Nigeria's Policy on the Palestinian–Israeli Conflict
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NIGERIA AND THE PALESTINIAN – ISRAELI CONFLICT 1960 - 2006 FRANCIS OLORUNSOLA ADEYEMO A THESIS IN THE DEPARTMENT OF POLITICAL SCIENCE SUBMITTED TO THE FACULTY OF THE SOCIAL SCIENCES IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY (Ph.D) OF THE UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN. SEPTEMBER 2012 Candidate’s Name: Francis Olorunsola ADEYEMO Matric. No: 8854 Title: NIGERIA AND THE PALESTINIAN-ISRAELI CONFLICT, 1960-2006 ABSTRACT The consequences of the United Nations’ partitioning of Palestine in 1948 have been recurrent wars and peace processes in the Middle East, as the conflict has remained intractable. While studies have been conducted on these wars and peace processes, there has been no systematic study on Nigeria’s policy and role in the Middle East crisis and peace process. This study therefore focused on Nigeria’s foreign policy and role in the Palestinian-Israeli conflict. It examined the origin and consequences of the Palestinian conflict and identified the determinants of Nigeria’s Policy in the Middle East. The data for the study were gathered through documentary research, questionnaire administration, observation and interview. A total of 234 questionnaires were administered to Nigerian students, lecturers, and senior civil servants. Delphi panel interview was conducted among Nigerian and non- Nigerian ambassadors posted to the Middle East. Furthermore, secondary data were obtained from books, journals, newspapers, and the Internet. Descriptive statistics was used to analyze aspects of the data that were quantitative. The unilateral partitioning of Palestine into Jewish and Palestinian States and the subsequent creation of the Jewish State in 1948 was the major cause of the conflict between Israel and the Arab States. A majority of respondents (61.1%) preferred to describe Nigeria’s foreign policy on the Palestinian-Israeli conflict and peace process as that of neutrality. The policy of neutrality was determined by Nigeria’s ethnic and religious diversity according to 62.4% of the respondents. In weighing the factors that determined Nigeria’s policy in the Palestinian-Israeli conflict and peace process, 47% of the respondents chose Nigeria’s membership of regional and International Organization especially the United Nations and the Organization of Petroleum Exporting Countries, 35.5% chose economic factors (oil), 26.9% selected the ruling elite, 12% marked geographical factors, 10.7% chose military factors, 9.4% marked public opinion, 8.1% chose pressure group action, while 7.7% chose political parties. Despite Nigeria’s huge resources and leadership role in Africa, it has not been a major player in the Middle East Crisis. The key actors in the conflict and peace process have been the United States of America, the former Soviet Union (now Russia), Israel, Syria, Egypt, Lebanon, Palestine Liberation Organization and the United Nations. Nigeria pursued a pragmatic foreign policy which was determined essentially by two main factors: Nigeria’s multi ethnic and religious composition, and its membership of regional and international organizations. There is a national consensus about what role Nigeria should play in the global arena. Nigeria is commonly portrayed as secular, Afrocentric and pan-Africanist. However, with the Middle East, this projection and consensus appeared blurred. Because Nigeria does not have a strategic interest in Israel, its foreign policy and role in the conflict and peace process were anchored on the interest of other nations and organizations and not on its national interest. Nigeria’s foreign policy should be premised on its national interests in relation to the Palestinian-Israeli conflict. These interests need to be explicitly articulated and pursued, for in the final analysis. Key Words: Foreign policy, Conflict, Nigeria, Middle East, Peace process Word Count: 486 ii ACKNOWLEDGMENT In carrying out this research project, many people have contributed to its successful completion. In order to show how much I appreciate their contributions and invaluable inputs, I wish, therefore, to devote this section of the study to them. Firstly, I am particularly grateful to my supervisor – Prof. O.B.C. Nwolise, for his genuine advice, objective and constructive criticisms, cordial relations and excellent guidance throughout the period of this study. His wife, Mrs. Bridget Nwolise encouraged me immensely especially at moments I thought all hope was lost. Secondly, I wish to express my profound gratitude to Dr. Shafic Massri of Social Sciences Division (Sharon Building), Lebanese-American University (LAU) Beirut Lebanon, and Dr. Michael Nehme (Dean, Faculty of Political Science and Public Administration/Diplomacy, Notre Dame University (NDU) Jounieh (Lebanon) for