DOCSLIB.ORG

Review of Samuel Brittan's Against the Flow: Reflections of an Individualist

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

Download full-text PDF Read full-text
Review of Samuel Brittan's Against the Flow: Reflections of an Individualist Against the Flow: Reflections of an Individualist by Samuel Brittan Atlantic Books 2005 304pp, 25 pounds ISBN 1843544377X Sir Samuel Brittan has long been regarded as one of the United Kingdom’s leading economic commentators. He has written an influential column for The Financial Times since 1966, had been awarded the George Orwell, Senior Harold Wincott and Ludwig Erhard prizes for his journalistic contributions, and received a knighthood in 1993 for his ‘services to economic journalism’. Brittan’s insatiable appetite for writing is also reflected in the publication of 12 books, including his new work Against the Flow which consists of 68 essays written since November 1999. One is immediately struck by the diversity of readings in this collection, ranging from foreign policy and international relations, British and European economic policy, social issues, political economy, to biographical essays on economists and philosophers such as Friedrich Hayek, Milton Friedman, Ayn Rand, John Maynard Keynes, Norman Angell, and Bertrand Russell. Apart from his willingness to commentate freely on issues that cross disciplinary boundaries, Brittan displays a rare gift for a certain elegance of expression whilst, at the same time, ensuring that his messages are unencumbered by complex technical jargon. He also manages to pull no punches against those notions with which he disagrees, providing a sprinkling of (scathing) humour in exposing a range of erroneous beliefs. For example, in his critique of NGO agitations for businesses to adopt a ‘stakeholder’ (corporate social responsibility) approach to their operations and reporting standards, Brittan notes that ‘… One enthusiast advocates that every company should have a ‘metaphysical director’ who could supposedly resolve conflicts of interest and value. This would indeed provide jobs for bogus philosophers’ (p. 85). Brittan undertakes some effort to dismantle a range of fallacies that are commonly accepted as ‘economic truth’. He provides a critical assessment of the populist support for high minimum wages (which ‘... contributes to unemployment and is a breach of the human right to make a contract for services from which both sides benefit’ [p. 94]), criticisms of the wealth distribution (‘… the usual statistics … exaggerate the concentration of wealth. … The weakness of such figures is that they are snapshot rather than lifetime comparisons’ [p. 101]), and the fear of cheap imports (‘… if countries such as China and India are prevented from competing on the basis of their most favourable temporary asset – namely cheap labour – their whole development will be delayed’ [p. 73]). In the realm of foreign policy, he castigates the popular view that there is a strong link between terrorism and poverty (pp. 18-19), and that the West needs to understand the underlying attitudinal bases of Islamic extremism with a view to appeasing terrorists to end their murderous campaign against the free world (pp. 4-5). The quality of the critical analysis of these and other issues is a key strength of Brittan’s Against the Flow. The book also provides a number of chapters covering a range of cutting-edge research themes, including complexity theory, evolutionary psychology, currency competition, the limits of macroeconomic forecasting, and the role of institutional rules in shaping the evolution of competitive markets. Brittan also emphasises the nature and limits of human knowledge, drawing on the work of Karl Popper and Hayek. These are important issues in economic and social theory, and Brittan is to be highly commended for canvassing these concepts for the benefit of a wider audience. However, with such an eclectic array of essays over a broad range of subject areas, a key drawback of this book is the appearance of a number of inconsistencies of argument. For example, Brittan describes himself as a ‘neo-pacifist’ (p. 9) in foreign policy, yet supports the United States and its allies, including Australia, in its prosecution of the war against terror (p. 5). He also argues that ‘… At this point of danger we cannot be too squeamish in our choice of allies’ (p. 5), yet he later attacks Western leaders involved in strategic military and trade partnerships with countries such as Pakistan and Saudi Arabia (p. 13). These inconsistencies tend to leave the reader