The Peace Process in Colombia with the Autodefensas Unidas De Colombia-AUC

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

The Peace Process in Colombia with the Autodefensas Unidas De Colombia-AUC The Peace Process in W oodr The P Colombia with the Autodefensas ow W eace Pr Unidas de Colombia-AUC ilson Center Repor ocess in Colombia with the ts on the Americas • #13 Autodefensas Unidas de Colombia Cynthia J. Arnson -A Sen. Rafael Pardo UC Carlos Franco Gustavo Villegas Rep. Rocío Arias Hoyos Amb. William B. Wood Michael Beaulieu Daniel García-Peña Latin American Program Michael Frühling Woodrow Wilson International Center for Scholars José Miguel Vivanco 1300 Pennsylvania Ave., N.W. Washington, DC 20004 Tel. (202) 691-4030 Fax (202) 691-4076 edited by Latin American Program Cynthia J. Arnson The Peace Process in Colombia with the Autodefensas Unidas de Colombia-AUC Woodrow Wilson Center Report on the Americas #13 Edited by Cynthia J. Arnson ©2005 Woodrow Wilson International Center for Scholars, Washington, D.C. www.wilsoncenter.org Cover image: Mauricio Dueñas/AFP/Getty Images A member of the Calima Bloc of the Autodefensas Unidas de Colombia turns in his weapon to Colombian High Commissioner for Peace Luis Carlos Restrepo, December 2004. Latin American Program The Peace Process in Colombia with the Autodefensas Unidas de Colombia-AUC Edited by Cynthia J. Arnson WOODROW WILSON INTERNATIONAL CENTER FOR SCHOLARS Lee H. Hamilton, President and Director BOARD OF TRUSTEES Joseph B. Gildenhorn, Chair; David A. Metzner, Vice Chair. Public Members: James H. Billington, Librarian of Congress; John W. Carlin, Archivist of the United States; Bruce Cole, Chair, National Endowment for the Humanities; Roderick R. Paige, Secretary, U.S. Department of Education; Colin L. Powell, Secretary, U.S. Department of State; Lawrence M. Small, Secretary, Smithsonian Institution; Tommy G. Thompson, Secretary, U.S. Department of Health and Human Services. Private Citizen Members: Joseph A. Cari, Jr., Carol Cartwright, Donald E. Garcia, Bruce S. Gelb, Daniel L. Lamaute, Tamala L. Longaberger, Thomas R. Reedy WILSON COUNCIL Bruce S. Gelb, President. Elias F. Aburdene, Charles S. Ackerman, B.B. Andersen, Russell Anmuth, Cyrus A. Ansary, Lawrence E. Bathgate II, Theresa Behrendt, John Beinecke, Joseph C. Bell, Steven Alan Bennett, Rudy Boschwitz, A. Oakley Brooks, Donald A. Brown, Melva Bucksbaum, Richard I. Burnham, Nicola L. Caiola, Mark Chandler, Peter B. Clark, Melvin Cohen, William T. Coleman, Jr., David M. Crawford, Jr., Michael D. DiGiacomo, Beth Dozoretz, Elizabeth Dubin, F. Samuel Eberts III, I. Steven Edelson, Mark Epstein, Melvyn J. Estrin, Sim Farar, Susan R. Farber, Roger Felberbaum, Julie Finley, Joseph H. Flom, John H. Foster, Charles Fox, Barbara Hackman Franklin, Norman Freidkin, John H. French, II, Morton Funger, Gregory M. Gallo, Chris G. Gardiner, Gordon D. Giffin, Steven J. Gilbert, Alma Gildenhorn, David F. Girard-diCarlo, Michael B. Goldberg, Roy M. Goodman, Gretchen Meister Gorog, William E. Grayson, Ronald Greenberg, Raymond A. Guenter, Cheryl F. Halpern, Edward L. Hardin, Jr., John L. Howard, Darrell E. Issa, Jerry Jasinowski, Brenda LaGrange Johnson, Shelly Kamins, James M. Kaufman, Edward W. Kelley, Jr., Anastasia D. Kelly, Christopher J. Kennan, Willem Kooyker, Steven Kotler, William H. Kremer, Raymond Learsy, Dennis A. LeVett, Francine Gordon Levinson, Harold O. Levy, Frederic V. Malek, David S. Mandel, John P. Manning, Jeffrey A. Marcus, John Mason, Jay Mazur, Robert McCarthy, Linda McCausland, Stephen G. McConahey, Donald F. McLellan, Charles McVean, J. Kenneth Menges, Jr., Kathryn Mosbacher, Jeremiah L. Murphy, Martha T. Muse, John E. Osborn, Paul Hae Park, Gerald L. Parsky, Jeanne L. Phillips, Michael J. Polenske, Donald Robert Quartel, Jr., J. John L. Richardson, Margaret Milner Richardson, Larry D. Richman, Carlyn Ring, Edwin Robbins, Robert G. Rogers, Otto Ruesch, Juan