Speculum de Arte Magica Papæ & Regis The Enchiridion Leonis Papæ, Its Origins, Legend, & Memory

Edward A. Smith

Centre for Medieval Studies University of York

This dissertation is submitted in partial fulfilment of the course requirements for the MA in Medieval Studies

24,090 words (Including Appendices)

September 2012

The image on the front is from the Enchiridion Leonis Papæ (Mainz: 1633), 99.

Abstract

This project brings together five editions of a relatively under-studied grimoire, the Enchiridion Leonis Papæ, and analyses them for the first time in an academic format. The analysis examines what little has been written about the Enchiridion Leonis Papæ as well as its legendary associations with Pope Leo III and the Frankish king, Charlemagne. The project investigates the origins of this little book of magic and how, although published in the sixteenth century, it comes from the world of medieval magic and faith. A transcript of several excerpts from the Enchiridion Leonis Papæ is included in the appendices in order to help the reader in understanding the argument of the paper.

i

Table of Contents

Page Number Introduction 1

Chapter 1: The Enchiridion, Legend, & Knowledge 6 The Publication & Historiography of the Enchiridion 6 The Text & Images of the Enchiridion 9 The Legend of the Enchiridion 21

Chapter 2: The Origins of the Enchiridion 22 The Hunt for an Original 22 The Sources of the Enchiridion 26 The Enchiridion & Other Sources 33

Chapter 3: Magic, Legend, & Memory 38 Historical Figures, Building of Legend with Magic 39 Charlemagne & Pope Leo; Their Legend and Memory through Time 42 The Legends, Images, & the Enchiridion 47

Conclusion 50

Appendix 1: Indices 53

Appendix 2: Figures 58

Appendix 3: Les Sept Oraisons Mystérieuses 61

Appendix 4: The Letters of Charlemagne & Pope Leo III 64

Appendix 5: Translations 68

Bibliography 71

ii

Figures Figure 1 – Constantine Chi Rho Pentacle1 Cover & 52

Abbreviations

BL British Library, London WL Wellcome Library, London SLMS Sloane MS LSMS Lansdowne MS HR Harley Roll HMS Harley MS HC Harley Charter WMS Western MS

Translations Any not cited translation of the Latin, French, and Old English included in Appendix 5: Translations is my own; otherwise they are from Ceccetelli for the Enchiridion, Tyson for De Occula Philosophia, and BL SLMS 3851 for the Arbatel.

1 The image is taken from Pope Leo III b, Enchiridion Leonis Papæ (Mainz: 1633), 99. iii

Acknowledgements

I would like to thank my supervisor, Dr. Michele Campopiano, and Dr. Mary Garrison for their insights, encouragement to discover more about this topic, and working on the edits. I would also like to thank Dr. Richard Kieckhefer and Dr. Owen Davies for their invaluable assistance in the field of magic and grimoires. Finally, I would like to thank my parents for their support on this journey; especially my mother for editing this paper while on the Camino to Santiago.

iv

Introduction

“Si firmiter teneas, & nullatenus dubites, quod quacumque die hanc orationem, seu ordinationem, & super te portaveris, cum devotione, sive in domo, sive in bello, sive in mari, & in omni loco, ubicumque fueris, nullus inimicorum tuorum dominabitur tibi : & invictus permanebis, & ab omni infirinitate pessimâ, & adversitate liberaberis : In nomine Domini nostri Iesu Chrisi, Amen.”1

According to legend, with these words, Pope Leo III presented a prayer book of his own devising to the newly-crowned Roman Emperor, Charlemagne. This book grew over time with corrections, additions, and deletions to become the grimoire present today: the

Enchiridion Leonis Papæ.2 Steeped with history, power, and legend, the Enchiridion provides a means, through God’s grace, to remain unharmed at all times and in all places.

Even further, the power of the Lord can bring control over a roving wife and a hunter’s bow.

It is understandable why something so powerful would be kept so close to the Frankish king and be carried all the days of his life. Furthermore, for all his conquering and warring, he never sustained injury.