none the wiser as to what Brittan’s foreign policy stance might be. On the economic side, there is some confusion within Against the Flow as to Brittan’s views on the desirability of macroeconomic targets as a policy instrument. Brittan warns against the utilisation of inflation targets during periods of rapid inflation (p. 160), and more broadly criticises policymakers who adopt macroeconomic policy targets for pretending to ‘… know more about the characteristics of the economy than we really do’ (p. 206). Yet elsewhere in the book Brittan advocates the adoption of nominal GDP as a policy target (p. 161). Putting aside the obvious problems posed by these inconsistencies, there remains considerable academic scepticism amongst even neoclassical economists regarding the feasibility of GDP targets and, further, from an Austrian economics perspective it could be regarded that an inordinate focus on national income accounting concepts (such as GDP) may bias policy towards focussing on increasing quantities of inputs and outputs in the production process, rather than on innovation and entrepreneurship that are the foundations of free competitive market processes (Randall G Holcombe, 2004, ‘National Income Accounting and Public Policy’, Review of Austrian Economics). More fundamentally, despite the claims that this book provides for a ‘robust defence of classical liberalism’, it is not at all clear that this is indeed the case. Brittan describes himself as a ‘redistributive market liberal’ (pp. xi, 86) who supports the notion of a guaranteed minimum income for all (pp. 91-97, 240), as well as extensive asset-based welfare (pp. 97-104). Brittan’s self-described ‘redistributive market liberalism’ is reminiscent of the ‘progressive liberalism’ label developed in a 1998 book by Australian economist Fred Argy, which was extensively critiqued in a previous edition of this journal by Wolfgang Kasper. Further, the welfare state concepts promulgated by Brittan have been variously embraced by left-wing groups such as the Australian Labor Party under Mark Latham, the Greens Party, and the Australia Institute. This raises an obvious question: can this work, in its totality, be regarded as a statement of classical liberalism, in the tradition of Locke, Montesquieu, Hume, Smith, Bastiat, and Hayek? Perhaps not. All in all, Against the Flow represents a series of thought-provoking essays covering a panorama of contemporary economic, social and political issues. Against the Flow may not be the comprehensive tract in the classical liberal tradition that it is made out to be, and it does occasionally (at times critically) suffer from a lack of consistency, but it is nonetheless an interesting work which gives something for everyone together with some thrills and spills along the way. Reviewed by Julie Novak .
Load more

Recommended publications
  • Hayek's the Constitution of Liberty
    Hayek’s The Constitution of Liberty Hayek’s The Constitution of Liberty An Account of Its Argument EUGENE F. MILLER The Institute of Economic Affairs contenTs The author 11 First published in Great Britain in 2010 by Foreword by Steven D. Ealy 12 The Institute of Economic Affairs 2 Lord North Street Summary 17 Westminster Editorial note 22 London sw1p 3lb Author’s preface 23 in association with Profile Books Ltd The mission of the Institute of Economic Affairs is to improve public 1 Hayek’s Introduction 29 understanding of the fundamental institutions of a free society, by analysing Civilisation 31 and expounding the role of markets in solving economic and social problems. Political philosophy 32 Copyright © The Institute of Economic Affairs 2010 The ideal 34 The moral right of the author has been asserted. All rights reserved. Without limiting the rights under copyright reserved above, no part of this publication may be reproduced, stored or introduced into a PART I: THE VALUE OF FREEDOM 37 retrieval system, or transmitted, in any form or by any means (electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording or otherwise), without the prior written permission of both the copyright owner and the publisher of this book. 2 Individual freedom, coercion and progress A CIP catalogue record for this book is available from the British Library. (Chapters 1–5 and 9) 39 isbn 978 0 255 36637 3 Individual freedom and responsibility 39 The individual and society 42 Many IEA publications are translated into languages other than English or are reprinted. Permission to translate or to reprint should be sought from the Limiting state coercion 44 Director General at the address above.
