The Trade Unions
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Archives Henri Krasuscki (1939-2005) 7
Archives Henri Krasuscki (1939-2005) 7 CFD Institut CGT d’histoire sociale- 263 rue de Paris – case 2-3- 93516 Montreuil cedex Tél. 01 55 82 81 13 Courriel : [email protected] Internet : http://ihs.cgt.fr INSTITUT CGT D’HISTOIRE SOCIALE Fonds HENRI KRASUCKI Secrétaire général de la CGT (1939-2005) 7 CFD 1-257 Répertoire numérique détaillé établi par Marie-Pierre CORDIER Août 2007 Mise à jour : 2019 2 Identification synthétique Intitulé : Fonds HENRI KRASUCKI Secrétaire général de la CGT (1939-2005). Producteur : Krasucki Henri. Dates extrêmes : 1939-2005. Thématique (s) : Congrès ; CCN ; bureau confédéral ; CEC ; Résistance ; syndicalisation ; économie ; lutte ; organisations de la CGT ; presse ; international ; Europe ; organisations syndicales ; patronat ; pouvoirs publics. Cote : 7 CFD. Importance matérielle : 257 boîtes. Niveau de description : Au dossier. Lieu de conservation : IHS CGT, Montreuil (93). Conditions d’accès : La consultation se fait sur place dans la salle de lecture de l’IHS-CGT. 25 ans à compter de la date de création du document ou du document le plus récent dans le dossier. 50 ans après leur clôture les dossiers contenant des données nominatives portant atteinte à la protection de la vie privée. Sur demande motivée, dérogation possible pour consulter le(s) document(s) dont le délai de communicabilité n’est pas atteint. Conditions de reproduction : Demande auprès de l’archiviste. 3 INTRODUCTION Peu de temps après le décès de Henri Krasucki (février 2002), Georges Dufossé, son dernier secrétaire, prend contact avec Joël Hedde, secrétaire général de l’IHS CGT : les archives de Henri Krasucki sont précieusement conservées dans une cave dans les locaux de la confédération et Georges Dufossé, pour la famille Krasucki et Jean-Claude Gay, pour la CGT, demandent à l’IHS CGT de prendre en charge ce fonds pour le traiter en vue de le communiquer. -
The Trade Union Movement at the Dawn of the 21St Century
Notes and proposals • Lille 2001 Labour College of the Alliance for a responsible, plural and social world The trade union movement at the dawn of the 21st Century The Labour College of the Alliance for a responsible, plural and social world brings together trade unionists and other activists on five continents, in an exchange of information and experiences across sectors and region. We try to identify strategies and tactics which can modernise and improve our movement’s response to the challenge of globalisation, precarious working conditions, and the communication difficulties which can arise between trade unionists and members of other social movements working for a better world. This short text presents the College’s main proposals for a new strategy for the labour movement. This is work-in-progress, and we welcome your comments and participation. You can consult our full proposals, including the interactive version of this dossier, at our web site: www.forum-alternatives.net The Labour College is co-ordinated by Alternatives Action and Communications Network for International Development, 3720 Park Avenue #300, Montreal (QC) H2X 2J1, Canada. Tel. +1 (514) 982 6606, fax 982 6616, email: [email protected] 1 Contents Summary.............................................................................................................................3 Responding to neo-liberalism..............................................................................................3 Social movements: what convergence?...........................................................................3 -
Chapter 1 the Present and Future of the European Union, Between the Urgent Need for Democracy and Differentiated Integration