A. Sabater, Alan M. Schwartz, Timothy R. Scully, J. Michael Shepherd, George P. Shultz, Raja W. Sidawi, Kenneth Siegel, Ron Silver, William A. Slaughter, James H. Small, Shawn Smeallie, Gordon V. Smith, Thomas F. Stephenson, Norman Kline Tiefel, Mark C. Treanor, Anthony G. Viscogliosi, Christine M. Warnke, Ruth Westheimer, Pete Wilson, Deborah Wince-Smith, Herbert S. Winokur, Jr., Paul Martin Wolff, Joseph Zappala, Richard S. Ziman, Nancy M. Zirkin ABOUT THE CENTER The Center is the living memorial of the United States of America to the nation’s twenty-eighth president, Woodrow Wilson. Congress established the Woodrow Wilson Center in 1968 as an international institute for advanced study, “symbolizing and strengthening the fruitful relation- ship between the world of learning and the world of public affairs.” The Center opened in 1970 under its own board of trustees. In all its activities the Woodrow Wilson Center is a nonprofit, nonpartisan organization, sup- ported financially by annual appropriations from Congress, and by the contributions of founda- tions, corporations, and individuals. Conclusions or opinions expressed in Center publications and programs are those of the authors and speakers and do not necessarily reflect the views of the Center staff, fellows, trustees, advisory groups, or any individuals or organizations that pro- vide financial support to the Center. TABLE OF CONTENTS Acknowledgments vii Introduction 1 Cynthia J.Arnson, Deputy Director, Latin American Program, Woodrow Wilson International Center for Scholars Part I: Key Issues in the Negotiations Process Senator Rafael Pardo, Colombian Senate 17 Carlos Franco, Director, Presidential Program for Human Rights and International Humanitarian Law, Government of Colombia 23 Gustavo Villegas, Director, Peace and Reconciliation Program, Office of the Mayor, Medellín 27 Congresswoman Rocío Arias Hoyos, Colombian House of Representatives 39 Part II:The Role of Third Parties and Issues for the International Community The Honorable William B.Wood, United States Ambassador to Colombia 45 Michael Beaulieu, Principal Specialist, Mission to Support the Peace Process in Colombia, Organization of American States (OEA/MAPP) 57 Daniel García-Peña, Director, Planeta Paz 63 | v | Michael Frühling, Director, Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights, Bogotá 69 José Miguel Vivanco, Director, Human Rights Watch/Americas) 75 Biographies of Participants 81 | vi | ACKNOWLEDGMENTS he Latin American Program wishes to thank the Ford Foundation for its generous support of this publication and other T Program activities. This publication is based on a conference of the same name held at the Woodrow Wilson Center on June 28, 2004. I am grateful to Teresa Whitfield, visiting fellow at the Center on International Cooperation of New York University, and Marcela Sánchez of The Washington Post for serving as panel moderators at the June conference. Presentations made in June have been revised and updated for this publication. Aldo Civico of Columbia University, Patricia Vásquez of Colombia en Perspectiva, and Michael Reed-Hurtado provided invaluable advice and assistance. I also wish to express thanks and gratitude to Elizabeth Bryan, Trisha Fields, Allison Werner, Tamara Taraciuk, Cristina Jiménez and Kelci Lowe, all of the Latin American Program who provided additional research assistance as well as logistical support. Michelle Furman did a splendid job with layout and design. With humility, I remind the reader that any remaining (and surely inad- vertent) errors are my sole responsibility. —Cynthia J.Arnson January 2005 | vii | INTRODUCTION CYNTHIA J. ARNSON n December 2002, Colombia’s largest paramilitary group, the Autodefensas Unidas de Colombia (United Self-Defense Groups of I Colombia, AUC) declared a unilateral cease-fire, meeting a pre-condi- tion of President Álvaro Uribe Vélez for entering into formal peace talks with