4.1.1 The Appropriateness of the Officiating Functionary

The presiding officer during liturgy must always be a priest of Okekparakpara deity and to guarantee this, the deity uses two priests serving at the same period so

97 as to ensure that one of them is always available. However, in the event of death of both of them at the same time (which is rare and would be enquired) any priest of the other deities in Achi could be used to offer sacrifices to the deity or a native doctor can be invited though, with the approval by the deity. The liturgy of

Okekparakpara deity involves a number of intricate details only known to the priests as was handed over to them by their predecessors. This explains also the reason for two priest serving at the same time so that there would never be any thing like going to ask a non-priest for any details if a serving priest dies. If, for- instance, the wrong person presides/ officiates or that the presiding person is ritually unclean or that he overlooks or omits an important ritual, the anger of the deity is usually aroused against the person. Sometimes, it strikes instantly but in other times, the punishment may be delayed.

4.1.2 Purity of the Presiding Person and Use of Sacred Emblems

The presiding person at the liturgy of the deity must have nothing to do with human blood or human life. He must never be an instrument to murder, sale of human being, false witness and intrigue, double standard dealing, abortion, kill or consume sacred animals or indulge in any act of abomination whatsoever.

During liturgy, only the emblems properly consecrated to the deity are used. For example, the palm wine is not offered to the deity except with the buffalo horn and no other person can drink with this horn except the priest. Some of the emblems of

98 the deity are used for specific reasons. All agreements and discussions involving the deity are made only with the Ofo brought out as a seal and authority of the deity. For discussion that may involve death, the Mma Ikpa or Aro must be involved. It is the specific role of the priest of the deity shrine to know when to use any particular emblem.

4.1.3 Availability of the Necessary Materials

The materials are usually provided by the worshippers but if the deity requires any particular item for a specific sacrifice, the priest usually looks for it. On the other hand, when an individual wants to offer a sacrifice for favour or appeasement, the items are determined by the priests according to their custom.

When any particular item is not adequate, the priests can be begged to intervene.

4.1.4 Constitution of the Liturgical Assembly

The liturgical assembly involves the people who must be present at the liturgy, so as to be of any effect. Essentially, the members of the Levitical family must be present with either or both of the priests. The chief officiators in this assembly are the priests while all the other persons can only perform duties assigned to them by the priests. If the liturgy involves some traditional songs or dance, some female traditionalists could be involved. Females are not essential in the formation of the liturgical assembly except during ceremonies that involve a lot of songs, dances and feasting.

4.1.5 Adherence to Traditional Liturgical Procedure

The liturgy of Okekparakpara deity involves a number of age long traditional procedures and practices. These involve – making sure that the items are complete before the celebration begins, including that the conduct of the liturgy occurs only on Afo or Eke market days, that the acceptance of items for sacrifice to the deity is confirmed through divination or throwing of yam pieces, that the liturgical celebration is officiated by the appropriate person which must be the male priests rightfully chosen by the deity; and more so, that the Igbo kola nut is used and the animal killed and the blood spilt on the correct places. Traditionally, all the sacrificial items are first offered to the deity before human can enjoy the items.

4.1.6 Confidentiality

This requires that certain esoteric knowledge and information about the deity is not divulged for public consumption. For-instance, questions on whether charms are prepared for the deity and the exact type of charms were never answered.

Moreover, reasons for certain sacrifices performed only by the priests and native- doctors are never properly explained except when the deity demands for that.

4.1.7 Disposition of the Presiding Officer, Good Memory and Dutifulness of

the Person

This presupposes that the presiding person at the liturgical celebration should be thorough and with a good sense of commitment to duty. He must not be a

100 drunkard and must always be conscious of his responsibilities as a priest of the deity. The person should be able to speak clearly and in expressions devoid of ambiguities so as to ensure that the position of the deity in all circumstances is clearly communicated to the people. On hindrances to the proper conduct of liturgy, Akpuemoo (2010), enumerated the following:

 Failure to meet up with all the necessary conditions;

 Laziness and nonchalant attitude of the presiding officer;

 Unavailability of the presiding officer; and

 Irresponsibility of the presiding person and non-confidentiality of the

officiating person.

The consequences of improper conduct of Okekparakpara liturgical worship is usually on the negative side. It involves:

 Failure to accomplish the desired result like failure to expiate sins or appease

the deity;

 Inflictions and death;

 Aggravation and degeneration of situation; and

 Increased incidence of mysterious and unusual events.

To ward off or forestall these negative consequences of improper celebration of

Okekparakpara liturgy, the priests and worshippers try to be awake to all the liturgical procedures and requirements of the deity.

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4.2 Signs, Symbols and Images of Okekparakpara Deity and their Socio-

Religious Significance

The deity is believed by the people to manifest its presence in several physical forms. These include:

 Human form - either as a small boy or an old man;

 The giant yellow butterfly;

 Visit by bees either as a swarm or as a single bee coming in a phenomenal

manner;

 Mysterious illness;

 Severe wind and mysterious events;

 Thunder and mysterious illness;

 Can call your name without the person seeing the caller; and

 Unusual events.

The histogram below shows respective responses made to the above physical manifestations of the deity. All the people were of the opinion that the deity assumes any of the above physical forms when it is out for a special mission either to warn a defaulter or an evil doer, commend or give encouragement for good conduct; unleash an attack or to bring a prodigal son or daughter of Achi back home.

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6 6

4 4

3 3 3 3

2 2 2 2

0 In human Giant yellow Bees Servere Wind Thunder Name Calling M ysterious Unusual form butterfly illness events

Figure 3: Distribution of Respondents According to the Physical Manifestation of the Deity Source: Field data 2010.

According to Metuh (1991) and Madu (2004), the world of human experience is seen as one fluid coherent unit in which spirits, man, plants, animals and the elements are engaged in continuous interactions. So the Igbo world whether visible or invisible is a “real” world in every sense of the word. The invisible world is the counterpart of the visible. It is symbolizes or manifests in visible and concrete phenomena and objects of nature. This view by these scholars certainly agrees with responses given by the people. There is a popular phrase by Achi people that “Uwa di ogbu” meaning that this world is deep. It is surrounded by

103 mysteries sometimes beyond human comprehension. The physical manifestation of the deity is beyond their explanation but they maintain that it is a reality. Most commonly, it appears to victims in human form especially when the mission is not to harm. The same thing applies to “name calling” and use of the giant yellow butterfly. The use of thunder, bees, severe wind and mysterious illness usually represent danger but is obviously less frequent.

The unusual events could be positive or negative (according to some victims).

Negative unusual events include:

 Inexplicable hardships;

 Abrupt business collapse;

 Accidents; and

 Disfavour and blockages.

One of the present priests Ikedinma Cyprain was a victim of these. He was a very rich man residing in Aba before the deity picked him and compelled him to be one of the priests. His selection was phenomenal. He fell sick of a mysterious illness, during which he had his two Lorries involved in accidents and series of misfortunes. Then, through divination, Okekparakpara was identified as the cause of his predicament. And as soon as he accepted to become the priest of

Okekparakpara deity his health was restored. Positive unusual events take the form of sudden favour, breakthrough or good luck.

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Okekparakpara is a spirit believed by Enugu-Agu people to be affecting most aspects of their life. Its real cosmological nature and origin transcends the understanding of the people. But because it has great influence on the life of the people and they acknowledge its real existence, its presence during worship is represented by the following symbols and images.

 Ofo Okekparakpara – twigs or branch-lets of a tree

 Aro – Long metallic staff with some pieces of red cloth and herbs tied to it

 Oji – Long metallic staff

 Mma Ikpa – Rusted ancient cooking knife

 Akpukpo Nkwu – Dry palm leaves

 Osu and the old dane gun.- wood sculture and old gun

According to Ejizu (1986), “symbolism is the basis of human communication, for by nature man is a homo symbolicus, a symbolizing, conceptualizing and meaning seeking animal, capable of using one thing to stand for, or represent another”

(p.4). Symbols denote many things, take many forms and have many functions especially in traditional sacrifices and worships. The worship of Okekparakpara deity involves the use of a number of images and symbols as listed above.

The people hold these symbols with much reverence and honour. They believe so much in their potency and as such, when and if any of them are placed on any property (as a security measure), the property remains secured. According to Firth

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(1973), “Symbols are not simple communication media that can be envisaged as possessing a spontaneous power in them projecting the mind towards the absolute”

(p. 49).

These items are used during their socio-religious celebrations as their presence depicts or represents the presence of the deity. Women do not come close to any of these and neither of them is equally allowed to be snapped. The deity has its own Ofo (as already indicated) which is made up of three twigs or branch-lets from the Ofo tree. The three sticks are always tied together and are used as a single item. It represents the ancestral authority and divine power of the deity. It equally represents the symbol of truth and justice protected or rather believed to be defended by the deity in Enugu-Agu Achi. The Ofo must be brought out before any worship celebration is conducted. It is handled by the priests.

The Aro and Oji, though very closely related are slightly different in appearance and uses. Both are long metallic staff with slight variation in design. The Aro has some pieces of red cloths and herbs tied to it. During all sacrifices to the deity, the

Aro and Ofo are used to represent the deity and its authorities and powers. It can never be snapped otherwise the camera spoils instantly. (There was a story of this white man who was on investigation in Okekparakpara shrine some years back.

As he was about to take asnap of few emblems in the restricted area of the shrine he was warned but he insisted on taking the photograph, the result was that he

106 went home with a damaged/blown-up camera). Where appeasement sacrifices are required to free an offender from the fangs of the deity, the “Aro”, after some rituals, are carried by the chief priest round the offender’s house and some statements made to declare freedom to the family. The priest then carries the

“Aro” off (with slight running) and the person becomes free. Unless this is done, the anger of the deity still rests upon the family.

The Oji has no red cloth or herb attached to it. It can be snapped as can be seen in figure 4 below where two Oji were snapped.

Figure 4: Picture Showing Two Oji Used during Liturgical Celebration in Okekparakpara Shrine.

Save for the red cloths and herbs, the Oji looks identical with the Aro. The Oji can be brought out very frequently while the Aro cannot. This is because the Aro is an emblem specially consecrated as a symbol of weapon of war by the deity. It is ranked alongside other emblems like Mma Ikpa.

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The “Osus” are carved wooden structures of human beings in different activities or positions. They were never purchased from the market by the priests but were donated to the deity by individuals on the deity’s demand. The Osu becomes a sacred emblem or symbol of the deity after consecration. Okekparakpara’s Osu must always be in human form but the shrine of the other messenger-spirits (to the deity) can have Osu in animal form or even some branches of plant parts like leaf of the Ebelebe-Ugo plant.

Figure 5: Picture Showing Bunches of “Ebelebe Ugo” (Kola Giganti) Leaves in One of the Shrines.

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Figure 6: Picture Showing “Osu” in Animal Form.

The priests claimed that the significance of the “Ebelebe-Ugo” (Kola giganti) leaf was to bring calm and tranquility in a chaotic situation. This is in support of the traditional Igbo adage which says that “Uzu tusia onaa n’ Ebelebe” (Every turbulence and disturbance terminates at the Ebelebe tree). The emblem known as

Mma Ikpa is seldomly brought out except if the issue involved is very critical and requires drastic action. It is a rusted ancient cooking knife which may be as old as the deity itself. It is used mainly to administer an oath. It is only handled by the chief priest or his assistant. The “Mma Ikpa” and the gun seem to be weapons of attack by the deity. The two instruments represent potential danger and if they are brought out during liturgical worship or in any socio-religious activities, it means that war or danger is in the offing. Consequently, they are not always involved in most liturgical celebrations of the deity.

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4.3 Okekparakpara Ritual Worship and the Traditional Deities in Achi

Achi community has quite a number of principal deities distributed throughout the entire villages of Achi. Each deity has its own priests. The deities and their priests (hierarchically arranged) can be represented in the table below.

Table 4: Hierarchy of Traditional Deities and Priests in Achi Deities Priests Ala Elugwu Chief Dr. Udezulu Iroafoeze Achihi Priest is dead and not replaced yet Okekparakpara Edwin Akpuemoo II and Cyprain Ikedimma Ishi Ogba Mr. Ohagwu Benedict

Agwu Amagu Chukwuloru Uzoigwe Ajala Nat. Dr. Okereke Udoakpuenyi

Source: Field data 2010

Obviously, all the deities have male priests serving them. There is another deity located at Umumbogu in Enugu-Agu Achi whose priest is Mr. Atualaraoke

Onwukamike. It is a male deity whose name is “Ngwu Ajagu”. Speaking on the relationship between deities, the respondents Okonkwo Ibe and Ikechukwu Uba explained that some deities exist independently while others are attached to a principal deity. Agwu, Ojukwu and Ngwu can either exist independently or can be attached to a principal deity. As attachment to a principal deity, you can have such spirits like Ngwu Ajala, Agwu Ajala or Ojukwu Ajala. In this case, Ajala is the principal deity while Ngwu, Agwu and Ojukwu are the attached deities. This is very common in places like Inyi in Oji River Local Government Area of Enugu

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State. Okekparakpara has its attributes since it has as much as twelve messenger- spirits attached to her. As independent deities, you can have Agwu Umunna or

Ngwu Umunna existing independently and connected to a particular Umunna.