It is clear from just these points that this sacred text effective. There is no further need for proof of its efficacy. Its importance is further reflected in the fact it was eventually printed in Rome in 1523/1525, “passing unchallenged in the Eternal City during such a pontificate as that of Clement VII.”3 This printed edition even passed the Vatican book censors which were becoming very knowledgeable of grimoire production.4 Clearly, the

Enchiridion is a veritable source for power and Christian magic. However, if this were all, there would be no need to dissect the Enchiridion and analyse its background. So wherein lies the question?

1 Pope Leo III d, Enchiridion Leonis Papæ, (Ancona: 1667), 50. 2 Hereafter referred to as the Enchiridion or the Grimoire. 3 Arthur Edward Waite, The Book of Ceremonial Magic, (Forgotten Books, 2008), 45. 4 Owen Davies, Grimoires, (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2009), 73-74. 1

The entire legend of the Enchiridion and even its first publication date are in question.

The legend, which will be discussed in Chapters 2 and 3, is a complete fabrication. The date of the first publication, which will be discussed in Chapter 1, is speculative at best. If all this is the case, what more than an early modern grimoire are we left with: a fascinating story, history, and tradition that transcends time from Ancient Greece to secretive early modern scholars.5 This paper tells the story of the Enchiridion Leonis Papæ, how it came to be, and how it wound up associated with the facts and fictions of Pope Leo III and King

Charlemagne.

The Purpose of this Paper

The Enchiridion and the field of grimoires were first brought to my attention upon discovering Watkins Books in London while walking around the city. I found the

Enchiridion itself was recently translated and bound together with a translation of the diabolic Black Dragon as a single grimoire aptly titled Crossed Keys by Michael Cecchetelli.

Unbeknownst to me, and likely most Carolingian medievalists, here was a grimoire ascribed to Pope Leo III. This seized my interest and upon buying Cecchetelli’s book, my research and journey into the world of magic began.

In the preface to Crossed Keys, Cecchetelli includes an excerpt from Arthur Edward

Waite’s 1913 Book of Ceremonial Magic. In this, Waite is quick to both set up and tear down any notion of the Enchiridion’s legendary origins.6 Still, curiosity got the best of me—and hoping for a fate better than that of the cat in the diabolic Black Dragon’s invisibility spell—I went ahead with researching the Enchiridion.7

The purpose of this paper is, of course, not to prove or disprove the efficacy of the prayers and charms within the Enchiridion, but to explore, expand, and discover things not

5 Jake Stratton-Kent, Geosophia, v. 1, (UK: Bibliothèque Rouge/Scarlet Imprint, 2010), i. Davies, 7. 6 Michael Cecchetelli, Crossed Keys, (UK: Scarlet Imprint, 2011), ix-xii (or refer to Waite, 44-46). 7 To see the use of cats in spells for invisibility, refer to Cecchetelli, 57-58 and Richard Kieckhefer a, ed., Forbidden Rites, (University Park: Pennsylvania State University Press, 1997), 60-61. 2

before written about the Grimoire’s medieval origins and contents. This is an especially daunting task as the field of grimoire studies is, albeit growing, relatively small. However, grimoires and oral magic have been around for millennia and should have more attention paid to them. Due to their difficult history of suppression and distrust, it was not until the occult revival of the nineteenth century that grimoires truly began to be openly discussed and researched.8 Many of the grimoires of the past have either long-since been forgotten or destroyed, yet a good number still remain. Very few of them, including the Enchiridion, have been analysed or written about.

Cecchetelli created the first complete English translation of the Enchiridion because the Black Dragon refers to the Enchiridion and publishing the two side-by-side completes the necessary knowledge to use the Black Dragon. Not only that, it also accurately demonstrated the differences and similarities between diabolic, “black” magic and Christian, “white” magic.9 My purpose now is to return to the Latin and French versions of the Enchiridion and unlock the hidden secrets of its past.10

The Chapters and Their Lay-Out

The paper will be divided into three body chapters. Chapter 1 will discuss the

Enchiridion, the historiography, and the published knowledge behind it. The following chapters will provide a twofold analysis. Chapter 2 will take up the task of discovering medieval origins for the Enchiridion. This will include Books of Hours, grimoires from the high and late Middle Ages, and some sources from the early Middle Ages. Secondly,

Chapter 3 will discuss the memory and legends of Pope Leo III and Charlemagne, both at the time of their deaths and up to the sixteenth century. This section will explore their roles in the Grimoire and why it was attributed to them.