    [Show full text]
  • Iconoclastic Economist Who Put Freedom First OBITUARY MILTON FRIEDMAN; [LONDON 1ST EDITION] SAMUEL BRITTAN
    Document View Page 1 of 5 « Back to Document View Databases selected: Multiple databases... Iconoclastic economist who put freedom first OBITUARY MILTON FRIEDMAN; [LONDON 1ST EDITION] SAMUEL BRITTAN. Financial Times. London (UK): Nov 17, 2006. pg. 13 People: Friedman, Milton, Keynes, John Maynard Companies: Friedmans Inc Author(s): SAMUEL BRITTAN Section: COMMENT AND ANALYSIS Publication title: Financial Times. London (UK): Nov 17, 2006. pg. 13 Source type: Newspaper ISSN: 03071766 ProQuest document ID: 1164277051 Text Word Count 2504 Document URL: http://libproxy.nps.navy.mil/login?url=http://proquest.umi.c om/pqdweb? did=1164277051&sid=2&Fmt=3&clientId=11969&RQT=309& VName=PQD Abstract (Document Summary) It was in the late 1950s and 1960s that [Milton Friedman] developed the monetarist doctrines for which he became best known. He treated money as an asset. The public desire to hold this asset depended on incomes, the rate of interest and expected inflation. If more money became available, the effect would be initially to raise real output and incomes, but eventually just to raise prices more or less in proportion. Here was where the famous "long and variable lags" appeared: typically nine months before real output and income were affected and a further nine months before the main effects on prices came through. These time periods were much cited and much derided but they were not the heart of Friedman's message. The policy conclusion Friedman drew was his famous money supply rule: there should be a stable growth of the money supply, year in year out. He accepted that this was not the only policy that could be derived from monetarist findings.
    [Show full text]
  • Financial Times Humanitarianism Without Illusions Samuel Brittan: Financial Times 27/09/02
    7/26/2019 Financial Times Humanitarianism without illusions Samuel Brittan: Financial Times 27/09/02 Take two blindingly obvious propositions:- 1 There is such a thing as human nature and this needs to be taken into account in all attempts to reform society. Theologians call it Original Sin, but you do not have to be religious to take the point. 2 There are also innate differences between individuals which cannot be wiped out by education, income redistribution or anything else. You might think that these are hardly worth discussing. The American cognitive psychologist Steven Pinker met this reaction when he told colleagues that he was working on his just published book, The Blank Slate (1). That was also my own reaction. Yet I was soon disabused. The Standard Social Science Model which denies these propositions has still not vanished. It still seems impossible to study human behaviour objectively without being accused of every kind of barbarity or of the distorted form of Darwinism which Nazi Germany and the Apartheid regime in South Africa used to justify their policies. Direct evidence turned up the other night when I was listening to a discussion of Pinker's book on the usually staid BBC Radio Three programme Night Waves. Pinker aroused the ire of the British psychologist, Oliver James who espoused the widespread view that children who had been brought up violently tended to become violent parents themselves. Pinker argues that this could be because violent tendencies are inherited. Of course, it is not all in the genes; but the main environmental influences on children come from their peers rather than their parents.
    [Show full text]
  • Andliberty Economy
    LAND AND LIBERTY ECONOMICS • POLITICS • PHILOSOPHY Sep./Oct. 1992 (UK) £2.00 (USA) $3.50 long tve rate of ure i term: Rritisn economy rd ^^S grovrtiv of He cnti- ECONOMY: FORECASTERS EXPOSED EARTH: HOSTAGE TO FORTUNE RUSSIA: IDEOLOGY DIVIDES LVT WORKING IN JAPAN LAND AND LIBERTY UNIFORM Volume 99 No 1159 Established 1894 MISERY IN COMMON EDITORIAL 2 YELTSIN HOSTAGE MARKET Alan Spence 3 TALKING POLITICS Lewis Little 4 THE PROSPECT of free trade was the best reason for defending the existence NEWS BRIEFS 5 of the European Economic Community. A single market, we were told, would promote the production of wealth; FEATURE and tie the fate of warring nations into a single destiny. Prosperity. Peace. But what about freedom? Eurocrats and politicians would justify their FORECASTERS EXPOSED actions as compatible with freedom, but look at what they mean, when it comes Fred Harrison 6 to taxation. The European Community wants all nations to use the Value LAND & LIBERTY ESSAY Added Tax with a minimum rate of 15%. Britain - whose rate is 17.5% - SAVING THE PLANET challenged the right of the Euro-centre to dictate tax rates. But why should David Richards 7 the EEC care about the tax system employed by its members, so long as the law on the freedom to exchange goods anywhere in the EEC was enforced? BOOK REVIEWS What has the tax system got to do with how people - producers and B.W. Brookes: consumers - make decisions in the markets? Well, actually, quite a lot. But Amazon Tragedy; 10 the bureaucrats are justifying the intrusion into the affairs of member nations Bob Clancy: on grounds that call into question the very ethos of the Treaty of Rome.