Independent deities have separate priests to serve them while messenger or attached deities usually have the main chief priest serving it. Ala-Elugwu is the highest deity and has a wife known as Achihi. Okekparakpara is their first and only son as already noted in chapter three of this work. The other deities are located at the different villages in Achi and are all subject to the Ala-Elugwu deity.

In most of the cases, Ala-Elugwu’s opinion usually over-rules.

Because of his vibrance and activity, Okekparakpara stood out to be very popular throughout Achi land. In the olden days, the father Ala Elugwu used it to accomplish total security and protection of all Achi people at home and in diaspora. This could account for the twelve messenger-spirits attached to the deity. It could be a special arrangement by the father to enhance the capacity and ability of the son. Reminiscent of the mystery of thunder surrounding the origin of

Ala-Elugwu (that is, Oke’s father) one can still observe further the source of the power of thunder claimed to be used by “Oke”. The father might have prepared the son to actually be very powerful.

There are co-ordinated and harmonized procedures amongst the chief priests.

They know themselves and hold meetings regularly. They co-ordinate all major traditional festivals like Nnekeji in honour of Okekparakpara deity and Afor-Oha,

111 in honour of Ala-Elugwu commemorating the birth of entire Achiland. As a result, these festivals are celebrated on the same date through out Achi land. The priests work together to preserve the traditional norms and values of Achi people. If the priest of any of the deities dies, the other priests can be offering sacrifices to the deity on behalf of their deceased colleague deceased until his replacement. The deities enforce the same taboos. For instance, no Achi person whether at home or in diaspora dare eat the tortoise. When contravened, either of the deities can demand a remission.

There are great similarities between the traditional norms and taboos of the deities.

What one deity abhors is also prohibited by the other deities. For instance, the

Ajalla deity has the following prohibitions and norms.

 Inceston ;

 Murder and sale of human beings;

 Killing and eating of tortoise;

 Sexual intercourse with a widow during her period of mourning;

 Abortion;

 Banishment of innocent person;

 Unjustifiable demolition of other people’s houses especially by setting fire

on the house;

 Refusal to mourn a deceased husband by his wife; and

 Women in their menstrual period desecrating either the shrine or any of the

sacred emblems of the deity. One of the elders explained that the monthly

menstrual flow by women is a human blood sacrifice of its own and it is

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detested by the deity. As a result, any woman in her menstrual period is

ritually impure to handle a sacred emblem or enter the shrine.

All the deities (as seen in the table above) have male priests and identical liturgical procedure. Sacrifices are offered only by the priests and libations are poured by the priest using the Igbo kola nut (not gworo, that is, the Hausa kola) and palm wine. The only exception is that certain sacrifices concerning Achi people can only be made at Ala-Elugwu shrine or Okekparakpara shrine. Some other sacrifices must be made to each of the other deities depending upon the circumstances such as, in suicide, murder or sale of human being. If for-instance, the sacred tortoise is killed mistakenly, sacrifices could also be offered to Achihi or Ala-Elugwu.

The priests of Okekparakpara deity in collaboration with other priests in Achi, especially the Ala-Elugwu and Achihi priests determine the pattern or mode of celebration of common festivals like Nnekeji (New Yam) festivals throughout

Achi land. In preparing for this festival, certain sacrifices are first made at both the

Ala-Elugwu and Okekparakpara deity’s shrines using life fowls hung on bamboo poles.

4.3.1 The Traditional Festivals and Gender Involvement in Enugu-Agu-Achi

Writing about African cosmology, Kalu (1979) opined that, festivals are used to energize the spirits and renew covenants with the spirits. Sometimes some

113 festivals are used to commemorate special events that took their roots from ancient time. Naturally, the fore-bearers understood this cultural principle and as such, traditional festivals are intermittently celebrated in Enugu-Agu Achi. These festivals include (but not limited to) Nnekeji festival, that is, the New yam festival, and “Afo-oha”. The religion of the ancient Enugu-Agu Achi is so embedded in their culture that almost all their traditional festivals were dedicated to the worship of one spirit or the other. Their calendar was based on the moon and its astrological positions.

The cycle of their year began with the new yam festival. In the modern calendar, this usually falls within the month of July. All the roads, paths and shrines of the major deities are cleared and swept clean to herald the festival. New yam festival was and is still commonly celebrated throughout Achi land on the same day. It marks the beginning of harvest of the chief crop (yam) and is generally regarded as the end to the period of scarcity.

The festival usually begins with the offer of the crop to the chief deity and other deities by the chief priest before the community would begin to harvest and consume the crop. On the day of the ceremony, the male head of each family would first harvest and offer the crop to their ancestors and spirits of the land in their respective families before consumption by the entire family members. The man offers prayers of thanksgiving to the ancestors and spirits of yam and prays

114 for more blessings upon the family. All celebrants- men, women, young and old remain joyous and gaily, enjoying special dish of roasted yam with oil bean sauce.

The man of the house is usually at the head of the celebration. With respect to the sharing of palm wine, the women could be obliged with few cups of the drink, while the men can go on drinking and telling stories till the end of the celebration.

Usually, the women would drink these cups stooping down and would leave as soon as they drain their cups while the men would continue. Failure to leave will be a mark of disrespect to the elders.

It has already been noted that the important traditional festivals in Enugu-Agu

Achi include Nnekeji and Afo-Oha, and activities on the days of celebration of

Nnekeji in particular include:

 Masquerading activity by men;

 Beating of Ikoro on Orie nnekeji. It is also a male affair;

 Some cultural dances by the “Umuadas” in the compounds of Ala-Elugwu

and Okekparakpara deities; and

 Male dances like Abia-ike, “Ikpa’, Okoboro, blowing of flute, “Ida Iya” (a

vigorous display of masculine gallantry by jumping about, and throwing-up

the legs in an acrobatic manner) and “ima-avu” ( it is the motivational use of

flattery and praise names to spur or ginger someone into the exhibition of

masculine gallantry) all by males. Ima avu arouses the spirit of Ida iya in

males.

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The tempo of this celebration is determined by males usually the chief priests.

They determine how the masquerades shall run. The masquerades are graded and each category assigned or allowed to appear on different days during the period of the celebration. Each masquerade emerging from the “ant hole” would usually present itself to the chief priest before public performance. Non-initiates like women are not involved. The Nnekeji is a major festival in Enugu-Agu Achi and

Achi land in general.

The Nnekeji is followed (after some months) by Nneke-ede (Cocoyam) festival.

This is a minor festival and is celebrated more by female traditionalists. It is celebrated in honour of cocoyam believed to be the crop for women. Some sacrifices are made to the goddess of fertility and procreation. By this the worshippers try to eulogise the deity as the last and only recourse of the helpless and defenseless; that it is a sure defense to the weak and the oppressed; and the only veritable weapon with which the weak and the oppressed can employ to fight the strong and powerful oppressors. Most traditional festivals in Enugu-Agu Achi involve intensive masquerading by males. The masquerades are categorized into two: i. The Night masquerades like Ozugwo, Ogbagu and Omenikoro; and ii. The Day masquerades like Iga, Ejioku, Iro-ekpete and Akpabu.

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The night ones are very dangerous and are not even watched by women. In fact, the women must stay in-doors when the masquerades are performing. The day ones are less dangerous except that some carry weapons like knives and canes and seem to target women and the uninitiated. During these festivals, initiation into the masquerade cult is conducted. It is usually presided over by the priests at the shrines of the deities using some of the emblems of the deity. This is exclusively men affair. Any woman who wants to initiate her male child into the cult would usually provide all the necessary materials and hand them over to any available male who can then take the items and the boy to the initiation arena. This applies to situations where a woman has no husband.

4.3.2 Liturgical Procedure and Celebrations in the Worship of

Okekparakpara Deity

The liturgy is usually celebrated by the priests, members of the priesthood families present and other people from the community who are present at the shrine for some particular reason. The chief priest usually officiates and is usually aided by his assistant. For any particular celebration, the two priests must be present. Their family male members could also be available to assist in functions like dismembering and cooking of sacrificed items.

As a preamble, the items for the celebration are first consecrated. It is necessary to point out here that the consensus opinions of the two priests are relevant here.

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When they accept any item presented, it is believed to be accepted by the deity and when they reject any item as incomplete or unfit, it is taken to be rejected by the deity. However, in extreme cases of disagreement, they usually seek the opinion of the deity by casting lots through cutting of two pieces of yam before the deity

(that is, ibe-ji). This applies especially to cases where the entire exercise is on behalf of an individual.

The items used for Okekparakpara socio-religious celebrations vary and depend on the demands of the deity. Nevertheless, the following items are common items used during most celebrations:

 Igbo kola nut in the ratio of 4, 8, or 16 nuts depending on the event and

instruction of the deity.

 Palm wine preferably the up-wine.

 Some fowls.

 Alligator pepper.

 A chick to represent purity (used especially during consecration of emblems).

It is not in all worship celebrations that the chick is involved or used. It is used only when an emblem of the deity is to be consecrated and made sacred. During such consecration, the chick is killed by the chief priest through tearing the mouth of the chick with both hands and spilling its blood on the emblem.

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 Goats which could be male, female or castrated males depending on the

event. A sheep is never used because it is regarded as sacred, meek,

innocence and belongs to the Ajala deity hence, the name – “Aturu Nwa-

Ajala”. Invariably, this can never be sacrificed to Okekparakpara deity.

 Hot drinks.

 The Igbo cattle. Usually the female one (that is, cow) is used. But if the

male calf should be used, it is complemented with a hen.

 Tapioca that is, sliced cassava and “Ighu” adorned with the clarias specie of

fish. The frozen fish (that is, Mackerel) is never used to sacrifice to the

deity because it is foreign and not traditional.

 Seven rounds of gun shots. The Ofo must be present before any

celebration is started and consecrations happen within the area secluded

with the “egbo” wand. Utensils used for this celebration are usually

traditional items like clay pot, palm wine, clay plate (that is, Oku) and

calabash cup. The chief priest usually uses his bare hand to offer cooked

food items to the deity.

After the presentation and approval, the chief priest pours out a cup of wine (from the local clay pot used in offering wine to the deity) using a buffalo horn (Mpu-

Atu) only unless not available. Obviously the deity accepts drinks offered to him only from the small local clay pot and the buffalo horn. Consequently, when a

119 large quantity of drink is brought to the deity, the quantity to be offered to the deity would be poured into the clay pot from the lot.

The priest then separates the kola nut into lobes and nips off the “Ire Oji” (the plumule and radicle) from all the lobes. He then presents the subject matter to the deity and prays. In some cases, he can ask the person for whom the sacrifice is organized to present his case by himself. In this particular case, he can only tell the deity that “it has heard the case as presented by the person” and then would proceed to drop these bits of Ire Oji into the cup of wine and begins to make incantations and libations. The kola nut used must be the Igbo kola and are usually four nuts in number corresponding to the four market days in Igboland.

The libations involve calling upon the four market days in Igboland to come and join the celebration as follows:

Eke taa oji - (Eke market day eat kola)

Orie taa oji - (Orie market day eat kola)

Afor taa oji - (Afor market day eat kola)

Nkwo taa oji - (Nkwo market day eat kola)

Eke kere uwa na ihe di n’ime ya taa oji – (The creator of the world and things in it eat kola)

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He further invokes all the usual good and positive things of Achi to come and join in the celebration as follows: “ka esi eme, taa oji”; and forbids the unusual bad things from participating - “ka esiro eme atakwana”.

Anyi buzi umuntakiri n’asa ahu n’afo n’afo; - (We are just mere children who do not know how to wash our body except the abdomen).

Gbaziere anyi uzo anyi ga – esi gaa; - (Teach us the way to follow).

N’ihi na odighi nke anyi maara; - (For we know nothing).

Taa na mpu ka anyi taa n’ibe-o- (Take the kola as a whole nut while we your children take the lobes).

Everybody would chorus Iseeo (Amen).

Nye anyi ihe oma (Give us good thing).

Nye anyi ahu-ike (Give us good health).

Gbochiere anyi ajo ihe-o (Protect us from all evil).

Nye anyi ihe anyi ga eri, nke ga-eri anyi jebekwa ezi-ezi (Give us what we

can safely eat and let the one that will eat us never see us).

Everybody would chorus a prolonged isee-o. The significance of some of these statements is to acknowledge man’s inherent imperfections and dependence on the supreme God. He then invokes the spirit of “Okekparakpara” and all the twelve principal spirits of “Okekparakpara” and some of the other deities in Achi to come and receive the sacrifice. All will chorus Iseeo.