the government. The government and the AUC officially opened a dialogue in the town of Santa Fe de Ralito, Córdoba, in July 2003. The AUC pledged to fully demobilize by December 2005 and expressed its support for the goal of a “Colombia without drug trafficking.”1 Although Colombia has engaged in a number of peace processes with guerrilla insurgent groups since the early 1980s,2 the Uribe admin- istration has been the first to open talks with the paramilitaries, estimat- ed to number between 15,000 and 20,000 fighters.3 Paramilitary groups were created and sanctioned by the state beginning in 1965, in order to combat guerrilla groups active since the 1960s in areas of the country with limited or no state presence.4 Current AUC leaders thus view themselves both as heroes and patriots for having responded to guerrilla threats and attacks, protecting civilians and providing security where the government was unwilling or unable to do so. “We are not to blame for being involved in a conflict which we never wanted, which we never started,” AUC leader Salvatore Mancuso told a reporter. “We have sub- stituted and replaced the state, providing all the needs of the population. They don’t have credibility or legitimacy among these people,” he con- tinued. “We do.”5* * The issue of having served the nation was frequently marshaled by paramilitary commanders in arguing against criminal sanctions for war-time abuses. In an appearance before the Colombian Congress in July 2004, for example, Salvatore Mancuso stated, “as compensation for our sacrifice to the country, for having liberated half of the Republic from guerrillas and preventing another Cuba or Nicaragua from consolidating itself on our soil, we cannot receive prison.” See Héctor Latorre, “Colombia/AUC: paz sin cárcel,” BBC Mundo, July 28, 2004. | 1 | Cynthia J. Arnson Paramilitary organizations underwent a transformation
Recommended publications
  • The Colombian Peace Process Dag Nylander, Rita Sandberg
    REPORT February 2018 Dag Nylander, Rita Sandberg and Idun Tvedt1 Designing peace: the Colombian peace process The peace talks between the Colombian government and the Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia-People’s Army (FARC-EP) have become a global reference for negotiated solutions to armed conflicts. The talks demonstrated how a well-prepared and robust process design can contrib- ute significantly to the outcome of a negotiated settlement. In several ways the pro- cess broke new ground. The parties developed frameworks and established mecha- nisms that laid the groundwork for building legitimacy for the process and increasing confidence in it. The direct participation of victims at the negotiating table and the effective inclusion of gender in the process are examples of this. Important elements of the process design included the into and out of Colombia; following:1 • gender inclusion by ensuring the participation of women and a gender focus in the peace agreement; • a secret initial phase to establish common ground; • broad and representative delegations; • a short and realistic agenda; • the extensive use of experts at the negotiating table • a limited objective: ending the conflict; and bilaterally with the parties; and • the principle that “incidents on the ground shall not • the implementation of confidence-building measures. interfere with the talks”; • the holding of talks outside Colombia to protect the process; Introduction • rules regulating the confidentiality of the talks; • the principle that “nothing is agreed until everything The peace talks between the Government of Colombia and is agreed”; the Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia-People’s • a high frequency of negotiation meetings to ensure Army (FARC-EP) concluded with the signing of a peace continuity; agreement on November 24th 2016 after five years of ne- • direct talks with no formal mediator, but with third- gotiations.