Chapter 1 The present and future of the European Union, between the urgent need for democracy and differentiated integration Mario Telò Introduction The European Union has experienced an unprecedented multi-dimensional and prolonged crisis, a crisis which cannot be understood in isolation from the international context, with major global economic changes to the detriment of the West. Opinions differ as to the overall outcome of the European policies adopted in recent years to tackle the crisis: these policies saved the single currency and allowed for moderate growth, but, combined with many other factors, they exacerbated the crisis of legitimacy. This explains the wave of anti-European sentiment in several Member States and the real danger that the European project will collapse completely. This chapter analyses the contradictory trends at play and examines more closely how to find a way out of this crisis – a way which must be built around the crucial role of the trade union movement, both in tackling Euroscepticism and in relaunching the EU. This drive to strengthen and enhance democracy in the euro area, and to create a stronger European pillar of social rights, will not be successful without new political momentum for the EU led by the most pro-European countries. The argument put forward in this chapter is that this new European project will once again only be possible using a method of differentiated integration. This paper starts with two sections juxtaposing two contradictory sets of data. On the one hand, we see the social and institutional achievements of the past 60 years: despite everything, the EU is the only tool available to the trade union movement which provides any hope of taming and mitigating globalisation (Section 1). -
A Century of Struggle
A Century of Struggle To mark the 100th anniversary of the formation of the American Federation of Labor, the National Museum of American History of the Smithsonian Institution invited a group of scholars and practitioners "to examine the work, technology, and culture of industrial America . " The conference was produced in cooperation with the American Federation of Labor and Congress of Industrial Organizations . The excerpts on the following pages are drawn from papers and comments at that conference, in the Museum's Carmichael Auditorium, November IS and 16, 1986. Mary Kay Rieg, Olivia G. Amiss, and Marsha Domzalski of the Monthly Labor Review provided editorial assistance. Trade unions mirror society in conflict between collectivism and individualism A duality common to many institutions runs through the American labor movement and has marked its shifting fortunes from the post-Civil War period to the present ALICE KESSLER-HARRIS ideology of American trade unions as they developed in Two competing ideas run through the labor movement, as and post-Civil War period. It also tells us something of their they have run through the American past. The first is the the The conglomeration of unions that formed the Na- notion of community-the sense that liberty is nurtured in impact . Union and the 15,000 assemblies of the an informal political environment where the voluntary and tional Labor of Labor responded to the onslaught of industrial- collective enterprise of people with common interests con- Knights the Civil War by searching for ways to reestablish tributes to the solution of problems . Best characterized by ism after of interest that was threatened by a new and the town meeting, collective solutions are echoed in the the community organization of work. -
Didier Daeninckx and the Manouchian Resistance Group
1 An Ever-Present Past: Didier Daeninckx and the Manouchian Resistance Group ‘Writing is always “against”! […] Personally, I am against authority and the disappearance of memory’ — Didier Daeninckx (1997: 68)1 November 1943. Following a series of highly visible attacks in Paris, committed by the Communist, ‘immigrant’ Resistance group of Missak Manouchian,2 the Brigades spéciales (special Brigades) of the French police finally pounce on the perpetrators, and arrest follows arrest. At the end of a very brief trial a few months later, twenty-three members of the combat unit, including Manouchian himself, are condemned to death. The twenty-two men are immediately shot at Mont Valérien, on 21 February 1944 (the one woman, Olga Bancic, is executed separately, beheaded in Stuttgart on 10 May). More or less simultaneously, the photos of ten of these freedom fighters are displayed on the infamous Affiches rouges (red posters), which are plastered over the walls of French towns and cities, and which denounce ‘l’Armée du crime’ (the Army of crime), most obviously composed of people with names of foreign, if not Jewish, origin. Shortly afterwards, the Liberation of France, for which these combatants willingly gave their lives, commenced. That is by no means the end of their story, however. Throughout the post-war period, the group regularly comes back into the headlines, forming, as Margaret Atack has noted, ‘an important focal point for remembrance and controversy’ (2013: 175).3 For example, in 1955, in honour of the group, and to mark the inauguration of a rue du Groupe Manouchian in Paris, Louis Aragon writes the poem which will first appear in L’Humanité on 5 March 1955, entitled ‘Groupe Manouchain’, and then in his collection, Le Roman inachevé, as ‘Strophes pour se souvenir’ (1956: 225-26). -