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The priest then chants some eulogies for the deity. Examples:

Ome ihe egwu (He who does frightening things)

Oluo oha (He who is greater than the crowd)

Aluka ihuhe (great person)

Ogbatara onye ike adiro (A person who helps someone who has no power

or strength).

Oluo olaa (He who fights and goes home unhurt)

Ete jide Nwankwo omaba nnyaghiri. By this they claim that “Okekparakpara” says that people tend to remain stubborn and unbelieving until they are gripped well and then you see them shaking and begging for relief. He then makes appeals for assistance and blessings to the deity. The priest further reminds the deity about its popular song and saying that if a small boy pushes it and it staggers a bit, then it usually rebounds and throws the person into thorns and brambles.

With these praise names and incantations made, the cup of wine will then be poured out onto three particular spots within the shrine. The animals for the celebration are then killed and its blood spilled on the sacred objects in the shrine.

The lobes are thrown out while some are shared to people around. Drinking and merriments follow. The celebration is not ended until cooking is completed and served first to the deity and then to people around. Sometimes there could be cannon shots depending on the occasion and the demands of the deity. Usually before any worship is made, some major symbols or emblems of the deity must be

122 brought out and every action will be performed before them, and more especially, the Ofo and Aro.

4.3.3 Singing, Music and Dances in the Socio-religious Ceremonial Worship

of Okekparakpara Deity in Enugu-Agu Achi

According to Mbiti (1975) and Wikipedia (2009) culture is a complex whole which embraces the knowledge, belief, art, moral, custom and any other capacities and habits acquired or exhibited by the people of a community. It involves all aspects of the people’s life which includes what they believe in, what they do and the way they do it.

Thus, singing, music and dances are very important and integral part in the socio- religious sacrificial worship of Okekparakpara deity in Enugu-Agu Achi and Achi as a whole. The common music and dances involved in the worship of the deity include:-

 Ikpa dance;

 Abia ike dance;

 Flutes and “Ima-avu”;

 Women dance group involving the Umuada; and

 “Ida Iya” and “Itu Oshi” by the men and women respectively.

Some of these are used during general celebrations while others are used during specific functions like consecrations or dedication of emblems. Some of them are gender, sex and family discriminatory while others are not.

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The “Abia-Ike” and “Ikpa” dances are sex discriminatory since women are not included. The two dances look nearly alike except that the Abia-ike has a larger sized instrument known as “Ogbo” which can be used extensively in communication to members. The head of the Abia-ike (represented by the Ogbo) is carved to bear a human face. It is used for talking to members as the dance proceeds. In both dances, a group of five men beat the instruments while others do the dancing. It is important to point out that just as the two dances are sex discriminatory, (strictly forbidden to women) the Abia-ike is also equally discriminatory to some men. It is danced only by men of outstanding valour and not by weaklings. The “Ikpa” dance is the oldest of the dances and is gradually dying out since the youths show very little interest in it nowadays.

As the dance is progressing, the flute bearer charges the atmosphere higher by calling the praise names of the dancers. There is no limit as to the number of dancers once you are qualified. The flute bearer can pass vital information to the participants as the dance is going on. Women are never communicated to, using the flute because they are deaf to the language of the flute. In other words, they do not understand the message communicated with the flute. Beyond this, the women do not need to be charged. They are either wives or potential wives and so, are required to be of good behaviour. Consequently, the women just watch and shout for joy as the celebration is going on.

Example of Ikpa dance song:

Ikpa bu egwu odogwu – Iya (Ikpa is a dance for the great)

Ikpa bu egwu odogwu – Iyaa (Ikpa is a dance for the great)

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Okorobia siri-ike puta n’ oge ikpa eruo – Iya (A grown-up man come out the time for Ikpa dance has reach)

Ka igosi ihe ijiri buru-dike – Iya (So that you will show what makes you a hero)

Onye ajoli aputakwana –Iyaa (If you are a weakling do not come out)

Ikpa bu egwu odogwu –Iyooo-Iya (Ikpa is a dance for the great)

The Okoboro is the latest of the dances and has metamorphosed into a number of cultural dances. Women are allowed to take part in this type of dance. The instruments used here include;

 Nne Igba;

 Oke Igba;

 Aro – A very big metal gong; not the staff of “Okekparakpara”. Ogene

mkpiko-ibo (that is, two in one gong); and

 Flute.

Complementing the above dances were the following three traditional physical maneuverings, like – “Ima – Avu”, “Ida – Iya” and “itu – Oshi”. The second and last one was displayed by men and women respectively. They involve stylish and physical exhibition of gallantry in a mesmerizing and dancing manner. The first one (that is, Ima – avu) helps to ginger or trigger dancers to action just as the flute does.

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The Umuada are called to render a number of Umuada cultural dances and songs during celebrations. The titles of the songs used as praise names for the deity include:

“Okekparakpara”, - Ogbatara onye-ike n’adiro (Okekparakpara who

hears the cry of the less strong)

Omenani bu – uzoo, oyibo biara abia (Tradition is the first while the

westerners are foreign)

Ete jide Nwankwu, Omaba nnyaghiri (When a rope will catch a small palm

tree it will start shaking).

In this last case, the chorus will always end with nnyaghiri nnya.

The only particular thing about these dances is that all the participants try to show their best, possibly to please the deity and to entertain the living. Any particular dance or activity usually begins after all sacrifices have been made and concluded.

4.3.4 The Sacrifices and the Liturgical Words in the Worship of

Okekparakpara

Arinze (2008) described sacrifice as the ceremony which tends towards making a thing sacred or simply, it is to perform a sacred act. It is the soul of the liturgical worship of Okekparakpara deity and if it is removed, “the Igbo traditional religion is almost emptied of its content” (p. 22). Thus, sacrifice is usually offered to the deity by the priests in acknowledgement of his superior influence and their

126 dependence on it for assistance. This was the reason why Arinze (2008) also submitted that “sacrifice is really the essence of the Igbo traditional religion and is the heart of their worship” (p.38). The people of Enugu-Agu tradition are strongly convinced of the necessity for sacrifices because they believe that life may not be possible or easy without those sacrifices to the spirits. In the case of

Okekparakpara, the priests enumerated the following conditions (taboos) to guide the offering of sacrifices to the deity by any priest.

The priest must be ritually clean:

He must never have had intercourse with his wife before coming to offer sacrifices to the deity. He must never have any sexual affair with any other person’s wife or any other women especially those in their menstrual period.

He must always stand for truth in all matters otherwise the deity will strike him:

In a figurative expression, they say that the priest “must never put the left hand into his mouth”, otherwise the deity will strike him. This presupposes that the priest should be upright, sincere and righteous in his dealings.

The priest must never attend or go for condolences immediately after the death of the person due to fear of not knowing exactly the cause of the death:

They claimed that if the death is the consequence of an evil committed by the

127 deceased and the priest goes for the condolence, the deity describes it as a double standard position and would strike the priest if he tries to offer sacrifices to it.

The priest must not eat in hotels due to fear of eating food prepared with sacred animals or animals forbidden to priests for example, snail, ram and tortoise.

Arinze (2008) identified three objects of Igbo sacrifice as God, the spirit and the ancestors. By the sacrifices, the people make appeals to these entities believed by them to be in control of their life and welfare. In the liturgical worship of

Okekparakpara deity, different sacrifices are made depending on need and circumstances. One major sacrifice (appeasement) is usually offered to the deity in October of every year, during the Nnekeji festival to re-invigorate it. This happens during the main festival of the deity. The sacrifices could be at either communal or individual level. In the Liturgy of Okekparakpara deity, communal sacrifices include:

 Sacrifice at the beginning of every planting season to avoid farm accidents

and ensure good crop yield.

 Disease prevention sacrifices to forestall the spread of epidemics and highly

infectious diseases.

 Sacrifice to cleanse the land or make atonements for offences and

desecrations like committing of abominations. Arinze (2008) called this

sacrifice of expiation of sins.

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 Sacrifice for thanksgiving like the one done before the new yam festival

and during Nnekeji.

The individual sacrifices include:

 Sacrifices for business progress, and procurement of appointments.

 Sacrifices for success and protection known as “Ukwu na Ije” (Successful

journey or endeavour). During the individual sacrifices the client requiring

such assistance from the deity takes care of all the requirements.

The requirements for both sacrifices are almost the same. However, variation depends on the intentions of the individual or community aand what the deity demands. The items and procedure for making aither sacrifices are as discussed under 4.3.2.

Obviously, these sacrifices depend on the pressing needs of the people and the prevailing circumstances or conditions at the particular point in time. With respect to Okekparakpara deity, the materials used for these sacrifices depend on the nature of the problem presented to the deity. In general, the materials commonly used include:

The Igbo Cow

This is required especially where human head was involved in evils committed during the olden days like in cases where human being was sold off into slavery by a family member or friends. In Enugu-Agu Achi culture, the Igbo cow is

129 oftentimes, used during liturgical sacrifices as a replacement for human beings sold off into slavery or for some other purposes. The cow is never killed or consumed but is left to breed and if it dies any time, it is not consumed but is giving a befitting burial rite as it would have been done for that which it is representing. It is a symbolic expression. This is why Ejizu (1986) asserts that symbols are the basis of human communication. Hence cow is used here as a symbol representing human being sold off. It is not pointing to itself but to the human being for whom it represented. Man therefore, by nature is a “homo symbolicus” (p. 4).

Goats

This can either be a he-goat (buck), she-goat (ewe) or castrated male ones. The exact type to be used depends on what the deity demands at the time. The goat is usually killed and consumed except that the blood must be spilt on some emblems and specific location at the shrine. Moreover, the skull must be left with the priests who sometimes use the skull to represent a life goat during impromptu sacrifices where a goat is not readily available. In this case however, the person concerned must have paid some money for the goat, the money which in turn helps the

Okekparakpara priests in meeting-up with the adherent’s economic problems through borrowing. The sheep is never used for sacrifices to the Okekparakpara deity because it is believed to be meek, harmless and a special possession of the

Ajalla deity (the earth goddess of Achi) hence, the statement by the elders of the

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Enugu-Agu community: “Aturu-nwa-Ajalla” (The sheep, child of the Earth goddess).

Chicken

The use of chicken whether hen or cock depends also on the prescription by the priests who always seek the minds of the gods before proclamation. During sacrifices, the chicken is offered as a gift signifying love, peace, goodwill and appreciation. It can be sacrificed to the deity in many ways such as, hanging on a pole and placed at the shrine of the deity, strangled and consumed and or the wind pipe osephagus can be slit open and the blood spilt on the emblems and at a particular spot in the shrine of the Okekparakpara deity and some of its feathers plucked out and dropped at the same place. In some cases like during consecrations, a chick is used to represent purity. In all these cases as the animal is being killed, the priest utters a number of liturgical words and incantations as can be seen below.

Yam Tubers

The people of Achi in general and Enugu-Agu community in particular believe that their deities are responsible for the fruitful performance of their crops. Hence, by offering yam tubers to the deities, the people expressed their thanks and adorations. And by doing so, they acknowledge whom they are and what the deities are to them. It also satisfies a complementary ceremonial function to the

131 victim of the sacrifice (used for the merriment) since the animal cannot just be killed and consumed alone. Usually the meat is used to prepare yam poredge. The number of yam tubers depends on the type of animal used for the sacrifice: If the cow used in sacrifice of thanksgiving must be killed then, sixteen tubers of yam are used for the preparation. Where a goat is involved eight tubers are used while four tubers are used in various cases involving the chickens.

In using the tubers of yams for sacrifices, the priest will first cut of the upper parts

(Isi Ji) of the tubers and divide each into two. He places these halves (usually four pieces) in front of the shrine and spills the blood of the animal on them as the animal is killed. The rest of the tubers are cooked with the meat and served first to the deity and to the adherents accordingly. Yam is a sign of honour and dignity and it is a crop believed to be grown only by men while women are allowed to plant cocoyam which is not suitable for the sacrifices either.

Kola Nuts and Palm Wine

These two items are fundamental in Igbo culture and tradition. They are produced from the land and so are used to worship the gods of the land. The Igbo kola nut is used for sacrifices to the deities because (except in rare cases) it usually has four lobes corresponding to the four native days in Igbo land – Orie, Afor, Nkwo and

Eke. After incantations and blessings, the priest breaks the nut and throws some of the lobes onto the yam pieces and at another spot in front of the shrine. Palm wine

132 represents an item for merriment. It was poured at three particular spots in front of the shrine.

Offering of sacrifices to the deity involves two principal acts;

 Uttering of liturgical words or incantations or invocations; and

 Performance of some physical activities.