    [Show full text]
  • Assessing the US Role in the Colombian Peace Process
    An Uncertain Peace: Assessing the U.S. Role in the Colombian Peace Process Global Policy Practicum — Colombia | Fall 2018 Authors Alexandra Curnin Mark Daniels Ashley DuPuis Michael Everett Alexa Green William Johnson Io Jones Maxwell Kanefield Bill Kosmidis Erica Ng Christina Reagan Emily Schneider Gaby Sommer Professor Charles Junius Wheelan Teaching Assistant Lucy Tantum 2 Table of Contents Important Abbreviations 3 Introduction 5 History of Colombia 7 Colombia’s Geography 11 2016 Peace Agreement 14 Colombia’s Political Landscape 21 U.S. Interests in Colombia and Structure of Recommendations 30 Recommendations | Summary Table 34 Principal Areas for Peacebuilding Rural Development | Land Reform 38 Rural Development | Infrastructure Development 45 Rural Development | Security 53 Rural Development | Political and Civic Participation 57 Rural Development | PDETs 64 Combating the Drug Trade 69 Disarmament and Socioeconomic Reintegration of the FARC 89 Political Reintegration of the FARC 95 Justice and Human Rights 102 Conclusion 115 Works Cited 116 3 Important Abbreviations ADAM: Areas de DeBartolo Alternative Municipal AFP: Alliance For Progress ARN: Agencies para la Reincorporación y la Normalización AUC: Las Autodefensas Unidas de Colombia CSDI: Colombia Strategic Development Initiative DEA: Drug Enforcement Administration ELN: Ejército de Liberación Nacional EPA: Environmental Protection Agency ETCR: Espacio Territoriales de Capacitación y Reincorporación FARC-EP: Fuerzas Armadas Revolucionarias de Colombia-Ejército del Pueblo GDP: Gross
    [Show full text]
  • Gender and the Role of Women in Colombials Peace
    UN WOMEN BACKGROUND PAPER GENDER AND THE ROLE OF WOMEN IN COLOMBIA’S PEACE PROCESS Prepared for the United Nations Global Study on 15 Years of Implementation of UN Security Council Resolution 1325 (2000) MARCH 4, 2016 VIRGINIA M. BOUVIER New York, March 2016 © 2016 UN Women. All rights reserved. The views expressed in this publication are those of the author(s) and do not necessarily represent the views of UN Women, the United Nations or any of its affiliated organizations. Author: Dr. Virginia M. Bouvier, Senior Advisor, Peace Processes, U.S. Institute of Peace Editor: Leigh Pasqual Reviewed by: Nahla Valji, Emily Kenney Recommended citation: Dr. Virginia M. Bouvier, “Gender and the Role of Women in Colombia’s Peace Process,” (New York: UN Women, March 4, 2016). UN WOMEN BACKGROUND PAPER GENDER AND THE ROLE OF WOMEN IN COLOMBIA’S PEACE PROCESS DR. VIRGINIA M. BOUVIER, SENIOR ADVISOR FOR PEACE PROCESSES AT THE UNITED STATES INSTITUTE OF PEACE Advance copy ABSTRACT: The promises and visions articulated in United Nations Security Council Resolution 1325 and subsequent UN resolutions and position papers that recognize the connection between gender equity and women’s participation in all aspects of peace processes and peacebuilding on the one hand, and international peace and security on the other, have not been fulfilled. Nonetheless, these resolutions have opened the way for advocacy that has had some suc- cesses in specific contexts. Colombia offers one such case. Through desk research, literature review, and per- at, around, and outside the peace talks that were sonal interviews, this paper provides an overview launched in late 2012 between the Colombian gov- of the Colombian internal armed conflict and the ernment and the Colombian Revolutionary Armed peace process currently underway to transform it.1 Forces (FARC-EP).
    [Show full text]
  • Colombia's Peace Process Through 2016
    Colombia’s Peace Process Through 2016 (name redacted) Analyst in Latin American Affairs December 31, 2016 Congressional Research Service 7-.... www.crs.gov R42982 Colombia’s Peace Process Through 2016 Summary In August 2012, Colombian President Juan Manuel Santos announced that the government was engaged in exploratory peace talks with the violent leftist insurgent group, the Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia (FARC), in a bid to resolve a nearly 50-year internal armed conflict. The secret, initial dialogue between the Santos government and the FARC’s leadership led to the opening of formal peace talks with the FARC—the oldest, largest, and best-financed guerrilla organization in Latin America. Formal talks began in Oslo, Norway, in October 2012 and then, as planned, moved to Havana, Cuba, where they continued for more than 50 rounds. Despite more than three years of negotiations, the leader of the FARC, Rodrigo Londoño, alias “Timochenko,” had not met publicly with President Santos. In September 2015, the two leaders shook hands in a televised meeting and announced that the negotiating parties would reach a final accord no later than March 23, 2016. However, that deadline, as many others before it, went unmet. By the end of 2015, the most difficult issue in the peace talks’ agenda, outlined in a framework agreement, was resolved. Government and FARC negotiators reached a partial agreement on victims of the conflict, providing a comprehensive system for reparations, justice, truth and guarantees for non-repetition and outlining a transitional justice system. In late January 2016, the United Nations (U.N.) Security Council adopted Resolution 2261, stating that a U.N.