8 Davies, 1-2. 9 Cecchetelli, v. 10 It is necessary to exclude Cecchetelli as a primary source since his text only uses the 1660 and two nineteenth century editions of the Enchiridion. Furthermore, there are some imperfections in his edition. 3

Chapter 1 will strive to divulge as much information on the Enchiridion as possible with an emphasis on important details and notes about the Grimoire. Also in this chapter, what little published knowledge there is on the Grimoire will also be given and analysed.

Chapter 2 will dissect and prise out the origins and sources of the Enchiridion.

Because there is a lot of material to sift through, this section will be restricted to sources that appear to have the greatest influence on the Grimoire. This chapter will also provide background on grimoires and medieval magic that the non-occultist should find helpful in understanding the role of grimoires and magic in late medieval and early modern society.

The final portions of this chapter will deal with the Enchiridion’s published incarnations and continue Waite’s quest to find an “original.”

Chapter 3 will dive into the magic, legend, and memory of Pope Leo III and

Charlemagne. This, too, is a very large task; however, it is essential to discuss. With centuries between the ninth and sixteenth, there is a wealth of stories and ever-changing memory and blossoming legends of the Pope and King. Therefore, it is necessary to limit the information being presented to the most relevant. This chapter will demonstrate what the

Pope and King represented at the time and how a book of magic could come to be ascribed to them. Following the conclusion there are five appendices including the indices of the editions of Enchiridion used for this paper (Appendix 1), certain figures from the Grimoire

(Appendix 2), the Sept Oraisons Mystérieuses (Appendix 3), the letters from Charlemagne and Leo (Appendix 4), and the translations of the larger quotes written in French, Latin, and

Old English (Appendix 5).

Methods & Sources to be Used

This paper will use a straight-forward method of analysis of the Enchiridion in the form of an investigation and draw some conclusions. In doing so, the research will be done with an open mind, providing room for continuing to explore the Grimoire at a later point.

4

This paper will not prove that the Enchiridion is a ninth-century grimoire, which it is not, but will discover its medieval sources, origins, and reasons behind its attribution. This paper will also provide an approximate time-frame for the Grimoire and will give the necessary information for continuing research.

The sources to be used for this paper combine the occult, historical, and fictive. All the grimoires to be used come out of the late Middle Ages and early modern period. The majority will be in Latin and French. Numerous Pseudo-Solomon manuscripts and other grimoires used for this project were found at the British and Wellcome Libraries in London.

The 1633 and 1740 editions of the Enchiridion were also found at the Wellcome Library.

Other editions of the Enchiridion were located on Google Books; however, their pagination is very awkward which may or may not simply be due to the scanning.

Other sources will come from both the occult scholarship of the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries as well as current scholarship in the occult. The authors of the nineteenth- century books will be read in reserve; though, some (e.g., Waite) have a far more scholarly approach to magic than others (e.g., Waite’s rival, Aleister Crowley). With the modern scholars, there is less worry. The two greatest resources for current, academic scholarship have been Dr. Richard Kieckhefer at Northwestern University and Dr. Owen Davies at the

University of Hertfordshire.

Incipit

Magic has been a cause for fascination and fear for thousands of years. Magic was most prevalent, at least in the written word, in the late medieval and early modern periods.

During these times grimoires were written, published, used, researched, feared, and burned.

However, the Enchiridion Leonis Papæ has survived across the centuries and is now ready to be the subject of discussion on its own.

5

Chapter ۰1۰ The Enchiridion, Legend, & Knowledge

“Sanctus Leo Papa complicavit, & ordinavit sequentem orationem ex dictis, seu ordinationibus santce matris Ecclesiæ : & misit eam Carolo Magno”11

On Christmas Day in AD 800 Charlemagne was crowned the first Holy Roman

Emperor by Pope Leo III.12 The coronation served to consolidate the region and reinforce

Charlemagne and Leo’s power. An event recorded through history that anchors the foundation of legends and miracles of the Pope and King.

It is these legends that led to this small book in continual publication since the sixteenth century: the Enchiridion Leonis Papæ. This book of magic, a grimoire, was not as pivotal as it purports to be13 like those that came before, the Picatrix and Clavicle of

Solomon; those that were contemporary, Henry Cornelius Agrippa’s De Occulta Philosophia; or those that came after, Eliphas Levi’s Dogme et Rituel de la Haute Magie. However, the

Enchiridion is mentioned in various other grimoires. What is import to understand first is the historiography, material, and legend of the Enchiridion.