The liturgical words involve the invocation of the spirit of the deity and that of the ancestors. Sometimes they begin with the name of the Supreme God – “Chukwu

Ukpabia” because they believe they can satisfactorily serve the Supreme God if they can render true worship to the deity. For instance, through regular participation in worship ceremonies to the deity as a sign of loyalty; offer of wholesome and generous sacrifice to the deity as a sign of thanksgiving and total avoidance of evil conducts since they believe that good and evil are attended to by the deity. The priest after invoking the spirits of the deities may now say -:

Anyi enye gi Ehi, Ewu n’ Okuko ndia wee n’ayo gi ka I n’ara ha n’aka anyi

(We give you this cow, goat and chicken and we beg you to accept them from our hands)

Gozie anyi ma nyere anyi aka na-mkpa anyi ji wee biakwute gi

(Bless us and help us in our needs that brought us to you)

Anyi n’ario gi ndu n’ aru isike

(We are praying for life and good health)

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They shower a lot of praises upon the deity both in proverbs and directly to connote or savour the power and influence of the deity and its past accomplishments. The priest would remind the deity of the trust the adherents have in it and then appeal to it that the present case is yet another opportunity to prove his prowess or capabilities. The physical activities involved include:

Process of killing the animal and spilling the blood on some sacred objects;

Breaking the kola nut and pouring the wine using the buffalo cup; and feasting.

Figure 7: Pouring libation by the two priests

4.4 The Liturgical Calendar of Okekparakpara Deity

The Liturgy of Okekparakpara is celebrated throughout the year depending upon circumstances and demands of the deity. However, more elaborate and particular celebrations are performed during two periods every year. These periods are:

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 In October when the major festival of Achi people – the Nnekeji, is

celebrated.

 In February to mark the “Afo- oha” festival.

The former was in thanksgiving to the deity and a re-affirmation of allegiance, the later preceeds the planting season. Other liturgical celebrations depend on events, people’s needs and specific demands by the deity.

4.5 The Shrine of Okekparakpara Deity

Celebration of the liturgy is carried out at the main shrine of the deity located at

Umuowulu Umumba in Enugu -Agu Achi. However, some sacrifices could sometimes be made at the shrine of any of the twelve principal messenger-spirits under “Okekparakpara” deity depending upon the need as demanded and directed by either the chief deity or any of the messenger-spirits. The people have different concepts about the meaning and importance of shrine in the liturgy of

Okekparakpara deity.

The table below shows the different beliefs of the worshipers of Okekparakpara deity about the meaning and importance of the word shrine.

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Table 5: Response on the Meaning and Importance of the Shrine Meaning/Importance of shrine Number of Percentage respondents The abode of the deity 6 24%

Place of sacrifice/worship to the 4 16% deity Place of consultation of the deity 3 12%

Most sacred or holy place 5 20%

Place where truth is said 7 28%

Total 25 100% Source: Field data 2010

The shrine of the deity is established beside a very big Iroko tree. It consists of a small hut containing a number of emblems or symbols. The size of this hut tallies with Arinze’s (2008) calculation about the size of most shrines which generally is not large enough to shelter more than a few people. In the shrine is a roof and hut/house but has no wall. The following are some of the sacred items.

 A huge but stout looking man carved in wooden material;

 Other small carved idols in human forms;

 An old dane gun;

 Aro with red cloths;

 Two Oji and;

 Mma Ikpa.

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Outside the hut and beside the Iroko tree is a place showing a small mound of pieces of lobes of Igbo kola nut which evidently had stood since the beginning of the deity. Beside this mound is a length of an ancient – looking projection of dead wood which obviously had defiled or resisted termite attack over the years.

During offerings, the wine from the buffalo horn is usually poured on this spot, on the mound and in front of the hut by the chief priest. The whole area is secluded using the “Egbo” medicine wand. Nobody including the priests enters this area wearing anything on his feet. Handsets are not brought inside this area and women dare not enter the area. While the main shrine of the deity secluded by the medicine wand is not allowed to be snapped with camera, the rest of the compound can be snapped as well as some of the shrines of the messenger-spirits.

Beyond the secluded area, there is a general place with a bigger house where visitors can sit and watch events happening at the shrine. At this place, people can dance and move about during celebrations.

From table 5 above, the people of Enugu-Agu Achi have varied opinions about the meaning and import of Okekparakpara’s shrine. About 28% of the respondents describe the shrine as the place where truth is said and as a result, they sometimes refer to the shrine jokingly as “court 4”. Oppressed people seek for justice in this place and that may be the reason for one of the praise names of the deity being

“Ogbatara onye-ike n’ adiro”.

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4.6 The Diversity of the Okekparakpara Liturgical Cult Worship

The liturgical worship of the Okekparakpara deity is very diverse but really revolves pivotally around the deity itself. There seems to be many aspects and levels of worship of the deity although all are geared towards making the deity very powerful, and more disposed to assist them in their needs. Different sacrifices

(for different purposes) are offered to him or to his messenger-spirits based on the demands of the moment.

The deity has twelve principal obedient serving spirits as its messenger-spirits.

These spirits attached to the deity receive periodic sacrifices and offerings from the same priests as their master deity. Although they have their respective small shrines, they do not have separate priests. These messenger-spirits though already mentioned in chapter three of the study in an alphabetical order include:-

 Agwu oke;

 Agwu ike;

 Ngwu ishiogba;

 Ngwu ikoro;

 Ngwu Ezi Nze Nwanyi;

 Ngwu oke;

 Ngwu ogbanta;

 Ojukwu egbo oke;

 Ojukwu Okekparakpara;

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 Ngene Ishiogba;

 Ihu Eze; and

 Ikoro Okekparakpara.

These messenger-spirits are used by “Okekparakpara” to accomplish different functions, which ight be economic, political or socio-religious. They are also located in Enugu-Agu Achi around the same Okekparakpara forest area.

Sacrifices are offered to them from time to time by the priests according to their demands or as directed by the chief deity “Okekparakpara”. Sometimes when certain specific duties are to be accomplished, “Okekparakpara” may direct the priests to perform some rituals or sacrifices at the shrine of one of the messenger spirits linked with the performance of the particular function. The table below show-cases the messenger-spirits and the functions ascribed to each.

Table 6: Response on the List of Messenger-spirits to “Oke” and the Function Ascribed to Each Messenger-spirit Functions ascribed to each 1. Agwu Oke Fighter, Attacker, Inspirator 2. Agwu Ike Fighter, Attacker, Inspirator 3. Ngwu Ishiogba Defence, Protection, Neutralizer 4. Ngwu Ikoro Defence, Protection, War 5. Ngwu Ezi Nze Nwanyi Defence, Protection, Neutralizer 6. Ngwu Oke Defence, Protection, Neutralizer 7. Ngwu Ogbanta Defence, Protection, Neutralizer 8. Ojukwu Egbo Oke Neutralizer, Defence

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9. Ojukwu Okekparakpara Neutralizer, Defence 10. Ngene Ishiogba Fertility, Favour 11. Ihu Ezi Progress 12. Ikoro Okekparakpara War, emergencies Source: Field data 2010

The idea of certain spirit-beings playing specific roles in the life and activities of man had already been expressed by some researchers like Metuh (1999) and Madu

(2006) who where of the opinion that the “Agwu”, “is the patron spirit of divination and medicine men and has a lot to do with health, life, sickness and, medicine” (p. 96). In fact, Agwu spirit is seen as both benevolent and malevolent in its relationship with man.

The priests of Okekparakpara deity confirmed these manifestations of Agwu in the life of every traditional Enugu-Agu people as they submitted that the Agwu can cause inflictions or confusion against enemies or offenders. It can as well be of benefit to some people. It can inspire people for divination or visioning and therefore, is the main helping spirit to medicine men. It was the spirit responsible for what they call “Ivu nshi” presently known as prophesy in present day

Christianity. During the era of “ivu nshi”, (before the advent of Christianity) the man (overwhelmed by the spirit of Agwu) wakes up early in the morning, moves swiftly round the village and with a loud voice shouts prophesies of future occurrences and in due course, such prophesies normally come to manifest. Madu

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(2006) is of the opinion that the spirit of “Agwu” deity can endow someone with insight, prophesy, creativity, divination and knowledge of medicine and medicinal herbs for the purpose of restoring health and making inventions. Whenever

Enugu-Agu people wanted the chief deity to embark on an attack, sacrifices are offered at the shrine of the “Agwu”. According to Ume (1989); “Agwu is the equivalent of the Holy Spirit of Christianity as well as one of the twenty seven evil spirits among the Igbo” (p.197). Women do not eat anything scarified to

Okekparakpara’s Agwu.

On the other hand, Ngwu and Ojukwu serve as very strong defenders and neutralizers of charms. Sacrifices are offered to any of them when there is need to defend and protect the community or individuals against evil attacks or dangerous charms. They claim that if one is favoured by the deity and an enemy tries to charm him or her, the Ngwu or Ojukwu would intercept and neutralize the charm.

For this reason, masqueraders and medicine men flood the deity with sacrifices of fowl and wine during major festivals, so as to be protected and defended by the deity against enemy’s charms. Furthermore, people who require special favour from the deity may be directed to offer special sacrifices either at the shrine of the chief deity or any of the shrne of Ngwu or Ojukwu as the case may be. Attempt to charm any person dedicated to Ngwu or Ojukwu is a waste of charm because the charm can never get him. Their belief is that these deities are strong defenders.

While the Ikoro Okekparakpara serves for war, communication and secrecy, the

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“ihu ezi” messenger-spirit serves for progress and success in business endeavour.

If you are favoured and you have what they described as “Ukwu na ije”, you will always succeed where others fail. The ‘Ikoro” is sounded only once a year during the “Orie Nnekeji” festival or at some other time in response to a very serious or crucial issue. When it is sounded at some other time except Nnekeji, elders would know that something wrong has happened and requires urgent attention and action.

It is located and housed by a small hut at a very strategic position about 100 metres in front of the Okekparakpara deity shrine.

The major sacrifices offered to these messenger-deities depend on what diviners say are the demands of either the “Okekparakpara” deity or the particular messenger-spirit at the point in time. However, people sometimes offer sacrifices of fowl or goat and wine to the small gods when they need special favour from the deity. Alternatively, they can make promises of such sacrifices to Ngwu or

Ojukwu or Agwu when they require special favour from the deity. Such promises can be made with just four Igbo kola nuts and palm wine and when the favour is granted, the sacrifices are then performed. It is however very dangerous when one fails to fulfill the promise or sacrifice when the favour is granted. All sacrifices to the deity requiring fowl or goat usually demand four or eight tubers of yam respectively. There must also be kola and wine.

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Beyond worship or sacrifice at the main shrine, the “Okekparakpara” deity can also be worshiped and sacrifices offered to her at some other places. This can be done using the deity’s special emblems or symbols such as

 The Ofo, which represents the authority of the deity. All agreements,

decisions or arrangements involving Okekparakpara are sealed and

stamped using the Ofo. Default incurs the wrath of the deity. It can be

moved about. It is forbidden for women to touch Ofo Okekparakpara.

Sacrifices can be made to the deity anywhere using the Ofo.

 Mma Ikpa – Represents the deity itself. It is equally movable but is rarely

brought out. It is not always used in ordinary liturgy.

 Aro – Represents the deity itself and is movable.

 The Osu or Idol – Represents the deity but is not always moved about due

mainly to its size.

The presence of any of this emblems or symbols anywhere represent the presences of the deity and any sacrifice offered to them are believed to be delivered to

“Okekparakpara” deity. In the same vein, sacrifice visibly offered to and received by the deity has equally been ultimately received by Chineke/Chukwu (Arinze,

2001).

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CHAPTER FIVE

GENDER DISCRIMINATION AND ITS SOCIO-RELIGIOUS

INFLUENCE IN THE OKEKPARAKPARA LITURGICAL WORSHIP

The writer has already noted that Awolalu (1981) identified cultic functionaries as one of the major distinctive elements involved in the worship of deities. This element involves both the officiation and the attendants or participants during worship. The priests of Okekparakpara deity explained some conditions which are necessary for the proper conduct of the liturgy. One of such conditions is the proper officiation and participation by the appropriate persons. The people further maintained that the liturgical worship of the deity follows their “Omenala”

(tradition).

In Awolalu (1981) therefore, the liturgical celebration of the deity involves a number of socio-religious activities such as prayers, sacrifices, dance and music and feasting. These activities are performed by the adherents and worshippers of the deity in line with the ethos and tenets of their tradition and culture. This falls in tune with the submissions made by Onwu (2002), that “African Traditional

Religion is inseparably interwoven with the traditional African society and culture” (p. 22). In line with this, the socio-religious celebration of

Okepkparakpara deity in Enugu-Agu Achi follows the course of their trado-

144 cultural provisions. Certain inherent limitations abound therein especially along the line of gender involvements and roles. The people identified inappropriate officiation as one major cause of improper celebration of the liturgy. Some roles are gender specific and gender discriminatory.