    [Show full text]
  • The Day After Tomorrow: Colombia's FARC and the End of the Conflict
    The Day after Tomorrow: Colombia’s FARC and the End of the Conflict Latin America Report N°53 | 11 December 2014 International Crisis Group Headquarters Avenue Louise 149 1050 Brussels, Belgium Tel: +32 2 502 90 38 Fax: +32 2 502 50 38 [email protected] Table of Contents Executive Summary ................................................................................................................... i Recommendations..................................................................................................................... iii I. Introduction ..................................................................................................................... 1 II. Challenges for FARC’s Transition .................................................................................... 3 A. Conflict Dynamics ...................................................................................................... 3 B. Unconsolidated Security Environment ..................................................................... 5 C. Low Trust and Fraught Politics ................................................................................. 8 III. A Credible Long-Term Perspective .................................................................................. 11 A. From the End of the Conflict to Building Peace ........................................................ 11 B. Core and Margin ........................................................................................................ 14 C. New and Existing Institutions
    [Show full text]
  • The Current Peace Process in Colombia As Nation-Building Todos Por Un Nuevo País?
    The Current Peace Process in Colombia As Nation-building Todos Por Un Nuevo País? (Master Thesis) Executive Master in International Politics Centre Européen de Recherches Internationales et Stratégiques – Université Libre de Bruxelles Author: Krisztián Manzinger Brussels, 2018 1 2 Content Introduction.................................................................................................................................5 I. 1. Nation-building....................................................................................................................8 I. 2. Colombia ...........................................................................................................................12 I. 3. Spanish colonial social heritage ........................................................................................18 II. 1. The history of the conflict in Colombia ...........................................................................22 II. 2. La Violencia and its aftermath .........................................................................................23 II. 3. The birth of the FARC .....................................................................................................26 II. 4. The decades of the civil war.............................................................................................27 II. 5. Colombia’s importance to the US ....................................................................................32 II. 6. Paramilitaries....................................................................................................................37
    [Show full text]
  • Colombian Peace Process: IOM Weekly Report 1 April, 2015 April 01, 2015
    Colombian Peace Process: IOM Weekly Report 1 April, 2015 April 01, 2015. 1. Background On September 4, 2012, President Santos announced the signing of a General Agreement for the Termination of the Conflict between the Government of Colombia and the FARC, initiating the fourth official peace talks with this group. The agenda includes: 1) integrated rural reform; 2) guarantees for political opposition and civic participation; 3) the end of the conflict (laying down arms and reintegration into civilian life); 4) illegal drugs; and 5) victims’ rights. Preparatory talks started in Oslo on October 17, 2012 and substantive dialogues in Havana, on November 19, 2012. Three agreements have been reached: one on the first agenda point, integrated rural reform, on May 26, 2013; the second on the next point, political participation, on November 6, 2013; and another on the fourth agenda point, illegal drugs, on May 16, 2014. On June 10, 2014, the GOC announced that exploratory talks with the ELN were taking place to define an agenda for peace talks. These initial meetings have been held since January 2014, and the issues of victims and societal participation are the first two agenda points. The GOC and ELN will release information on the progress of the exploratory talks as they continue. 2. GOC – FARC Key Developments from March 18th – March 25th 34th round of talks conclude The 34th round of peace talks concluded on March 27th, with the announcement of the de-mining agreement the most important result of this round of talks.1 The 35th round will begin on April 9th and run until April 19th.
