CULTURE HIP-HOP ET NEGOCIATION IDENTITAIRE À TAIWAN : Entre Les Frontières De La Mondialisation

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CULTURE HIP-HOP ET NEGOCIATION IDENTITAIRE À TAIWAN : Entre Les Frontières De La Mondialisation ANDRÉ GIRGIS CULTURE HIP-HOP ET NEGOCIATION IDENTITAIRE À TAIWAN : Entre les frontières de la mondialisation Mémoire présenté à la Faculté des études supérieures et postdoctorales de l‟Université Laval dans le cadre du programme de maîtrise en anthropologie pour l‟obtention du grade maître ès arts (M.A.) DÉPARTEMENT D‟ANTHROPOLOGIE FACULTE DES SCIENCES SOCIALES UNIVERSITE LAVAL QUEBEC 2011 © André Girgis, 2011 ii Avant-propos L'idée initiale de ce projet de recherche est le résultat d'une première expérience de vie à Taïwan en 2006-2007, où j'ai appris que le débat identitaire était toujours aussi important, sinon plus important, que ce qu‟il était lors de la transition démocratique et le mouvement d'indépendance des années 1990. En envisageant d'explorer la question de l‟identité pro- prement taïwanaise, il me semblait impossible de ne pas tenir compte d‟un ensemble de processus que l‟on nomme commodément la mondialisation. L‟évolution de la culture po- pulaire est incluse dans le processus de la mondialisation, qui est à Taiwan associée à la né- gociation identitaire par la représentation et la diffusion d'images. C'est ainsi que j'ai été amené à travailler sur la culture populaire, plus précisément le Hip-Hop, et sur les revendi- cations identitaires de ses artistes. Ce mémoire a été réalisé sous la direction d‟Isabelle Henrion-Dourcy, professeure au dépar- tement d'anthropologie de l‟Université Laval. La méthodologie de cette recherche com- prend la collecte de données sur le terrain par des observations et des entrevues semi- dirigées, ainsi que la consultation des œuvres et communications publiques des artistes lors de concerts, dans les médias et sur Internet. Les étapes de cette recherche n'auraient jamais été accomplies sans l'appui et l‟encouragement de nombreuses personnes. D'abord pour sa rigueur tout au long du projet, son 苦心孤詣,et ses rappels fréquents visant à dédramatiser la tâche, je tiens à remercier la directrice de ce projet, Isabelle Henrion-Dourcy. Par ailleurs, je remercie particulière- ment Manon Crôteau et Amélie Keyser-Verreault, pour leurs relectures fidèles, et Mark Mysak pour avoir partagé avec moi ses expériences en recherche. Je tiens à remercier pro- fondément Chris Hannah pour m‟avoir inspiré, tout au long de ces années, à réfléchir au rôle de la politique dans la musique, si ce n‟est au rôle de la musique dans la politique. L‟expérience de terrain n‟aurait pas été possible sans l'assistance du TECO, le Taiwan Economic and Cultural Office, ainsi que de l'équipe du centre des langues de National Tai- wan University. Je remercie également Tsai Kunze pour son accueil chaleureux, Zhu Bei- wen pour m‟avoir fait connaître son Taipei et Meilin Klemann pour les discussions qui m‟ont aidé presque quotidiennement à replacer les attentes de cette recherche en perspec- iii tive. Je suis aussi reconnaissant à Florence Hsieh pour m'avoir aidé à comprendre les rela- tions sociales locales, ainsi que pour l'aide en recherche sur le web taïwanais, et à Huihsin Lu pour avoir porté mon attention sur les activités culturelles autour de la ville de Taipei, sans oublier sa sagesse indiscutable. Un accès aux informations sur la scène musicale n'au- rait aussi pas été possible sans l'assistance de Yi Jolan. Ce projet n'aurait pas été concevable sans les artistes Kou Chou Ching. Je les remercie pour leur temps qu‟ils ont généreusement partagé avec moi et pour les spectacles qu‟ils m'ont permis d‟observer à de nombreuses re- prises. Au département d'anthropologie, je remercie Jean Michaud de m'avoir introduit à certaines notions inoubliables en anthropologie, Abdelwahed Mekki-Berrada de m'avoir aidé à con- firmer que le monde social peut être clairement flou, Francine Saillant pour une première réflexion sur le Hip-Hop dans le contexte mondial, et enfin à Marie-Andrée Couillard, alors directrice du programme de maîtrise. Liste des abréviations et acronymes BBS Bulletin Board System DPP Democratic Progressive Party 民行黨 FC Fan Chiang 范姜 FL FishLIN 林魚 KCLL Kou!! It's coming out!!! 