This chapter tries to look at the bases of the obvious discrimination in the socio- religious celebrations/activities by male and female worshippers of

Okekparakpara deity in Enugu -Agu Achi. In response to the issue of gender/role specificity and discrimination, the table below shows the responses by the respondents on some vital activities carried out in the liturgy/worship of the deity.

Table 7: Activities Carried out During Okekparakpara Ritual Worship. Male Female Activities during liturgy No. of % No. of % respondents respondents Movement of sacred emblems 25 100 0 0 Officiation during liturgy 25 100 0 0 Preparation of sacrificed items 13 52 12 48 Sharing of food items 13 52 12 48 Libations/Invocations 25 100 0 0 Blessing and Sharing of Kola 25 100 0 0 Sanitation 15 60 10 40 Dance 13 52 12 48 Consumption of items 18 72 7 28 Source: Field data 2010

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From the above table, some activities are strictly gender discriminatory since they show 100% male participation. These activities include:

* Moving into the shrine to bring out the emblems during celebration.

* Officiaition during celebration.

These two roles are performed by the priest or any other male member of the priesthood family delegated to do so by the current priest. The libations and invocations during which the spirits of the deity and that of ancestors (usually the male ancestors) are invoked to participate in the celebration portrayed a great deal of male domination.

* Blessing and sharing of kola nut during worship is strictly male affair.

Females can take part in sharing of food items like serving the tapioca

during celebrations but the males usually control and share the cooked

sacrificed items like sacrificed animals.

Thus, from the analyses above, it is obvious that females show partial participation in seemingly non-essential aspects of the Okekparakpara socio-religious celebration.

5.1 Male and Female Participation in Okekparakpara Ritual Worship

The ritual worship of Okekparakpara deity is both sex and gender specific. There are certain roles one cannot play in the worship of the deity because of his inherent

146 biological sexual characteristics. As the tradition goes, duties are performed or assigned to persons on the basis of their alleged sexual attributes. Essentially, the worship of the deity revolves around the men folk. However, it does not entirely exclude the women folk but rather involves them especially in some minor worship activities. The women are involved mainly in issues of entertainment, sanitation and some specific dances. The table below presents percentage responses on a number of roles or duties performed by males and females in the worship of the deity.

Table 8: Duties Performed in the Worship of the Deity and Percentage of Male/Female Involvement Male Female Duty Performed No. of % No. of % Respondents Respondents Priesthood 25 100 0 0 Handling of Sacred Emblem 25 100 0 0 Movement within the Shrine 4 16 (Free to 24 96 (Highly some extent) limited) Pouring of Libation 25 100 0 0 Offer of Sacrifices to the Deity 25 100 0 0 Sharing of Sacrificed Items 20 80 5 20 Consumption of Sacrificed Items 21 84 4 16 Formation of Liturgical Assembly 25 100 0 0 Consecration/Dedication 25 100 0 0 Sanitation 5 20 20 80 Cooking of sacrificed items 18 72 7 28 Dances 13 52 12 48 Blessing, breaking and sharing of 25 100 0 0 kola Administration of Oath 25 100 0 0 Source: Field data 2010

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The priesthood of Okekparakpara deity has a peculiar nature. The deity has never had any female priestess since its origin. In the opinion of Mbiti (1970), women are allowed to perform some rituals at least in the offering of prayers for their families and communities and in many cases, there were also (and still are) female priestess presiding over some sacrificial worship in some places. This does not apply in the worship of Okekparakpara deity. The ceremonial worship was presided over by male priests who celebrate and offer sacrifices to the deity.

Consecrations and dedications were all male affair. In fact the females do not have any major say in the ritual worship of the deity. This certainly disagrees with the view of Uchem (2005) that all genders are equal in terms of importance and indispensability. The males are more important and very indispensable in the worship of the deity than women. Most of the activities performed in its worship do not require even female participation. This has been the tradition since the inception of the deity. Beyond mere traditionalism of the practice, the respondents proffered the following reasons to explain the obvious male preference and dominance of the priesthood to and over the female.

Okekparakpara is a very strong and radical male deity and therefore may not patiently tolerate certain inherent female weaknesses, frailties and excesses. They can easily be influenced by their male lovers and in the process commit blunders intolerable to the deity. Females could be pregnant, be under a protracted labour or could be suckling their babies and so, may neither be available nor be fit enough to

148 attend or preside (as priest) over certain worship celebrations to a vibrant deity like Okekparakpara at all times and in all circumstances.

Females could be menstruating and so must never near the shrine (as priest) to avoid defilement or desecration of the shrine. Females are easily given to flippancy and can easily divulge some vital esoteric information or facts about the deity.

Certain spiritual manifestations of the deity and masquerading can be scaring to women if they preside over liturgical celebrations and festivals. Women can get married thereby, abandoning the deity for their matrimonial homes. It could also be frustrating to some women if they were forced to forfeit marriage so as to serve as priests to the “Okekparakpara” since priesthood of the deity implies remaining permanently in their father’s house. Similarly, the deity can never select a stranger (married into Enugu-Agu Achi as a wife) to serve him as a priest since she wife) could decide to divorce the husband anytime.

On the other hand, males are always available and can always stand up to certain cultural and traditional challenges and pressures. Considering the above reasons suggested by the respondents, male dominance of the priesthood of

Okekparakpara deity could be seen as a strategy or a security measure by the deity to ensure a faithful and un-interrupted priestly service to her. Considered in this wise, it may not so much seem very discriminatory against the women. On the

149 other hand, the issue of the physiological menstruating activity by the womenfolk may seem discriminatory. However, menstruation involves blood and could be the reason why the deity abhors female priests as officiating persons or even as a member of the liturgical assembly.

The liturgical assembly was constituted exclusively by males only. Sacrifices were offered and liturgy is celebrated also by males except where some dances are necesary. Even the cooking and preparation of sacrificed animals were done by the males as can be seen in figure 8 below.

Figure 8: Picture showing a Male Cooking the Sacrificed Items.

The female only provide the tapioca (either “Ighu” or cassava) during celebrations. They provide this item and also provide the fish needed for its consumption. Sharing of items for consumption during celebrations was also done

150 by males and the consumption of the items sacrificed to the deity or his messengers is not very free or open to everybody. There are some of the sacrificed animals the women can never take part in consuming; some are limited to the priests alone while others are for general consumption.

Two areas women play significant roles in the worship of the deity are in the area of sanitation and dances. The women help to cut the grasses and sweep the “obu”

(the village square) or compound of the deity but not the part of the shrine secluded by the “Egbo” medicine wand. They are not allowed to sweep any of the shrines of the messenger-spirits like the Agwu Oke, or Ojukwu or Ngwu. The women also provide some form of entertainment during celebrations by presenting some trado-cultural dances and songs. They can also take part in dancing the

“Okoboro” dance but not the “Abia-Ike” dance.

It is also considered an abomination for anybody (except the priests) to handle any of the sacred emblems of the deity. If a woman does so and incidentally happens to be in her menstrual cycle, the emblems become defiled and the woman stands to receive severe punishment from the deity unless the deity is appeased and the emblem made ritually clean again by some sacrifices. Though the emblem can be replaced, but it must be rededicated or consecrated and appeasement sacrifice offered to the deity.

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Administration of oaths can only be made by the priests but any of the male members of the priesthood families or any other available male can be made to carry Okekparakpara symbol to the place of oath taking.

5.2. Enugu-Agu Achi Culture and the Issue of Gender Involvement and

Responsibility

Enugu-Agu Achi people have an accepted totality and standard ways of life and internalized belief system which is transmitted from generation to generation. The culture of Enugu-Agu Achi embraces many areas of human life which includes marriage, funeral, festivals, worship, farming, cults. Drawing from the work of

Mbiti (1990), it can be inferred that the culture of Enugu-Agu Achi people (their material and non-material way of life) is embedded in their religion and philosophy. Nwala (1985) argues that Igbo philosophy is the philosophy of

Omenala (tradition). Thus, in a typical Enugu -Agu Achi community, their life pattern tends to be guided by “Omenala”. For instances, marriages are established according to their “Omenala”. Funerals and traditional festivals are celebrated according to their Omenala. When any of these elements or events is conducted contrary to established tradition, their belief is that the ancestors and spirits of the land become offended. They therefore, tend to insist that they live their life according to the “Omenala” of Enugu-Agu Achi. They believe that when any of the cultural elements is conducted either by the wrong person or by a contrary procedure, the “Ala” (represented by the deities and ancestors) would unleash

152 some punishments (that is, owabara onye ahu), against the perpetrator. Their feeling or belief is that their deities and ancestors are the arbiters of their cultural values and therefore help to preserve same. Consequently, when what they believe to be taboos are committed, sacrifices are offered to these deities for appeasement or cleansing of the land. This belief system of the people is very succinctly captured by Nwala (1985) when he submitted that cultural elements of a people (in one sense) can be discerned from the people’s religion, the people’s religion itself is an intrinsic part of the people’s culture in a boarder sense. Their culture therefore, seems to be very inseparably interwoven with their traditional religious practices. They avoid certain acts so as not to offend their deities or ancestors or commit taboos because it will not be in harmony with the wishes of their deities and ancestors.

Most of the elements in their “Omenala” follow the line of patriarchy. In this element the males are exalted or considered to be superior to their female counterparts. In this sense women are regarded as “Ori-aku” (the controller of

Man’s wealth or the eater). Hence, the only responsibility reserved for women in

Igbo tradition is house work, which includes child bearing, cooking and serving the men (Nmah, 2003). In fact, this notion affected their socio-religious lives greatly such that males participate more actively and are given much more responsibilities than the females who were never allowed to execute or to take up any major responsibility. In Enugu-Agu traditional worship of Okekparakpara

153 deity, the role play of every member of the cult is very essential. Such roles like pouring of libations, consecration, blessing and breaking of kola nut are well-spelt out to avoid confusion and to affirm validity. In all these activities women are excluded.

5.2.1 The Role of Kola Nut (Oji Igbo) in the Enugu-Agu Achi Traditional

Religious Worship

The kola nut is an important economic tree crop which together with the cocoa plant belongs to the botanical family known as Sterculiaceae. It serves as a stimulant and also has a high beverage value. The two main varieties are Kola nitida (Oji Igbo) and Kola accuminata (Gworo). Each nut of Kola accuminata variety usually produces a maximum of two lobes. Kola nitida usually produces a maximum of four lobes per nut although some nuts produce more lobes. The nitida variety has high cultural and traditional value in Igboland as a whole. It is usually not broken without some form of ritualization. Hence the Igbo people would say that “Oji na-aga ije”. This is because when it is offered to a group, it is usually not broken until it is handed over to the correct person whose right it is to break the nut.

Igbo philosophy is life-affirming because it is centred on human beings (Iroegbu

2009). Igbo people usually say “Ndu bu isi” (Life first). It has been observed that the overall conceptualization of the kolanutamong the Igbo is that it is life

154 affirming principle. Hence, the first statement surrounding kolanutbreaking ritual in Igboland is that “Onye wetara Oji, wetara Ndu” (He who brings kola brings life). Kola nut presentation, ritual, breaking and sharing is significant in Igboland.

The ritual invocation will include Chukwu, Deities, Ancestors, the spirit-forces and even the four native market days. The kola nut is life because he who brings it brings life in the dual sense, that it signifies welcome and friendship and secondly, that the prayer for good and long life which precede its breaking and eating would be accepted by the ancestors and deities of the land who in turn would oblige the prayers. To buttress the significance of the Igbo kola nut in the traditional religious worship of Enugu-Agu Achi people, there is the popular saying that “Eweta Oji adoba Ala aka na nti”.This means that the Earth goddess pays attention and listens when kola nut is brought.

Kola nut is used in numerous ceremonies in Enugu-Agu Achi. It occupies the first position in every ceremony. It is used in declaring an occasion open. Kola nut is used to lodge complaints against a fellow citizen during disputes. It is used for ritual purposes like covenant breaking and establishment, reconciliation and others. It occupies a prime position in marriage and all traditional ceremonies. It is regarded as a life sustainer, being a medium through which the Igbo people commune with their God. For instance, during prayers, they would say that “Onye wetara oji, wetara ndu” (He who brings kola nut brings life).

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In Enugu-Agu Achi, the kola nut commands serious respect especially in a gathering with cultural connotation. Breaking of the nut observes seniority order.

Usually the eldest male adult has the right to bless and split the nut or he can delegate power to any other male to do the same. The kola nut has a lot of regulatory trappings that guide its relationship to man in Enugu-Agu Achi. Being one of the most revered trees, women are culturally forbidden to climb the tree or pluck the fruit. Most importantly, women are forbidden to bless or break the nut before any male irrespective of the age of the women or male present. Acholonu

(2006) captures this trend when she observed that women in some Igbo culture, may not climb the kola nut tree, pluck the pod, bless the nut or break the nut during Igbo cultural gatherings.