    [Show full text]
  • Colombia 2000
    COLOMBIA ASSESSMENT April 2000 Country Information and Policy Unit CONTENTS I SCOPE OF DOCUMENT 1.1 - 1.5 II GEOGRAPHY 2.1 III HISTORY Recent history 3.1 - 3.27 Current political situation 3.28 IV INSTRUMENTS OF THE STATE Political System 4.1 Security 4.2 - 4.11 Armed forces 4.3 - 4.8 Police 4.9 - 4.11 The Judiciary 4.12 - 4.20 The Prison System 4.19 - 4.20 General Crime 4.21 - 4.32 The Drugs Trade 4.21 - 4.28 4.29 - 4.30 Extortion Kidnapping 4.31 - 4.32 V HUMAN RIGHTS A: HUMAN RIGHTS: GENERAL ASSESSMENT Introduction A.1 - A.3 Paramilitary, Guerilla and other groups A.4 - A.32 FARC A.4 - A. 12 ELN A.13 - A.18 EPL A.19 Paramilitaries A.20 - A.32 The security forces A.33 - A.50 Human rights defenders A.51 - A.59 The role of the government and the international community A.60 - A.67 The peace talks A.68 - A.89 B: HUMAN RIGHTS: SPECIFIC GROUPS B.1 - B.22 Women B.1 - B.2 Homosexuals B.3 - B.4 Religious freedom B.5 - B.6 People with disabilities B.7 Ethnic minority groups B.8 - B.15 Race B.9 - B.11 Indigenous People B.12 - B.15 Children B.16 - B.22 C: HUMAN RIGHTS: OTHER ISSUES C.1 - C.28 Freedom of political association C.1 - C.9 Union Patriotica (UP) C.2 - C.6 Other Parties C.7. - C.9 Freedom of speech and press C. 10 - C.
    [Show full text]
  • Justice and Reconciliation in Uribe's Colombia: An
    JUSTICE AND RECONCILIATION IN URIBE’S COLOMBIA: AN OPPORTUNITY FOR PEACE A Thesis submitted to the Faculty of the Graduate School of Continuing Studies of Georgetown University in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts in Liberal Studies By Justin Busacca, B.A. Washington, DC October 19, 2009 Copyright 2009 by Justin Busacca All Rights Reserved ii JUSTICE AND RECONCILIATION IN URIBE’S COLOMBIA: AN OPPORTUNITY FOR PEACE J Busacca, M.A. Thesis Advisor: William Douglas, Ph.D. Abstract Colombia faces the historic prospect to resolve the longest standing civil conflict in the world. This chance comes as the result of massive gains against the FARC, the ELN, and Colombia’s out of control paramilitary forces. These gains however give Colombia a chance, not a guarantee, of lasting peace. After surrendering a Switzerland-sized piece of Colombia to the FARC, Colombians elected Álvaro Uribe on a platform of “Democratic Security.” Uribe placed the focus on security first by expanding forces by a third, to 270,000, including a core of 80,000 professional soldiers, with mobile brigades and Special Forces. 1 The army is backed by a large helicopter fleet, tactical bombers and approx $4 billion in United States military aid. 2 Uribe utilized this new military to suppress the narcotics trade that finances both the guerillas and the paramilitaries. This armed build-up changed the conflict, driving the once dominant FARC and the ELN away from Colombia’s under-siege urban centers. 1 "U.S. Aid to Colombia, all Programs, 2006-2006," Foundation Open Society Institute, Latin America Working Group Education Fund, The Center for International Policy and the Washington Office on Latin America, http://justf.org/Country?country=Colombia&year1=2006&year2=2006&funding=All+Programs (accessed 7/13/2008).