British Fascism: a Discourse- Historical Analysis'
H-Socialisms Cohen on Richardson, 'British Fascism: A Discourse- Historical Analysis' Review published on Sunday, October 27, 2019 John E. Richardson. British Fascism: A Discourse-Historical Analysis. Explorations of the Far Right Series. Stuttgart: Ibidem, 2017. Illustrations. 307 pp. $45.00 (paper), ISBN 978-3-8382-1031-5. Reviewed by Joshua Cohen (University of Leicester) Published on H-Socialisms (October, 2019) Commissioned by Gary Roth (Rutgers University - Newark) Printable Version: http://www.h-net.org/reviews/showpdf.php?id=54281 Analyzing British Fascism When Colin Cross wrote "British Fascism ended in May 1940 and has not since been revived under that name," he correctly assessed that Sir Oswald Mosley's Union Movement (UM), formed in 1948, neither hid nor disowned its fascist past. Still, this reference to the past and "ex-fascists" implied acceptance of the UM's claim to have transcended fascism, that it went "beyond both fascism and democracy."[1] The idea of fascism as a historical phenomenon existing mainly in the past was expressed in Stanley Payne's assertion that fascism was "primarily limited to Europe during the era of the two world wars."[2] One of the most important contributions John E. Richardson makes in the excellent British Fascism: A Discourse-Historical Analysis is his repudiation of such analyses by demonstrating the long continuities within British fascism, its survival across the postwar period into the present, and, above all, the grave danger of regarding fascism as "over." He engages both with historiography and the "heuristic blind spot" of some political scientists that makes them reluctant to acknowledge contemporaneous movements as "fascist." For Richardson, this accounts for the continual formation of such myriad terms as "extreme right," "radical right," and "extreme right-wing populist"—he does not say it but "alt-right" suggests itself here too (pp. -
The City and Community: the Impact of Urban Forces on Working Class
.............................................. The City and Community: The Impact of Urban Forces on Working Class Behavior John T. Cumbler University of Louisville September 1976 .............................................. CRSO Working Paper ill43 Copies Available Through: The Center for Research on Social Organization The University of Michigan 330 Packard il214 Ann Arbor, Michigan 48109 The City and Community: The Impact of Urban Forces on Working Class Behavior John T. Cumbler Assist. Prof. of ist tor^ Dept. of History University of Louisville Louisville, Ky. 40208 . In 1871 a Congregational minister came to Lynn, Massachusetts, the leading industrial center for shoe. production, the nation's largest . industry at the time. The Reverend Cook delivered in Lynn a .series of lectures on factory reform. In trying to understand the militant .. nature of the Lynn workers in comparison to the workers of Lowell and Lawrence, Cook noted that "a study of the subject at a distance might lead to the opinion that a shoe town and a cotton town are much alike; 1 but the reverse is true. Each has a set of exigencies of,its own," The Reverend went on to argue that these differences in turn affected the behavior and attitudes of the workers themselves. ". the periodical lulls in the activity of the shoe factories and the large percentage of changeable operatives [make] it difficult to introduce. .. - into the shoe factory system the admirable method of sifting operatives according to characters that has long been practiced in the cotton. 2 factory system . .-I1 The Reverend Cook may have been inaccurate in his analysis of the. effects of the differences between the cotton factory town and the shoe town. -
Fight Racism