    [Show full text]
  • The New Right Think Tanks and Policy Change in the Uk
    THE NEW RIGHT THINK TANKS AND POLICY CHANGE IN THE UK Andrew James Tesseyman DPhil Thesis University of York Politics Department Submitted, February 1999 Abstract It has often been claimed that, during the 1980s and early 1990s, the new right think tanks — namely the Institute of Economic Affairs (IEA), Centre for Policy Studies (CPS), and Adam Smith Institute (ASI) — had a major impact on policy-making and policy change. This thesis addresses such claims by examining three reforms in which the new right think tanks have been attributed an influence — bus deregulation, education reform, and prison privatisation. It seeks not only to empirically assess their impact, but also to relate these findings to the policy-making literature, in particular the Rhodes Model which emphasises policy continuity and the Advocacy Coalition Framework which seeks to explain policy change. It is argued that the new right think tanks had an impact on all three policy changes, as members of "advocacy coalitions", although the nature and extent of this impact varied. In some cases, the TEA, CPS, and ASI were able to have a direct impact on policy change, obtaining access to policy-makers through coalition allies. In other cases their impact was indirect, in shaping the broader "climate of ideas". The new right think tanks also contributed to new patterns of policy formulation, although there is limited evidence of any long-term structural impact on policy-making in these areas. It is also argued that the case studies raise a number of issues for the Rhodes Model and the Advocacy Coalition Framework, although these could be addressed by integrating the two to develop an approach to account for both policy continuity and policy change.
    [Show full text]
  • Europe Ten Years from Now
    A SYMPOSIUM OF VIEWS THE MAGAZINE OF INTERNATIONAL ECONOMIC POLICY 888 16th Street, N.W. Suite 740 Washington, D.C. 20006 Phone: 202-861-0791 Fax: 202-861-0790 www.international-economy.com [email protected] Europe Ten Years From Now What are the chances the structure of the European Union as we know it will still largely be the same? TIE asked eighteen distinguished experts. 34 THE INTERNATIONAL ECONOMY SUMMER 2004 but it has done nothing to energize the European econo- my; and some would argue the reverse. There is no such project now on the horizon. The key features of the European Union are the single market, achieved if imperfectly; the absurd agricultural policy, and 75 % and the ossified labor market. I am afraid that the last two will take more than another ten years to disappear, although I have some hopes of the newer members kicking against the traces. The so-called “Constitution” does nothing to de- fine precisely the respective spheres of governments and EU SAMUEL BRITTAN institutions. So whether or not it is ratified, the arguments Columnist, Financial Times between the federalists and proponents of a Europe of nations member of the former BBC Brains Trust (C.E.M will still be raging. The European Union will be neither a Joad) used to reply to every question with, “It all de- proper federation nor an alliance, but a limping confederation Apends what you mean by X.” I could reply that it all as it is today. The EU Parliament will continue to boast of depends on what you mean by “structure” and “same.” An- “achievements” such as workers’ safety regulations, car seat glo-Saxon observers often underestimate how long EU belt rules, and a ban on tobacco advertising which in the changes take; but they also underestimate the extent to United States are (mostly) left to individual states.
    [Show full text]
  • The 1981 Budget – Facts & Fallacies Tuesday September 27Th 2011 The
    The 1981 Budget – Facts & Fallacies Tuesday September 27th 2011 The Grocers’ Hall, Princes Street, London EC2 Session One: Emerging from the 1970s.1 PETER JAY Right, my lords, ladies, and gentlemen I hope you are now in the mood, so let’s get on with it. First of all, the boilerplate − the rules of the game. They are very simple. We are in the business of making history. You, the witnesses, will tell it like it was, and the Churchill Archives Centre will take it all down and may give it in evidence against you at any time that suits them. No one else is allowed to record anything that is said, but you are allowed to write notes. If there is time, and if I feel like it, questions may be taken from the floor at the end. Those contributing from the floor must – or this is what I’m told – say who they are for the record, and anyone who speaks must sign the Archives consent form, spare copies of which Andrew Riley has at this moment. I’m not sure what sanctions there are for anyone who speaks and then refuses to sign, but, I imagine, intense academic odium. We are, in every sense, on the record. We are not, repeat not, on Chatham House rules. Speakers will have the chance to edit their transcripts but it will all be published and anyone may quote what anyone else has said. So, ladies and gentlemen, you have been warned. The title of this session is ‘Emerging from the 1970s’ or, as I would impartially put it, ‘How the legacy was lost’.