    [Show full text]
  • Colombia's Peace Processes: Multiple Negotiations, Multiple Actors
    LATIN AMERICAN PROGRAM SPECIAL REPORT DECEMBER 2006 Colombia’s Peace Processes: Multiple Negotiations, Multiple Actors Cynthia J. Arnson, Jaime Bermúdez, Father Darío Echeverri, David Henifin, Alfredo Rangel Suárez, León Valencia INTRODUCTION by Cynthia J. Arnson1 Efforts to bring Colombia’s long-running time, government negotiators and guerrilla internal armed conflict to an end through commanders of the smaller National political negotiations continued to face major Liberation Army (ELN) continued to meet in obstacles in 2006. In August, the government Havana, Cuba. Despite an atmosphere of of President Álvaro Uribe Vélez succeeded in goodwill and high expectations, the two sides demobilizing the last contingent of fighters of appeared to remain far apart on the actual con- the United Self-Defense Forces of Colombia tent of the negotiating agenda as well as (AUC), the principal paramilitary coalition. whether or not the opening of formal talks That brought to a total of 31,671 the number would be conditioned on a cease-fire. of men and women demobilized as a result of the peace talks with the government that THE AUC PROCESS began in July 2003.2 This singular accomplish- ment was diminished throughout the year, Even before the eruption of a new political however, by disputes with paramilitary leaders scandal in late 2006 regarding paramilitary infil- over the terms of their demobilization and by tration of the Colombian Congress, and as scandals highlighting the AUC’s continued detailed in previous publications,3 the Uribe involvement in assassinations, drug-trafficking, government’s peace talks with the AUC and infiltration of government institutions, remained mired in controversy.
    [Show full text]
  • Politics of Justice in Colombia
    DECIDING THE FATE OF COMPLEMENTARITY: A COLOMBIAN CASE STUDY Jennifer S. Easterday ABSTRACT For over 40 years, one of the worst humanitarian crises in the world has ravaged Colombia, victimizing and displacing nearly a tenth of the population as armed paramilitary groups, guerillas, and the national military battle for territory and control. In an effort to end the conflict, the Colombian government claims it is implementing transitional justice by creating accountability and providing reparations for victims with the Justice and Peace Law. Yet, upon careful examination of the politics of justice in Colombia, it appears as though the passage of the Justice and Peace Law is merely an attempt to shield human rights abusers from criminal liability and evade ICC intervention. How the ICC interprets and evaluates the actions of Colombia will determine the application of complementarity and the future of international criminal law. This paper focuses on the need for an interpretation of complementarity, as found in Article 17 of the Rome Statute, and proposes a method of interpreting Article 17 that will reduce states’ exploitation of ambiguities in the Rome Statute. This paper argues that ICC involvement in Colombia will solidify the tenuous principle of complementarity and will provide a much needed guiding principle to the emerging intersection of domestic and international laws. By using Colombia as an example of a state genuinely unwilling to prosecute, the ICC will not only provide justice to Colombians, but it will also reduce the likelihood of mimicry from other states inclined to follow in the footsteps of Colombia’s impunity if it is allowed to succeed.
    [Show full text]
  • Peace with Justice: the Colombian Experience with Transitional Justice Ted Piccone Peace with Justice: the Colombian Experience with Transitional Justice
    SECURITY, STRATEGY, AND ORDER JULY 2019 PEACE WITH JUSTICE: THE COLOMBIAN EXPERIENCE WITH TRANSITIONAL JUSTICE TED PICCONE PEACE WITH JUSTICE: THE COLOMBIAN EXPERIENCE WITH TRANSITIONAL JUSTICE TED PICCONE EXECUTIVE SUMMARY To wind down a 50-year war, the Colombian state and the Fuerzas Armadas Revolucionarias de Colombia-Ejército Popular (FARC-EP) agreed in November 2016 to stop the fighting and start addressing the underlying causes of the conflict—rural poverty, marginalization, insecurity, and lawlessness. Central to their pact is an ambitious effort to address the conflict’s nearly 8 million victims’ rights to truth, justice, reparations, and guarantees of non-repetition through a comprehensive process of transitional justice. Thirty months after Colombians adopted the historic agreement to much international applause, what can be said about Colombia’s complex process to mete out enough justice to heal the wounds of war and prevent a return to violence? Can the Colombian government deliver on the promises of peace, and does it have the political will to do so? Which elements of the transitional justice process are working, and which are at risk? How should the United States and other members of the international community play their parts? And, assuming implementation stays on track, does Colombia’s peace with justice strategy offer a new model for resolving other conflicts around the world? This paper, based on nine months of research and field-based interviews with key actors involved in implementation of the Colombian peace accord, attempts to answer these questions surrounding Colombia’s approach to peace and transitional justice. It finds that, after an initial if improvised phase of demobilization and disarmament, implementation has become trapped in a pattern of intense political contestation and controversies.
    [Show full text]