UE150 11th Bi-Annual Convention, November 14-15, 2020 RESOLUTION: Fight Racism WHEREAS, racism is one of the greatest evils of capitalism in this country and around the world, and has always been a roadblock to building a strong labor movement. Racism is a specific aspect of institutionalized systematic oppression and exploitation based upon capitalism's "white supremacist" myths, false beliefs and distortions that Blacks, Latinx and some other groups of people being inherently and biologically superior to others. Racism and white supremacy around the world and inside the U.S. are the means capitalists developed for the purposes of exploitation and oppression, stealing and robbing nations land, resources and power as well as stealing and destroying their history and culture! It is also a means of dividing the working class and justifying its brutal system of coerced labor called slavery, vigilante murders, police brutality and murders, as well as economic and political suppression of oppressed people's power. WHEREAS, the persistence of institutional racism affects all peoples of color, and is evident in the economic and social oppression and exploitation experienced by African Americans, in particular. African-American high unemployment rate, working conditions and pay remains disproportionately low. On average, African Americans are twice as likely to die from disease, police murders, accident, and homicide as whites. African Americans are three times more likely to become prisoners once arrested, and serve longer terms. Racists and white supremacists blame the victims of these conditions, rather than blaming the capitalist system that creates these conditions and injustices. WHEREAS, Donald Trump, who has shafted working people throughout his business career and has stacked his cabinet almost entirely with white, male, anti-worker Wall Street cronies, owes his election in part to pervasive racism, white supremacist and anti-immigrant sentiment. -
Britain's Green Fascists: Understanding the Relationship Between Fascism, Farming, and Ecological Concerns in Britain, 1919-1951 Alec J
UNF Digital Commons UNF Graduate Theses and Dissertations Student Scholarship 2017 Britain's Green Fascists: Understanding the Relationship between Fascism, Farming, and Ecological Concerns in Britain, 1919-1951 Alec J. Warren University of North Florida Suggested Citation Warren, Alec J., "Britain's Green Fascists: Understanding the Relationship between Fascism, Farming, and Ecological Concerns in Britain, 1919-1951" (2017). UNF Graduate Theses and Dissertations. 755. https://digitalcommons.unf.edu/etd/755 This Master's Thesis is brought to you for free and open access by the Student Scholarship at UNF Digital Commons. It has been accepted for inclusion in UNF Graduate Theses and Dissertations by an authorized administrator of UNF Digital Commons. For more information, please contact Digital Projects. © 2017 All Rights Reserved BRITAIN’S GREEN FASCISTS: Understanding the Relationship between Fascism, Farming, and Ecological Concerns in Britain, 1919-1951 by Alec Jarrell Warren A Thesis submitted to the Department of History in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree in Master of Arts in History UNIVERSITY OF NORTH FLORIDA COLLEGE OF ARTS AND SCIENCES August, 2017 Unpublished work © Alec Jarrell Warren This Thesis of Alec Jarrell Warren is approved: Dr. Charles Closmann Dr. Chau Kelly Dr. Yanek Mieczkowski Accepted for the Department of History: Dr. Charles Closmann Chair Accepted for the College of Arts and Sciences: Dr. George Rainbolt Dean Accepted for the University: Dr. John Kantner Dean of the Graduate School ii DEDICATION This work is dedicated to my family, who have always loved and supported me through all the highs and lows of my journey. Without them, this work would have been impossible. -
Extreme Right Transnationalism: International Networking and Cross-Border Exchanges