    [Show full text]
  • Winter's Not Yet Gone
    Winter’s not yet gone Construction and Memory of the Winter of Discontent in Popular and Scholarly Discourse Sam Henick Columbia University Undergraduate History Thesis — Spring 2018 Seminar Convener: Professor Blackmar Second Reader: Professor Pedersen Introduction Control over the historiography is as important as control over the history itself. 1 — Donald McCloskey, If You’re So Smart (1990) On 28 March 1979, Margaret Thatcher, the leader of the Opposition, posed a vote of no confidence, declaring that: “The people witnessed the spectacle of a Government abdicating their authority to strike committees. The Prime Minister’s objectives were not achieved, and his strategy failed.”2 The motion passed 311 to 310, leading to the fall of the Labour government, the first administration to leave office because of a Commons division since 1924.3 How did the Labour Government find itself in this position five years after it had been elected? More specifically, how did the Government conduct itself leading up to and during the “Winter of Discontent” and how did the Government’s actions fit into broader narratives of economic decline and ungovernability? The Winter of Discontent is the name the British press assigned to the wave of industrial unrest that gripped the UK beginning at the end of 1978 and continuing through February 1979. January 22, 1979 was the biggest individual day of strike action since the General Strike of 1926, with an estimated 1.5 million public sector workers walking off their jobs. The strikes themselves and their coverage in the press reveal an underlying narrative; Colin Hay’s seminal article “Narrating Crisis” (1996) analyzes the discursive construction of the moment of “crisis” and the Winter of Discontent as “a strategic moment in the transformation of the British state.”4 The “metanarrative” of the crisis of ungovernability was established through the implicit linking of primary narratives of 1 Donald McCloskey, If You’re So Smart (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1990), 50.
    [Show full text]
  • A List of the 238 Most Respected Journalists, As Nominated by Journalists in the 2018 Journalists at Work Survey
    A list of the 238 most respected journalists, as nominated by journalists in the 2018 Journalists at Work survey Fran Abrams BBC Radio 4 & The Guardian Seth Abramson Freelance investigative journalist Kate Adie BBC Katya Adler BBC Europe Jonathan Ali BBC Christiane Amanpour CNN Lynn Ashwell Formerly Bolton News Mary-Ann Astle Stoke on Trent Live Michael Atherton The Times and Sky Sports Sue Austin Shropshire Star Caroline Barber CN Group Lionel Barber Financial Times Emma Barnett BBC Radio 5 Live Francis Beckett Author & journalist Vanessa Beeley Blogger Jessica Bennett New York Times Heidi Blake BuzzFeed David Blevins Sky News Ian Bolton Sky Sports News Susie Boniface Daily Mirror Samantha Booth Islington Tribune Jeremy Bowen BBC Tom Bradby ITV Peter Bradshaw The Guardian Suzanne Breen Belfast Telegraph Billy Briggs Freelance Tom Bristow Archant investigations unit Samuel Brittan Financial Times David Brown The Times Fiona Bruce BBC Michael Buchanan BBC Jason Burt Daily Telegraph & Sunday Telegraph Carole Cadwalladr The Observer & The Guardian Andy Cairns Sky Sports News Michael Calvin Author Duncan Campbell Investigative journalist and author Severin Carrell The Guardian Reeta Chakrabarti BBC Aditya Chakrabortty The Guardian Jeremy Clarkson Broadcaster, The Times & Sunday Times Matthew Clemenson Ilford Recorder and Romford Recorder Michelle Clifford Sky News Patrick Cockburn The Independent Nick Cohen Columnist Teilo Colley Press Association David Conn The Guardian Richard Conway BBC Rob Cotterill The Sentinel, Staffordshire Alex Crawford
    [Show full text]
  • The Influence of Fa Hayek On
    THE INFLUENCE OF F.A. HAYEK ON LAW: AN EMPIRICAL ANALYSIS M. Todd Henderson* I. Introduction This inaugural issue of the NYU Journal of Law & Liberty presumes that the work of F.A. Hayek has been important to American law. But is this true? And if true, how important is Hayek relative to other economists? This paper measures Hayek’s influence by looking at citations of famous economists in the literature of law—that is, scholarly articles in legal journals and published judicial opinions. Questions that will be asked and hopefully answered along the way include: Who are the most influential economists on law? How has the importance of specific economists or economists generally changed over time? And what do the trends in citations tell us about academic fads in legal scholarship? For example, does the winning of the Nobel Prize have an impact on the number of citations by lawyers? Analysts have scarcely examined the legal influence of either Hayek or other economists, and the scant evidence produced to date hasn’t yielded any clear answers.1 On one hand, a recent empirical study of over 500 “public intellectuals,” including a few economists, by Judge Richard A. Posner ranks Hayek in the top 10% and notes that Hayek was one of the “most distinguished academic public in- tellectuals active in the second half of the twentieth century.”2 This claim is sup- * Visiting Assistant Professor of Law, The University of Chicago Law School. Thanks to Judge Richard A. Posner and James Spindler for helpful comments. 1 Although citation studies in economics and law are quite common, I found only a few citation studies of famous economists and none measuring the influence of specific economists on law.