In fact, the culture of Enugu-Agu Achi holds that any male (irrespective of his age) is always senior to any female. When it comes to the ritual of kola-nut during traditional gatherings, all the males would first take their shares before the women would begin to take theirs. This could explain why the women can never break the kola since kola is blessed and broken according to seniority. They hold that every man is older than even his mother in his father’s land and would take a portion of shared kola-nut in a gathering of the Umunna before even his mother.

The females can never preside over the gathering of Umunna. Neither can a woman be allowed to address the male gathering, except only on invitation. In

Enugu-Agu Achi traditional religion, there cannot be any ritual ceremony without

156 the kola nut and the pouring of libation or else the ceremony is incomplete. In fact, the kola nut rituals and pouring of libations go together and usually mark the commencement of ritual worship. In all socio-religious celebrations, there is no close substitute to the Igbo kola nut which is usually blessed and broken by the chief priest. This explains vividly why women are not allowed to officiate in any public celebration of Okekparakpara deity since they cannot bless and break the kola nut nor pour libation. Usually, in this ceremony, it is the spirit of all the male ancestors of the priestly families that are invoked to be present and to participate in the celebration which is always the celebration of the deities and the living. For example:

* Nna anyi bia taa oji

* Nwafor udekwe taa oji

* Okoye-dike taa oji

* Chima, Ebube dike, taa oji

All would echo Isee – o

5.2.2 Women and Priesthood of Okekparakpara Deity in Enugu-Agu Achi

The priest or priestess of any deity presides over the ritual celebrations of that deity and generally ministers at the shrine. He mediates between the living and the spirits as well as the ancestors. In most cultures, he is regarded to be well at home with the traditional norms and cultures of the people and consequently, his opinions on traditional religious matters count a lot.

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The priesthood of Okekparakpara deity is not open but rather is restricted to few families in Enugu-Agu Achi. In fact, it can be seen as a cult whereby a small group of people know the secrets and are involved in it. It is further discriminatory in the sense that women are excluded from the service since the existence of the deity. Under this circumstance, women are never allowed to preside even in the non-essential aspect of her worship like sharing of sacrificed food items. They participate in minor functions by implementing directives dished out to them by the male chief priest. This trend can have its root in the fundamental traditional attitude of Igbo people to women who they regard as consumers of wealth (that is, Ori aku) and dependants on men (Uchem, 2005). No deity in the whole of Achi land has female priestess.

The people argue that women cannot preside over such core trado-cultural matters as the conduct of the liturgy of their deity (and consequently their traditional religion) due to their peculiar circumstances as women. They reasoned that the women do not have the fundamental orientation to preside over cultural issues.

They were not groomed and equipped for that. They always stayed with their mothers in the kitchens and so, were not opportuned to attend traditional gatherings or meetings of elders as their male siblings do. Another explanation of the people is the position of women in marriage where they are regarded as

“Nwanyi alum di” or “Nwanyi ije di”. Under this condition, (if females are made priests), the presiding female priest may have a divided loyalty to both: i. her father’s land and culture; and

158 ii. her husband’s land and culture.

As a result, she may be tempted to adulterate the ethics and tenets of

Okekparakpara worship with that of her people. The “Nwanyi ije di” (meaning, a woman about to marry) may also abscond and abandon both the marriage and the deity. Okekparakpara deity cannot risk having such a priest who might unwittingly not help preserve its ancient and traditional practices.

Moreover, just as very few women in Enugu-Agu Achi would feel very comfortable to forfeit marriage and remain in her father’s house (as a priest to

Okekparakpara), still very few would like to sacrifice her domestic responsibilities to her children and husband at the altar of the priesthood of any deity for that matter. Okekparakpara prefers a priest that would be his absolutely.

In core traditional gathering of Enugu-Agu Achi people, women seldom give orders especially if the husband is present. As a result, it would seem unacceptable to the gods and forefathers for “Nwanyi alum di” in Enugu-Agu

Achi to preside over traditional religious worship like sacrifice to the

Okekparakpara deity or any other deity in Achi as a whole. One can observe in their prayers that female ancestors are not even invited to share in the kola.

Most importantly, women can neither invoke the spirit of the forefathers (that is, making libations using the kola nut) nor break the Igbo kola nut in any cultural gathering of Enugu-Agu Achi people. Only male ancestors are invoked to share

159 from the kola during libations. Presiding over liturgy involves making such libations and incantations upon the spirits of the land using the Igbo kola nut.

When the living humans do not welcome libations made by women (with the Igbo kola nut), it may not be guaranteed that the ancestors and the gods would accept the libations either. Also in Enugu-Agu Achi, liturgical celebration devoid of libations and incantations is of no effect.

One other major hindrance against women presiding over Okekparakpara liturgical celebration is the issue of their menstrual cycle. During this period, a woman might appear to be unclean to attend to the needs of the deity. Women do not handle the Ofo Okekparakpara as well as the other sacred emblems of the deity. Menses involves human blood. When the “Ofo” was being instituted by the forefathers, a good number of “Nso” (taboo) were invoked or programmed into it. Hence, a menstruating woman does not near the Okekparakpara shrine and so, can never preside over the liturgical celebration of the deity. In fact, women

(in Enugu-Agu Achi) do not play any leading role in the traditional religious worship of the people.

Some stages or occasions in the celebration of the liturgy of the deity involve masquerading some of whom are dangerous while others are mild. In Igbo land, women are non-initiates in the masquerade cult and therefore cannot be suitable to

160 preside over a celebration in which they are traditionally and mutually excluded from.

The officiating person in the liturgy of the deity must always be available at all times to receive and offer sacrifices to the deity, otherwise, the deity would strike him for obstructing a sacrifice. Women are not disposed to this kind of service.

They could be in the last three-months of their pregnancy (a difficult period for pregnant women), or could be under a protracted labour or could be lactating. In any of these, the woman would be unfit to attend to the deity and consequently may incur the wrath of the deity..

5.2.3 Inheritance

This is a very important element in the culture of Enugu-Agu Achi people and can be used to portray the inferior or subdued position of the female gender in the culture of the people. It has been noted by Mbiti (1975) that culture is a way of life and that people is what they eat, drink wear, think, do and believe. And so, the culture of a people is an integral part of their heritage (Madu, 2004). In most traditional Igbo societies, culture and religion are an inseparable mix. Therefore, in a typical traditional society, like Enugu-Agu Achi, the right to partake in their traditional religious worship and hence, liturgy of their deity like Okekparakpara is embedded in the body of their heritage. Unfortunately, in a patriarchal Enugu-

Agu traditional society (before the advent of Christianity and writing of wills) the people’s “omenala” confers the right of inheritance only on males. Every father

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can go to any extent to having a male issue so as to ensure the perpetuation of their

lineage identity, right and belief system. The females are regarded as temporary

sojourners in their father’s land and so are not seriously involved in major issues

and consequently are taken to have no right of inheritance over their father’s

material and non-material possessions. This explains why they are not even

counted as credible candidates for the priesthood of Okekparakpara deity. Their

involvement in matters of religion, worship and liturgy is secondary. The

“Omenala” has denied them certain right to preside over their traditional worship

and celebration of the liturgy of their deities.

The figure 11 below shows the different percentage responses by respondents on

the suitability and non-suitability of women for the priesthood of Okekparakpara

deity

It is against custom

Women cannot keep secret

Women cannot touch deity's ofo 11% 10% 9% 8% Can defile our sacred things with their menses

10% All deities in Achi use male priests to preside over liturgy They can be married outside 11% M ay be available at all times 9% 10% 11% 11% Priesthood may interfere with domestic responsibilities Inheritance

Women must not pray or break kolanut

Figure 9: Distribution of Respondents according to Unsuitability of Women to Officiate over the Liturgy of Okekparakpara Deity. Source: Field data 2010 (personal communication) 162

5.3 The Priests of Okekparakpara Deity

The celebration of the socio-religious worship of Okekparakpara deity is usually, officiated by the chief priest aided by his assistant. Some members of the priesthood families who are present can be assigned to specific duties if need be.

Okekparakpara has always had two male priests serving at a time. One serves as the chief while the other serves as the assistants. Though, they were not quite sure while there had always been two priests at a time, but they suggested that it could be an age long design by the deity to ensure that a vacuum never existed in the event of death of any priest of the deity if it were to be only one serving priest at a time. There had never been any female priest serving the deity. In fact, females do not serve Okekparakpara on any capacity. The main shrine of the deity was strictly forbidden to females unless the person wants to dedicate herself to the deity. The prohibited areas for women are marked-out using the “Egbo” medicine wand. The “Egbo” is made up of tender palm fronds (that is, Omu) woven around each other in a tangle of herbs and climbing stems.

If a woman has an offering to sacrifice to the deity, she would usually come to do so with either her male child or with any male available to her. Okekparakpara priests are selected from two major families in Enugu-Agu Achi. These families are;

Ndi be Eme (that is, the descendants of Eme) the senior:

Ndi be Joba (that is, the descendants of Joba)

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Only the male members of these families serve as priest to the deity or to his messenger- spirits. For the past one century, the priest of the Okekparakpara deity included: Joba,

Igweokolo, Akpuemoo I, Ikenta, Ohanyabosi, Akpuemoo II and Ikedimma. The currently serving priests are: - Mr. Akpuemoo II and Mr. Ikedimma.

Figure 10: Picture Showing the Two Servicing Priests of Okekparakpara Deity

From right to left: Edwin Akpuemoo II (chief priest) and Cyprain Ikedimma

(Assistant priest)

However, history has it that at one time did one Mr. Onyeha (from Eleshi family) usurp the priesthood of Okekparakpara but did not last long and was met with terrible disaster involving himself and his entire family. On this note, the respondents are of the opinion that the choice of the priest of the deity is an exclusive reserve of the deity and has nothing to do with humans except to confirm the choice through divination. As it is, the choice has never gone beyond

164 the males and the priesthood families. Usually adult males can be chosen as well as small boys. In the latest case, Akpuemoo II (though younger than Mr.

Ikedimma) was selected first by the deity. Mr. Ikedimma was a highly prosperous man living in Aba when the deity chose him as priest. All efforts to reject the service proved abortive and he was compelled to abandon the city and come home to the service of the deity.

5.3.1 The Responsibilities and Importance of the Priests

As presented by Arinze (2008), the Igbo people are convinced that the priest is their mediator with the spirits and ancestors and he is duly called before he takes up office. Arinze (2008) also observed that sacrifices play a great part in the religion of the traditional Igbo people, and it is really the essence of their worship and the heart of their worship. The offerings for the sacrifices are usually received and offered to the deity by the priest who sometimes may need to ascertain the approval or refusal of the offering from the deity through divinations. At some other times, the priest determines the amount and even the type of materials to be used for the sacrifice. In most cases, the priest can even appeal to the deity to accept certain insufficient offerings on compassionate ground or the priest can ask you to bring another item to complement the offering. The priest can also ask one to monetize the offerings for a sacrifice as a convenience to the person concerned.

After sacrifices, the priest determines what part of the animal is used for what

165 sacrifice and which part should be cooked for general consumption. He then shares the remaining to the members of the priesthood families.

In matters relating to culture, tradition and custom, the opinion of the priest is usually sought for before final decision is taken. This is another important aspect of mediation by priests between the people and the ancestors. In certain serious cases, the people may ask the priest to consult the spirits of the gods and ancestors before any action is taken. It is the duty of the priest to arrange and conduct annual sacrifices in October to re-invigorate the deity and re-assure loyalty of the adherents. Failure attracts the wrath of the deity against the priest.

The priest presides over all liturgical celebrations of the deity. He makes the libation, invocations and incantations. He ensures that all details and aspects of the liturgical celebrations are followed thoroughly and without mistakes. When and where necessary, he arranges for divinations and is the only person who can throw the yam dice (that is, Ibe ji) and gives decisive interpretation as to the meaning of the outcome.

The priest presides over disputes reported at the shrine for settlement or arbitration. He administers oath during controversies or in cases the deity is required to determine the truth or owner of a property. When the case is determined, only the priest can remove the deity from the site and offer the necessary sacrifice. If the deity effects the death of any of the parties involved in

166 the oath-taking, it is the priest that makes the pronouncement (sequel to some manifestations as proof) and also pronounces further what should or should not be done before the deceased is interred. When abominations are committed, it is the priest after consulting their deity that spells out what should be done to cleanse the land and appease the gods.

When the community decrees against a certain practice (like abortion and murder) and wants to enforce it more solemnly using the deity, it is the priest who carries a particular emblem of the deity round the community and makes the announcement. He declares (while carrying the emblem) the act as a taboo and warns people about associating with the perpetrator.

The priest in consultation with the traditional rulers and some elders announces the date of traditional festivals like Nnekeji (New Yam festival) and Afor Oha (New

Year celebration). In the case of the former festival, the priest must first offer the new yam to the deity with some sacrifices some days before the people celebrate it. He also performs some preparatory ceremonies at the shrine of the deity before the festivals could be celebrated by the people.