The Publication & Historiography of the Enchiridion

The Enchiridion’s publication history, at least from its initial printed form, is very murky; which is common for most grimoires. The best way to provide the overall publication history up to the early seventeenth century is to do the same as Arthur E. Waite and quote

Paul14 Christian’s The History and Practice of Magic15. Both of these men were nineteenth century scholars and practitioners of magic and should be read with some reserve. “[The

11 Pope Leo III d, 50. 12 Paul Edward Dutton, ed., Charlemagne’s Courtier, (Peterborough: Broadview Press, 1998), 33-34. Einhard, Annales qui dicuntur Einhari, Georg Heinrich Pertz, ed., (Hannover: Impensis Bibliopolii Hahniani, 1895), AD 800, 111-113. 13 Cecchetelli, 117. 14 Pierre in Waite, 45. 15 The original title in French was Histoire de la Magie. 6

Enchiridion] was first printed in Rome in 152516. Another edition exists printed in Rome in

1606; four were printed in Lyons from 1584 to 1633 and one in Mainz in 1637.”17 Also extant are a Mainz 163318, Ancona 1649 and 1667, Rome 1660 and 1740, and further French editions up to the present; the first English edition printed in 2011 in the United Kingdom.

Of course, it is only possible to build on Christian and Waite’s lists with knowledge of locating other copies in libraries in France, Germany, England, Belgium, and the United

States. What is brought into question, initially by Waite, is the truthfulness of Christian’s catalogue, primarily regarding the first Roman edition in 1523/1525.

Christian goes unquestioning of the authenticity of the Enchiridion pointing out, “In

Rome, the seat of Catholic orthodoxy, no pope, even in the worst days of the papacy, would have tolerated the printing of a book tainted with magic and imputed to one of his predecessors.”19 Christian continues to insist that the book is of such pious Christian magic that when it was first published in 1525 the pope was Clement VII, “a courageous defender of

Christian morals.”20 Although correct in stating the Enchiridion is free of the taint of necromancy, it is still a book of magic attributed to a previous pope; not something that would likely “pass by” the Holy See with acceptance.

There is no extant copy from 1525 or 1523 that has been found, and there only appears to be one ever recorded about.21 This is likely a fabrication with a made-up printer and antedated specifically to place it at the time of Clement VII, thereby giving it even more legitimacy. In his book, Grimoires, Owen Davies points out that antedating and “bogus”

16 1523 in Waite, 45. 17 Paul Christian, The History and Practice of Magic, v. 2, Ross Nichols, trans. & ed., (New York: The Citadel Press, 1963), 436. 18 This is likely the edition Christian is referring to when he says Mainz 1637. 19 Christian, v. 2, 436. 20 Christian, v. 2, 436. 21 The record of the 1525 edition, which seems to be where Christian attained his description, is an early nineteenth century library catalogue of “un Amateur.” The reliability of this source is uncertain and it is more likely the book being referred to here is the 1584 edition, which also matches Christian’s description. Catalogue de la Bibliothèque d’un Amateur, (Paris: 1819), 302. 7

printers were a common occurrence within the grimoire-printing world.22 Attributing pseudonymous authorship was also common; a point to be discussed further in Chapter 3.

There is no way of knowing if this purported first publication was ever printed; however, the

Lyon 1584 edition appears to have been the first. This edition is also the next one chronologically mentioned by Christian. This detail itself is curious as that would put this second printing fifty-nine years after the first. The subsequent editions after 1584 were printed seventeen, five, twenty-seven, sixteen, and eleven years apart, the largest of those gaps being between the 1606 and 1633 editions.23 While is it possible that no editions were printed between 1525 and 1584, it is unlikely given how popular the Grimoire was throughout the seventeenth century into the eighteenth.24 A 1584 copy still exists at the

Bibliothèque Nationale de France in Paris and is mentioned as being held in private collections in the eighteenth century.25 It is therefore possible to conclude that the Lyon 1584 edition was either the first printing or, at least, the earliest to still exist. Of course, with books of this subject matter it is difficult to locate many of them from the early modern period as magic and the occult were still taboo and, in many places, forbidden.