    [Show full text]
  • INFORMATION to USERS This Manuscript Has Been Reproduced from the Microfilm Master. UMI Films the Text Directly from the Origina
    INFORMATION TO USERS This manuscript has been reproduced from the microfilm master. UMI films the text directly from the original or copy submitted. Thus, some thesis and dissertation copies are in typewriter face, while others may be from any type of computer printer. The quality of this reproduction is dependent upon the quality of the copy submitted. Broken or indistinct print, colored or poor quality illustrations and photographs, print bleedthrough, substandard margins, and improper alignment can adversely affect reproduction. In the unlikely event that the author did not send UMI a complete manuscript and there are missing pages, these will be noted. Also, if unauthorized copyright material had to be removed, a note will indicate the deletion. Oversize materials (e.g., maps, drawings, charts) are reproduced by sectioning the original, beginning at the upper left-hand corner and continuing horn left to right in equal sections with small overlaps. Each original is also photographed in one exposure and is included in reduced form at the back of the book. Photographs included in the original manuscript have been reproduced xerographically in this copy. Higher quality 6” x 9" black and white photographic prints are available for any photographs or illustrations appearing in this copy for an additional charge. Contact UMI directly to order. A Beil & Howell Information Company 300 North Zeeb Road. Ann Arbor. Ml 48106-1346 USA 313/761-4700 800/521-0600 THE LIMITS REACHED: HOW INTERNATIONAL MONETARY POLICY, DOMESTIC POLICY, EUROPEAN DIPLOMACY, AND THE VIETNAM WAR CONVERGED IN THE 196OS Dissertation Presented in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree Doctor of Philosophy in the Graduate School of The Ohio State University By Charles H.
    [Show full text]
  • In Focus: the Case for Privatising the BBC This Publication Is Based on Research That Forms Part of the Paragon Initiative
    I N F O C U S The case for PRIVATISING the BBC Edited by PHILIP BOOTH In Focus: The Case for Privatising the BBC This publication is based on research that forms part of the Paragon Initiative. This five-year project will provide a fundamental reassessment of what government should – and should not – do. It will put every area of government activity under the microscope and analyse the failure of current policies. The project will put forward clear and considered solutions to the UK’s problems. It will also identify the areas of government activity that can be put back into the hands of individuals, families, civil society, local government, charities and markets. The Paragon Initiative will create a blueprint for a better, freer Britain – and provide a clear vision of a new relationship between the state and society. IN FOCUS: THE CASE FOR PRIVATISING THE BBC EDITED BY PHILIP BOOTH with contributions from RYAN BOURNE TIM CONGDON STEPHEN DAVIES CENTO VELJANOVSKI First published in Great Britain in 2016 by The Institute of Economic Affairs 2 Lord North Street Westminster London SW1P 3LB in association with London Publishing Partnership Ltd www.londonpublishingpartnership.co.uk The mission of the Institute of Economic Affairs is to improve understanding of the fundamental institutions of a free society by analysing and expounding the role of markets in solving economic and social problems. Copyright © The Institute of Economic Affairs 2016 The moral rights of the authors have been asserted. All rights reserved. Without limiting the rights under copyright reserved above, no part of this publication may be reproduced, stored or introduced into a retrieval system, or transmitted, in any form or by any means (electronic, mechanical, photo- copying, recording or otherwise), without the prior written permission of both the copyright owner and the publisher of this book.
    [Show full text]