To ensure that the main building and shrine of the deity are kept clean, it is the function of the priest to announce days of work to the adherents and supervises the work to ensure that the people do not step into the prohibited areas. He spells out the rules and regulations of the deity to worshippers. For instance, during the

167 onset of this research work, he took his time to explain to us what should or should not be done while in the shrine. Such dos and don’t’s like photographing and use of mobile phone within the inner circle of the shrine secluded by the “Egbo” medicine wand.

5.3.2 The Liturgical Costume of Okekparakpara Priests and their Sitting

Position

The liturgy of Okekparakpara deity can be celebrated by the priests while in any dressing. However, a typical dress code of Okekparakpara priests has the following paraphernalia;

 Red cloth;

 “Aka” beads;

 Red cap adorned with eagle feather;  “Okwerike” Ocha (that is, White Skirt); and  Utari ozo worn at both ankles and are usually two in number.

All these items are not worn by the priest at the same time. The priest can either wear the red cloth with all the other materials or he can wear the “Okwerike

Ocha” with the other items. This dressing helps to identify the priest and make him appear respectful. It further identifies him as belonging to the deity and as such communicates a message of warning to everybody. In any of the two dressing patterns (described above) the priest is no longer an ordinary human being. He cannot indulge in certain act while in them.

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The red cloth is worn exclusively during Orie Nnekeji festival when the Ikoro would be sounded and during any other special dedication or consecration ceremonies.

Figure 11: Picture Showing the Chief Priest (Mr. Akpuemoo 11), Making Sacrifices to the Deity Wearing his Red Clothes

It is also worn during oath-taking or juju placement ceremonies.

The sitting position of the priest during worship has no liturgical significance.

The priest can offer sacrifices either squating, standing or seated. However, during libations the priests usually stand on their feet. To be seated and offer sacrifices, the priests usually sit on two separate special seats known as “Ogodo”.

No other person is entitled to sit on this seat except the priests. The Ogodo is usually kept inside the shrine and is only brought out for use any time there is

169 sacrifice to be offered to the deity and the priests intend to be seated during the exercise.

Figure 12: Picture ShowingTwo Priests Sitting on “Ogodo” which is their Main Seat During Sacrifices.

This is another very important item the women try to avoid. Only the presiding persons use them during sacrifices.

5.4 Impact of Gender Discrimination on the Social, Economic, Religious

and Political life of Enugu-Agu Achi Society

The impact of gender discrimination on the growth and development of Enugu -

Agu Achi community cannot be over-emphasized in view of its effects on the social, economic, religious and political life of the people. It leads to denials.

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In the first place, it creates unnecessary discrimination amongst the people giving way to a feeling of superiority or inferiority complex. The impact is felt more in marriages where one partner behaves and feels rather superior to the other. This could constitute weak points in some marriage foundations and Uchem (2006) gives credibility to this fact when she writes that “Cultural subordination is evident in obnoxious marriage and burial customs, denial of inheritance rights and ritual prohibitions by which men’s pre-eminence and women subordination were and still are enforced and perpetuated” (p. 23).

Discrimination therefore, destroys initiative and brings discouragement and a feeling of frustration on people, especially, women who may have the necessary substance and goodwill to deliver. It limits the quality of ideas used for development purposes since it reduces the chances of injection of new and varied ideas into a system. This can lead to the stagnation of development process in the society.

The trend also limits the horizon for personal growth, development and accomplishments since people are not availed of equal opportunities for growth.

Equal knowledge and experiences are not granted to people irrespective of their sex. It therefore, makes the acquisition of certain skills restricted to a sect of people. Spiritual and financial growths are hampered and people, specifically women, may not be able to worship their deities to their desired height.

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Gender discrimination denies women the right to live and interact freely and socially at all levels. In some cases, it denies them the right to participate and contribute freely in determining their fate and destiny. They may not be allowed to exercise their birth rights in some cases like in the issue of Igbo kola nut where even a small boy of two years old takes precedence and pre-eminence even over his mother.

The trend makes it impossible for women to be part of traditional arbitration bodies to settle disputes. They cannot be members of native courts of the shrines and therefore, may not be able to have their interests well-protected. In fact, gender disparity can lead to both personal and societal impoverishment and instability. However, the people are divided on their response about the impact of gender discrimination on their life. The table below represents their responses.

Table 9: Responses on Impact of Discrimination Responses Impact of discrimination Males Females +ve -ve +ve -ve Economic Impact √ √ Political Impact √ √ Religious Impact √ √ Cultural Impact √ √ Social Impact √ √ Miscellaneous Impacts √ √ Source: Field data 2010

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5.5 The Influence of Modernization and Globalization in the Worship of Okekparakpara Deity. The coming of Christianity into Igboland in 1842 was rightly perceived as a civilizing mission. It meant the introduction into the relatively stable Igbo traditional religious framework of an alternative view of the world, a rival cosmology and a different way of understanding the place of Igbo people in creation (Onwu, 2002). This encounter marked the beginning of the restoration of the broken link and what has been the development implication of modernity.

The coming of Christianity to Achi was like a partial spiritual adumbration of the pattern used by the great Fulani conqueror – Usman Dan Fodio. The mission was to conquer a people and impose a religion and a government. To the missionaries, it was a case of light and darkness with Christianity being the light and traditional religion being the darkness. To the traditional religious worshippers, it was not a mere joke as some traditional religious worshippers resisted the new faith, although, the new faith continued to win new converts.

Christianity came with Western education, improved knowledge, science and technology thereby, breaking a number of traditional barriers and widening people’s horizon and potentialities. Recently, with the advent of globalization, the issue of gender in-equality has been a great quest of the modern era. There is a great call for women emancipation in the faces of our male chauvinistic society.

The advent of Christianity into Enugu-Agu soil made the people recognize that the

173 issue of gender differentiation is not biological but instead it is a social, political, economic, cultural and religious issue that can be handled amicably by each society. It is not about denying differences and natural functions (Uchem, 2005).

So, based on this fact, many traditional religious worshippers have abandoned their age-long tradition and belief to embrace Christianity.

Many young women who suppose to be making the socio-religious celebrations more enriching have left for Christianity. Only very few are left to play their meagre roles in its ritual worship. Thus, gender roles, according to Nnedum and

Ezeokana, (2008), “are also undergoing dramatic changes, as young women seek jobs outside the homes and even outside native country” (p. 128). Women who are seriously fighting for their right in the midst of a discriminatory world now found solace in the Christian faith which gave them back-up and recognition as children of God.

More so, with the rapid conversion to Christianity, the dances especially, the Ikpa dance which is the oldest of the dances that beautifies the socio-religious celebration of Okekparakpara deity is fast dying out and masquerades inclusive since the youth of this era shows very little interest to them. Nnedum (2008) confirmed this when he said that:

The size of rural Nigerian household is shrinking as young people migrate

to urban areas in search of work. Many urban families resemble their

counterparts in other subcultures in Nigeria. Consequently, young people

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in Nigeria now develop a bicultural identity that is they grow-up now

with a global consciousness… thus, belonging to a world wide society

and an awareness of events, practices style and information that are part

of the global culture. (p. 137).

There is not much respect left for the deity, such that some of his idols and emblems have been sold out into foreign museums in exchange for money.Though, notwithstanding these influences, Okekparakpara deity remains strong and active among the people of Enugu-Agu Achi.

Thus, traditional religion has persisted as people continued to patronize the traditional deities. This therefore, posits some questions like:

 Why has the worship of traditional deities like Okekparakpara deity survived

inspite of the onslaughts of evangelization?

 What is the impact of Christianity on certain liturgical indices and factors?

Has Christianity brought any significant change in its socio-religious

activities and celebration?

Addressing the later question, a number of indicators were presented to the respondents and their percentage responses can be shown in the table below:

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Table 10: Impact of Christianity on the Socio-Religious Celebration of Okekparakpara Deity Responses

Change indicators No Slight Sig. Total Change Change Change Change All gender officiation 0 - - -

Gender participation 10 - -

Modified liturgical procedure - 10 - -

Patronage - - 40 -

Increased cost of sacrifice - - 40 -

Increased female participation - 10 - -

Incorporation of females into 0 - - - the priesthood Source: Field data 2010

What gender officiation was since the beginning of the deity remains the same.

Women had never been part of the priesthood but can participate slightly in certain activities. What Western education and Christianity did was to significantly reduce the level of patronage (20%) and participation during certain socio- religious celebrations like participation in the Abia-ike dance. In fact, the role of women during Okekparakpara ritual celebration has remained the same since the time of our fore-fathers.

Several reasons were given by the respondents about why the worship of the deity has survived till date:

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It is our First Encounter with Divinity. We were Born into it

One of such reasons is that traditional religion represents their first encounter with divinity or Supernatural Being. Thus, worship of the deities existed before they were born. The first religious precepts, principles and doctrines exposed to them were those of traditional religion and they became part of their life and can not easily be forgotten. Hence, religion is innate in the people of Enugu-Agu Achi community (Mbiti, 1975).

It is Very Powerful and Cannot Easily and Safely be Abandoned

The people also believed that the deity is very influential and powerful and with tentacles affecting several aspects and gamut of their life. A number of norms, festivals and taboos are attached to his worship and somehow might affect one in one way or the other. It is connected to such popular festival as Nnekeji (New Yam festival) and so cannot easily be abandoned.

It Guarantees Fast Response to Appeals

Enugu-Agu Achi people believe that Okekparakpara guarantees fast response to request, that once, you make any request to him and make the proper and correct sacrifice, your request is granted without delay.

It is not Partial and so can be Used by Poor People to Source for Justice

The priests of the Okekparakpara deity run a traditional court for settlement of disputes. Worshippers and non-worshippers report different cases or disputes at

177 the shrine for adjudication and settlement. At the commencement of any seating, the two parties usually would swear for truth by the deity. Because of the respect and fear the priests have for the deity, equal treatment is accorded to everybody irrespective of ones position in the society justice must prevail.

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CHAPTER SIX SUMMARY AND CONCLUSION

6.1 Summary

Mbiti (1969) observed that Africans are notoriously religious, and each people have its own religious system with a set of beliefs and practices. Religion is the strongest element in a typical traditional background and exerts probably the greatest influence upon the thinking and living of the people. In other words, it is the determining principle of their life. Concerning the genesis of religion, Tylor

(1871) was of the view that religion may have arisen out of an intellectual curiosity concerning mental status and other things not fully understood. Later

Nwanunobi (1992) moved the idea further by linking the belief in ghosts to the belief in spirits. The Igbo traditional religion provides for the people a viable system by which they seek to explain, to predict and control all space and time events for the preservation of life.

The belief in the existence of various forms of invisible powers and influences is entrenched in the Igbo traditional religion. In the opinion of the Enugu-Agu Achi people, Okekparakpara is a deity because it commands a great number of supernatural influences on them. By its nature, origin and modes of its socio- religious activities, the people of Enugu-Agu Achi do not perceive its powers as man-made. Rather they see it as a force superior to them and as the true messenger of God. Okekparakpara deity was believed by most of the traditional

179 worshippers to have more religious impact on their lives. Though, it can manifest itself in human forms either as a small boy or a very old man with walking stick especially when it is out for a special assignment. It is most commonly associated with thunder. This is one of the reasons why the worshippers fears and dread it so much.

One of the ultimate values which a traditional Enugu-Agu person cherishes is to live a good and worthy life here on earth, die and receive full and proper burial rites and finally rejoin his ancestors who lived well. In order to attain this ultimate goal of life, they devised elaborate systems of moral codes known as omenala

(tradition) to regulate the behaviour of the people, including their social, economic, religious and political lives. They believed that the ancestors and deities play a mediatory role in all aspects of their lives. In fact, they believed that

Okekparakpara deity to a great extent controls most aspects of their life, including their omenala (tradition). Worship of the deity arose out of their quest to be in good relationship with the Supernatural power. Hence, when they violate any of the provisions of the omenala, they feel that the deity is offended and make necessary efforts to appease it through the appropriate sacrifices. They worshipped the deity both as a sign of acknowledgement of its supremacy and as a sign of submission to its authority. Some people claim that their reason for worshipping the deity is to appear pleasing and acceptable in the presence of the deity and so be

180 in a better position to be favoured by this deity whose benevolence is often times great, especially in the areas of having a fruitful and successful farm produce or successful business endeavours.

For several other reasons, Okekparakpara deity is worshipped through numerous sacrifices, dances and festivals accorded to him by the people of Enugu-Agu traditional community of believers. The sacrifices follow an established liturgical pattern or system which has remained almost absolutely unchanged since the existence of the deity.

The ritual worship of the deity is celebrated by all priests who were selected (by the deity) from two main families (Ndibe Joba and Ndibe Eme), from Owuru clan in Enugu-Agu Achi. The priesthood of Okekparakapra is unique in some ways.