Gale Primary Sources Start at the source. Extreme Right Transnationalism: International Networking and Cross-Border Exchanges Paul Jackson Senior Lecturer in History, University of Northampton Various source media, Political Extremism and Radicalism in the Twentieth Century EMPOWER™ RESEARCH While many historians have devoted themselves to forms of anti-fascism: divisions within the left. The examining the dynamics of fascist movements and Italian Communist Party was also formed at this time, regimes, the topic of ‘anti-fascism’ has traditionally and while initially supportive of the Arditi del Popolo, been neglected. However, historians and other later it instructed its members to withdraw their academics are now starting to take greater interest in engagement. The Arditi del Popolo was shut down by the study of those who opposed nationalist and racist the Italian state by 1924, while the Italian Communist extremists, and are developing new approaches to Party was itself banned from 1926. Splits within the understanding these complex cultures. Some, such as left have often been a characteristic of anti-fascist Nigel Copsey, have been concerned with developing politics, and in Italy during the 1920s such anti- sober, empirical accounts, exploring left-wing, centre fascists were driven by competing ideas on how to and even right-wing forms of anti-fascism, presenting develop an anti-capitalist revolution. In this case, the it as a heterogeneous politicised identity. Others, such issue helped to foster discord between a more as Mark Bray, have been more concerned with eclectic and anarchist variant of anti-fascism and a developing unapologetically partisan readings of the more centralised Communist version. -
Opem 1Tlundi Elf HOPE·
Opem 1tlundi ElfHOPE· KL Y REPORT ON THE ECONOMY OF THE COMMON MARKET ': ~------·------- ------·-::-::-=-, 00000000000000000000 ('ONTENT~ 00000000000000000000 0 · 0 gI THE WEEK IN THE COMMUNITY' l\\\l(\\{l- g g I February 24 - March 2, 1969 t \I kl! ~I 1a g g I THE COMMON MARKET Page 1 g F}f o I Time to "Cool It" o L, o 'o o COUNCIL OF MINISTERS Page 3 o 1', f1 g EEC ECONOMY: 1969 Guidelines Page 4 g ntJ g PATENTS: New Proposals Page 5 g ~ o TRADE UNIONS Page 6 o ~ 0 · 0 0 Communists Accept Community o . g ECONOMIC & SOCIAL COMMITTEE Page 7 g o Plans for Community's Future o o •o o AGRICULTURE: Mansholt for Australia Page 8 o g E.C.S.C. - Social Aspects of Coal Page 9 g o Employment figures - Steel Orders o 0 0 o EURA TOM Page 11 o 0 0 o INDUSTRY: Shipbuilding Aid Page 12 o 0 bo 3 0 0 TRANSPORT: Waterway La ur Page 1 , 0 ·g TRADE: Nixon-Rey Talks; Latin America Page 13 g o EUROPEAN PARLIAMENT Page 14 o 0 0 o EIB: Bond Issue - Loan to Turkey Page 15 o g STUDIES & TRENDS g o The Development of Retail Shares in the EEC o o by Ph. Desirant, Eurosyndicat, Luxembourg. o 0 0 . O ia· u O ., LA~ H: IIH11i11e1t111 ,,enf"tration arro1111 Europf" O 0 0 0 Headlines Page A 0 0 " 0 0 0 Index Page Y : g 0 I 0 o March 6, 1969 No 502 : o 0 : 0 0 : 0 0 l 0 0 -----·----··------ ---------- -------- ------------ ·- ! 10 0 ------------------------------------------------------------------- -- --_---------- __ -- --- ,o ·00000000000000000000000000000000000000~000000000000 Opem Mundi ElfRO PE A WEEKLY REPORT ON JHE ECONOMY OF THE. -
Special Edition for the 65Th Anniversary
WORLD FEDERATION OF TRADE UNIONS INTERNATIONAL COORDINATING COMMITTEE OF YOUNG WORKERS THE WORKING YOUTH CELEBRATES THE WFTU TH ANNIVERSAR 65 Y Τhe World Federation of Trade Unions continues its history, the history of the struggles of the international working class. Studying this history is a very important lesson for every young worker. It is a heritage that shows us “from where we started and where we want to head”. By studying the weaknesses of this militant journey, its landmarks and its glorious moments, the young workers, with certainty, can reach the conclusion of what to follow and what to leave behind. By honoring the historic path of WFTU with more certainty they can decide on what to dedicate their lives: the battle to abolish the exploitation of man by man. This year, 2010 is 65 years since the founding of the WFTU, which was an important step for the international trade union movement. Its creation came from a need in the new era after the defeat of fascism. Its foundation moved workers massively into action. It high- lighted the leading role of the working class in fighting not only for the immediate problems but furthermore, the necessity this struggle to be combined with the struggle to overthrow the capitalist system. The WFTU set as its first priorities proletarian internationalism and la- bour solidarity. It opened new roads for the Socialist construction in the Soviet Union and other Socialists Republics. The history and goals of the WFTU are con- nected with the history and goals of its trade union organisations in each country.