their useful advice and exposition on difficult aspects of the study. Probably without the genuine criticism and advice of Dr. Ray Jureidini (Associate Professor, Department of Social and Behavioural Sciences, American University of Beirut (AUB) Lebanon and Messrs Hanna Anbar (Editorial Section) and Ayad Tessbahji (Commercial Section) of the Daily Star, Beirut Lebanon, this Ph.D. research project would have been difficult, if not impossible, to carry out successfully. They, iii therefore, deserve not just my thanks but those of my entire family members. More importantly, I am grateful to the staff of the Department of Political Science, University of Ibadan as represented by the then Head of Department Professor ‘Bayo Okunade. I also thank the Departmental Postgraduate Coordinator, Dr. A.I. Pogoson, and postgraduate students of Political Science Department, University of Ibadan, for their suggestions during the presentation of my proposal at the Departmental Seminar. Thirdly, I am indebted to many authors whose works are cited in the footnotes to this study. I am, indeed, very grateful to them. Lastly, I am grateful to Professor R.F. Ola (Department of Political Science and Public Administration, Adekunle Ajasin University, Akungba-Akoko in Ondo State, Professor Eghosa Osagie (Vice Chancellor, Benson Idahosa University, Benin City, in Edo State), Professor Bola Akinterinwa (Special Assistant to the Hon. Minister for Foreign Affairs, Abuja), Professor Osaghae E. Eghosa, (Vice Chancellor, Igbinedion University, Okada in Edo State), Dr, S. A. Jegede of Sociology Department, University of Ibadan, my wife and children for their assistance and encouragement which I found very useful. I must not fail to acknowledge, appreciate and thank Prof. Oloruninsola (Dean, Postgraduate School, University of Ibadan), Prof. Aderinto (former Sub- Dean, Postgraduate School), Prof. Balogun (former Dean, Faculty of the iv Social Sciences), and Dr. Okuinola (Sub-Dean, (Postgraduate) Faculty of the Social sciences). They really played divine directed roles in my life over this project. For typing this research project I sincerely thank Mrs. J.E. Dikeogu and Mr. Adeniran S.A. of the University of Ibadan, Nigeria. Above all, to God be the Glory for keeping me alife to see the successful end of this Pogramme. F. O. Adeyemo November 2011. v DEDICATION This study is dedicated to the memory of my late father – Pa Gabriel Adeyemo who died in October 1996, my late mother – Madam Victoria Fehintola Adeyemo (nee Oyerin Fabode) who died on 28th February 1999, my late father-in- law – Pa A. O. Ponnle – who passed away on 21st July 1969 as well as my late mother-in-law, Madam Christie Olubunmi Adediji – who died on 5 April 2003. They are invaluable parents whose advice, care and assistance I miss so much. May their gentle souls Rest In Perfect Peace, Amen. vi CERTIFICATION I certify that this Ph.D. research project was carried out by Francis Olorunsola ADEYEMO in the Department of Political Science, (Faculty of the Social Sciences) University of Ibadan, under my supervision. ……………………………… SUPERVISOR O. B. C. Nwolise B.Sc. (Pol.Sc.) Nsukka, M.Sc., Ph.D. (Pol. Sc.), Ibadan. Professor and Head of Department of Political Science, University of Ibadan, Ibadan, Nigeria. (Tel:08037013069; E-mail: [email protected]) Date: ……………………………… vii TABLE OF CONTENTS Page Title … ... ... … ... … ... ... i Abstract .. .. .. .. .. .. .. ii Acknowledgment.. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. iii Dedication .. .. .. .. .. .. … v Certification ... .. .. .. .. .. .. .. … vi Table of Contents.. .. .. .. .. .. .. … vii List of Tables .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. ix List of Figures .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. x List of Appendices .. .. .. .. .. .. .. ... xi Abbreviations .. .. .. .. .. .. .. ... xiv CHAPTER ONE: INTRODUCTION 1.1 Background .. ... … ... … ... ... … … 1 1.2 Statement of the problem ... ... ... … ... … 16 1.3 The objectives of the study ... … ... … … … 20 1.4 Significance of the study .. .. .... … … … 21 1.5 Scope of the study … … … … … … … 23 1.6 Methodology … … … … … … … … 24 (i) Sources of data … … … … … … … 25 (ii) Methods of data gathering … … … … … 25 (iii) Methods of data analysis … … … … 26 1.7 Limitations of the study. .. .. .. .. .. … 27 CHAPTER TWO: LITERATURE REVIEW 29 2.1 Conceptual Clarification … … … … … … 29 2.2 Review of Literature … … … … … … … 55 viii 2.3 Theoretical Framework of Analysis … … …. … … 91 CHAPTER THREE: PALESTINIAN–ISRAELI CONFLICT AND PEACE PROCESS 110 3.1 The origin and causes of the conflict … … … 110 3.2 The courses of the conflict … … … … … 116 3.3 The consequences of the conflict … … … … 163 3.4 The regional actors … … … … … 182 3.5 The regional institutions … … … … … 203 3.6 The role of foreign powers … … … … … 218 3.7 The role of international institutions