The deity uses two priests at a time to conduct its liturgy. All the other deities in

Achi use only one priest at a time. The deity also has about twelve messenger- spirits attached to it and served by the same priests. It does not permit the part of the shrine secluded with an “egbo” medicine wand to be photographed or for one to enter the shrine with a mobile phone.

Like all the other deities in Achi, the socio-religious activities of Okekparakpara deity are strictly gender and family discriminatory. Women have never officiated in the celebration of its sacrificial worship. There are very few events and

181 ceremonies when women are allowed to participate. The findings in the cause of this research reveal the following socio-religious events in the worship of the deity which are in themselve gender discriminatory. They are duties like priesthood, handling of the sacred emblem, pouring of libation, offering of sacrifices to the deity, sharing and consumption of the sacrificed items, consecration/dedication, blessing and breaking of the kola nut and administration of oath.

The people’s worship of Okekparakpara deity is deeply rooted in their culture.

Exclusion of women therefore, in most of the worship ceremonies or activities are deeply connected with their culture and their traditional regard for women, more especially, as it concerns their attitude and belief towards kola nut, marriage, masquerade dance, inheritance, gathering of Umunna meetings and other issues based on customs and tradition. Hence, Enugu-Agu culture holds that women are supposed to be obedient assistants or helpers to men and therefore should not assume leadership positions in trado-cultural issues.

The present era of modernity and globalization has affected certain aspects of worship of the deity. Of course, the study agreed with Ezekwuona (2005) that culture is not static but instead it is dynamics. This includes the use of money to complement incomplete materials used for sacrifice; increased number of secret worshippers, reduced participation of people during festivals, some core liturgical

182 songs and dances disappearing due to the unavailability of people who know the techniques.

Modernity has however, not affected major issues in its socio-religious norms. No one enters the shrine wearing anything on her feet during any of the

Okekparakpara ritual celebrations. The priesthood has never gone beyond the male members of the priesthood families. A ram or sheep has never been used for sacrifice in the worship of the deity. Okekparakpara socio-religious celebration is more elaborate and unique.

6.2 Conclusion

The dissertation concluded that the deity Okekparakpara is a strong spirit-force, with much vibrance and dreaded by its adherents. It is dreaded and adored because of its numerous physical manifestations; the presence of two substantive male priests serving the deityat the same time and the twelve messenger-spirits attached to its functions, thereby, making is liturgical celebration elaborate and unique.

Okekparakpara deity has positive and negative socio-economic and religious influence on the lives of the people of Enugu-Agu Achi community. Positively, it helps to maintain peace and harmony among its members especially through the individual and communal oath-taking ceremony oftentimes administered by the priests of the deity during the settlement of disputes. Moreso, it promotes unity and solidarity ensuring a kind of symbiotic relationship among its adherents and

183 the entire Enugu-Agu Achi community. Negatively, the worship of

Okekparakpara deity encourages “Osu” caste system where some members are excommunicated and ostracized from the rest of the cult. These people cannot participate in any public gathering like every other person. Hence, in this way, the deity denies some members their natural right to socialization and felicitation.

Also, due to its nature, women and majority of the families do not enjoy equal freedom and opportunity for religious participation and officiating in the worship of Okekparakpara deity. Officiation is exclusively reserved for the male priests and not any male but from two particular families of Joba and Eme. Hence, this attitude of discrimination impact more negatively on the overall growth and development of the people. This is so since a set of valuable ideas, talents and skills remain untapped from a sector of human race that may have more and better services to render to the society.

This study found out that modernization cum globalization has affected greatly the worship of Okekparakpara deity. Many of its young worshippers have been converted to the new Christian faith, leaving only the elders to their traditional faith. Young men who could perform some acrobatic dances and masquerade dances during the festival and celebrations are no more interested. Many equally have left their home land to the cities probably due to urbanization thus, deserting the village which has been the center for all festivals and other socio-religious ceremonial activities.

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6.3 Recommendations

In recommendation therefore, a call is made for an urgent attention to address the issue of gender discrimination in the socio-religious activities of Okekparakpara in Enugu-Agu Achi. Consequently, the following recommendations were made:

1. Sensitization and re-orientation. The attention of the general public needs

to be drawn to the probable loss the society is suffering through

discriminations. This is because the belief and involvement in these

discriminatory ventures affect Enugu-Agu Achi at every sphere of existence

viz - economic, political, and socio-religious.

2. There is the need to incorporate the issue of cultural studies and Igbo

religious studies into the various levels of our educational system. A better

and well-informed knowledge of Igbo traditional culture and religion could

bring corrective measures and modification into the existing status-quo.

Cultural studies as well as religious studies could provide means of re-

discovering God’s original intention in Judeo-Christian religion and in

creating a human being in his own image and likeness where peace, love

and understanding reign.

3. Formation of socio-culturally based Non–Governmental Organizations

(NGO) to carry the issue of equality to the grass-roots, that is, to the interior

and remotest part of the Enugu-Agu Achi community where traditional

culture of socio-religious discrimination against the women folk are still on

the increase.

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4. Fear is a formidable hindrance towards the achievement of any set

objective. Okekparakpara deity is greatly dreaded by the Enugu-Agu Achi

people due to its nature and vigour. There is therefore, the need to address

the issue of fear by building into the people the basics of self-confidence

through seminars, symposiums and organized lectures.

6.4 Suggestions for Further Research

The work made the following three principal recommendations for further investigation:

1. How socio-religious norms can be modernized to eliminate the issue of

discrimination in the ritual phenomena of the Okekparakpara deity.

2. There should be an in-depth study on the impact of modernization and

globalization on Okekparakpara socio-religious influence on Enugu-Agu

Achi community

3. There should be a conceptual study on Enugu-Agu Achi traditional belief in

relation to the Christendom.

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APPENDIX

QUESTIONNAIRE FOR RESEARCH ON OKEKPARAKPARA DEITY

(ALUSI) AND ITS SOCIO-RELIGIOUS INFLUENCE ON ENUGU-AGU

ACHI, ENUGU STATE, NIGERIA

My name is Ojiekwe Ephraim Chinedu. I am a native of Enugu-Agu Achi. I am a Ph.D student of the Nnamdi Azikiwe University, Awka. The purpose of this questionnaire is to elicit responses for the reconstruction of the religious significance and meaning of tradition Alusi (deity) Okekparakpara in Enugu-Agu

Achi sub-culture area.

The responses are solely for my Ph.D work, and I plead for your cooperation. I promise that where personal opinions are needed they will be kept confidential.

Date______

Time______

Local Government Area______

Cultural Area______

Community______

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PERSONAL DATA OF THE RESPONDENT

1. Sex: Male ( ) Female ( )

2. Age (years):

(a) 20 years down ( )

(b) Between 21-40 years ( )

(d) 61 years and above ( )

3. Marital Status:

(a) Single ( )

(b) Married ( )

(d) Widowed ( )

(e) Separated ( )

4. Educational Status:

(a) No formal education ( )

(b) Primary education ( )

(d) Post secondary education ( )

(e) Others specify ………………………………………………...

200

5. Occupation:

(a) Farming ( )

(b) Trading ( )

(d) Artisans ( )

(e) Others specify …………………………………………………..

NAME AND ORIGIN OF OKEKPARAKPARA DEITY NAME(S)

6. In many communities in Igbo land the general name for tradition deities is

Alusi or Arisi or Elishi. What name(s) are they called in Enugu-Agu Achi

sub-culture area?

(a) Alusi ………………………………………………………..………. (b) Arisi ………………………………………………….……………..

(d) Nmma …………………………………..…………………………..

(e) All of the above ……………………..……………….……………..

(f) Any other specify ………………….………………..………………

7. Can you throw more light on the meaning of that name in Enugu-Agu Achi? …………………………………………………………………………… ………………………………………………………………..…………..

………………………………………………………………..……………

201

8. What is the meaning of the name Okekparakpara?

……………………………………………...………………………………

………………………………………………………………………………

……………………………………………………………………………

ORIGIN/NATURE 9. Can you recollect the origin of Okekparakpara deity (Alusi or Arisi or Elishi) in Enugu-Agu Achi? ………………………………………………………………………………

……………………………………………………………………………… 10. Is there any story or are there stories connected with this

origin……………………………………………..…………………………

……………………………………………………………………………...

11. What are the physical signs and manifestations of Okekparapkara

deity?......

......

12a. What images or symbols are used by the priests in the liturgical worship of

Okekparakpara deity? ………………..…………………………………

………………………………………...………………………………….

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12b. Which of the following do you suggest could form the origin of deities? S/NO ORIGIN OF THE DEITIES YES NO 1 Deities are descended from God

2. Deities are man-made

3. Are domesticated spirit-beings

4. Are angles of God

5. Agents of Stan or Devil

TYPOLOGY (TYPES)

13. Grade the Okekparakpara deity according to the following criteria or rules:

(a) It is highly dreaded by the people because of its power(s).

Yes ( ) or No ( ).

(b) Grade according to gender. Is it male or female?

Male ( ) Female ( )

if so what are their relationships with the Okekparakpara deity?

………………………………………………………………………………

……………………………………………………………………………..

203

CONSECRATION OF OKEKPARAKPARA DEITY

14. Have you ever witnessed to the dedication or consecration of either the

shrine or sacred emblems or images of Okekparakpara deity in Enugu-Agu

Achi?

(a) Yes ( ) or No ( ).

15. If “yes”

(a) List the items used for the consecration.

(i) ……………………………………………………………………….………

(ii) ……………………………………………………………….………………

(iii) ………………………………………………..……………..……………

(iv) ……………………………………………………………………………

(b) Recount the prayer of consecration or dedication.

......

………………………………………………….………………………

…………………………………………………….…………………….

(d) Any other processes in the ceremony?

……………………………………….…………………………………

……….………………………………………………………………..

204

16. Indicate the degree of gender involvement in each of the following

………………………………………………………………………………

…………………………….…………………………………………………

17. what are the types of sacrifices offered to Okekparakpara

deity?......

......

18. List the items used for the consecration/sacrifices…………………………

………………………………………………………………………………

PRIEST AND PRIESTESS OF OKEKPARAKPARA DEITY (ALUSI)

SHRINE

19. Has an Okekparakpara deity generally male priest or female priestess or

mixed?

a. Male priest ……………………..………………………..…………..

b. Female priestess…………………………………………..…………..

c. Mixed ………………………………………………………………..

20. Suggest reasons for either male or female dominance of priesthood of

Okekparakpara shrine in Enugu-Agu Achi.

………………………………………………..……………………………

…………………………………………………..…………………………

205

FUNCTIONS AND TABOOS OF OKEKPARAKPARA DEITY

21. What are the functions of Okekparakpara deity (Alusi) in Enugu-Agu Achi.

a. ………………………………………………………………………

b. ……………………………………………………………………

c. ………………………………………………………………………

d. ……………………………………………..…………………………

22. Are Enugu-Agu Achi traditional Igbo taboos (Nso Ala) associated with

Okekpararkpara deity?

Yes ( ) or No ( ).

23. Itemize the functions of deities in Enugu-Agu Achi under the following:

Name Sex Place of Name of Functions Taboos Days of Principal Time of of shrine Priest or of Deity of worship Festival Festival Deity Priestess Deity (M or F)

24. Describe a typical festival of Okekparakpara deity in Enugu-Agu Achi

under the following headings:

206

(a) Preparation for the celebration of the festival.

………………………………………………………………………………

………..……………………….……………………………………………

………………………..…………………………………………………….

(b) Activities on the day(s) of celebration.

……………………………….………………………………………………

………………….……………………………………………………………

………………………………………………………………………………

……………………………………………………………….………………

………………………………………………………………………………

(d) Benefits of this celebration.

……………………………..……………………………………………..

……………………..………………………………………………………

GENERAL

25. Are Priests/ Priestesses of Alusi (traditional deities) in Achi of equal rank

or is there hierarchy in the Priesthood?

……………………………………………………..………………………

……………………………………..……………….………………………

207

26 What are the social positions of priests/ priestesses of Alusi (Deities) in

Achi?…………………………………………………………………………

…………………..…………………….…………..…………………………

27. In the light of modern changes (globalization) in Igbo land do you think

that the Igbo of today (especially looking at it from the perspective of

Enugu-Agu Achi) will continue to worship traditional Igbo deities (Alusi).

………………………………………………………………………………

28. What is your general analysis of the word Alusi or Arisi or elishi or Nmma

in your area?

………………………………………………………………………………

29. Is there any change(s) in the status/place of the deities and their

priests/priestesses over time in Enugu-Agu community?

………………………………………………………………………………

……………………………………………………………………………

30. Have you a word of advice for the three religions in Nigeria (Christianity,

Islam and African traditional religion) especially for their followers?

………………………………………………………………………………

……………………………………………………………………………