拷=出來了= KMT Kuoming Tang 國民黨 KOUCC* Kou Chou Ching 拷秋勤 LTK Luo Tsui Koh Commune 濁水溪公社 MRT Metropolitan Rapid Transit TSU Taiwan Solidarity Union 臺灣團結聯盟 USH Unsung Heroes 無名英雄 * KCC n'est pas utilisé par le groupe sur leurs sites web. Étant donné que « KOU », pourrait mener à confu- sion, j'emploie « KOUCC » comme indiqué sur leur page : http://myspace.com/koucc Note sur la romanisation La romanisation des noms chinois suivra le modèle suivant : Pour les noms des personnages publics et historiques, la forme la plus communément trou- vée en langues occidentales dans la littérature académique et les médias sera employée. Par exemple 孫中山 Sun Yat Sen (prononciation du japonais) et non le hanyu pinyin Sun Zhongshan. Tous les termes ou expressions en mandarin employés seront notés doublement : en carac- tères chinois et en translittération selon le système hanyu pinyin. La romanisation Wade-Giles a été utilisée à Taïwan depuis 1945. En 2003, le pinyin Ton- gyong a été adopté mais n'a pas été utilisé uniformément. Enfin, une politique de 2009 a été approuvée à des fins d'internationalisation, reconnaissant l'utilisation du système hanyu pi- nyin, qui est le système adopté de longue date par le gouvernement de la République Popu- laire de la Chine. Son utilisation à Taïwan exclut les noms des villes ou régions de Taïwan. Par exemple la ville 高雄 est translittérée Kaoshiung et non Gaoxiong comme l‟indiquerait le système hanyu pinyin. Certains titres d‟œuvres (musique, cinéma, etc.) ont des noms chinois ainsi qu'un nom en caractères romains. Les références à ces œuvres utiliseront les noms en caractères romains. Par exemple, le titre du film 太平天國 Taiping tian guo en anglais est « Buddha Bless America ». Si un nom en caractères romains n'existe pas, la romanisation hanyu pinyin, sans caractères chinois, sera employée. Résumé Les processus de la mondialisation culturelle sont décrits en termes de circulation d‟idées, de personnes et de produits (Appadurai 1996), et ils sont également concomitants de pro- cessus de la négociation de l‟identité (Hall 1992). La question principale au cœur de cette recherche est de déterminer comment les membres d'un groupe de Hip-Hop taïwanais, qui pratiquent une culture dite „mondiale‟, participent à la définition de la culture „taïwanaise‟ dans le contexte local et international, animés d‟un projet politique précis, celui de l'indé- pendance nationale. Étant basé à Taipei, capitale de Taïwan, j‟ai entrepris des entrevues se- mi-dirigées avec certains membres du groupe Kou Chou Ching, avec des personnes pré- sentes à leurs concerts et j‟ai exploré d'autres espaces et activités associés à la culture Hip- Hop. Des informations à propos du groupe et des fans ont également été acquises grâce aux paroles de leurs chansons et aux informations publiques accessibles sur Internet, incluant les médias, les sites de réseautage social et les blogs des membres. L'auto-identification stylistique du groupe est le Hip-Hop, et à ce titre, ils intègrent un dis- cours de justice sociale à des compositions musicales et des activités commerciales. Ils se distinguent d‟autres artistes de Hip-Hop à Taïwan par leur intégration de sons et images qui sont, selon eux, d‟un héritage proprement taïwanais. C'est ainsi qu'ils se situent dans un es- pace hybride et fluide (Hannerz 1997), avec des identifications multiples et contextuelles. Les associations stratégiques qu‟ils nouent avec des figures culturelles et politiques contri- buent à leur popularité, mais elles érigent également des frontières (Barth 2000) qui empê- chent leur intégration dans de nouveaux domaines de la scène musicale locale et internatio- nale. Globalisation is a process which is described in terms of the circulation of ideas, individu- als and commodities (Appadurai 1996) and these processes are always related to identity negotiation (Hall 1992). The purpose of this research project is to determine the role that the identification to Hip-Hop, recognized as a global culture, plays on the members a musi- cal group who seek to contribute not only to the definition of local popular culture, but also to the political objective of national independence. The fieldwork was carried out in Taipei, Taiwan, where semi-structured interviews were conducted with some of the members of the band, as well as with people who were present at shows and other activities of the Hip-Hop scene. Information about the group and fans was also gathered through the Internet and media resources. The self-identification of the group is Hip-Hop, which entails that they incorporate a dis- course of social justice to their musical compositions and commercial activities. They differ from other Taiwanese Hip-Hop artists in that they incorporate sounds and images that, so they claim, are typically Taiwanese expressions of cultural heritage. Through these multiple and contextual referents, they are situated in a hybrid and fluid spaces (Hannerz 1997). As they strategically bond with important cultural and political figures, the musicians succeed in gaining popularity with politically aligned media and fans. However, they have also cre- ated boundaries (Barth 2000) within the local and international music scene. Table des matières Chapitre 1 Introduction ..................................................................................................... 1 1.1 Aperçu historique de Taïwan .................................................................................... 2 1.1.1 Avant 1895 .....................................................................................................
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