The editions that were located and used for this paper include the Lyon 1584, Mainz

1633, Rome 1660, Ancona 1667, and Rome 1740.26 All editions are either entirely written in or contain French. This fact also points toward the place where the Grimoire was most popular; France. There does not appear to be much, if any, mention of the Enchiridion being owned or used extensively outside France until the nineteenth century.27 All of these editions are small pocket-books. They are light and easy to carry, all bound with a hard, leather

22 Davies, 98. 23 These numbers correspond to the amount of years between the editions mentioned in Christian and found during my own research for the years 1584, 1601, 1606, 1633, 1649, and 1660. 24 Davies, 92. 25 Catalogue des Livres de Mr. G...D...P..., (Paris: 1757), xx & 47. 26 The 1660 edition reprinted in Clemacy, 2009 and the 1740 edition reprinted in Paris, 19th century. 27 The presence of a similar Charlemagne prayer in the seventeenth century BL SLMS 3851 will be discussed below. 8

cover. Only two of these editions were printed in colour: the 1584 edition in the manner described by Christian28, and the 1667 edition which has half of the images printed in red while the text is black. Moreover, all editions contain very similar text and images, but do have noticeable differences as well; which will be discussed shortly.

With the knowledge of the publication dating and of the concept of the editions used for this project, the next task to briefly relate, discussed in depth in Chapter 2, is the idea of an “original.” Waite brings this topic up himself in his 1913 The Book of Ceremonial Magic.

He also bemoans the vainness of attempting to discern an original in the present texts “as it is difficult to say where the original Enchiridion actually begins, so it is uncertain where it ends.”29 Waite’s research and limited materials only allowed him access to the Mainz 1633 and Rome 1660 editions. Waite finds that the most likely texts to be of an older origin would be the Sept Oraisons Mistérieuses (Seven Mysterious Orisons).30 These orisons as well as other notable ones will be discussed in the following section.

The Text & Images of the Enchiridion

With the use of multiple editions of the Enchiridion its evolution over time can be tracked. Doing this provides a way to see the changes and similarities in the productions of a single grimoire over three centuries. Using these, inferences can be made about the possible external forces caused the changes; likewise, it can be deduced down to what is constant and what may be “original.” This section will explore specific sections of text and images that appear in nearly all editions and show the links between them and something from the Middle

Ages.31

28 Christian, v. 2, 463. For another example of how the Enchiridion could appear in colour, refer to BL SLMS 3851, f. 9b. 29 Waite, 48. 30 Found in Appendix 3: Les Sept Oraisons Mystérieuses. 31 The indices created for every edition include notes of important orisons and every image in the edition and can be found in Appendix 1: Indices. 9

The first points about the Enchiridion to discuss are the first sections that appear in each edition: the Beginning of St. John the Evangelist and the Penitential Psalms (those being

Psalm 6, 31, 37, 50, 101, 129, and 142).32 The section of John starts at 1:1 and go to 1:14.

The passage is an apt one to have at the beginning of such a book. One function it performs is to remind the reader of God’s place and power, while the rest of the Grimoire relies on attaining God’s power and assistance. Another function is that it fills the need for Gospel sections. The Penitential Psalms also serve to cleanse the reader as they repent for their sins.

The entirety of the Enchiridion is something that should be read and put to use reverently, much like the Books of Hours (Horæ) it mimics.

Since the Grimoire mimics the Horæ style, it is important to take note of the way that it was characterised by those who wrote about it. The Enchiridion does not seem to have had life as a religious text, as it appears in the discussion of the magical texts by Waite and

Christian in the nineteenth century. Before, in the seventeenth century, an excerpt of a similar prayer to the Enchiridion appears in one Arthur Gauntlet’s grimoire. Its presence in a manuscript filled with excerpts from many occult texts points to its magical use then.

Moreover, Davies points out that it was “frequently mentioned in police records” at the time and into the eighteenth century.33 Its pious style will be discussed further in Chapter 2 in the section of the sources of the Enchiridion.

The second important point about the Enchiridion is the letters from Charlemagne and

Leo.34 These letters serve to demonstrate the legitimacy of the Grimoire by giving it recognition from its primary characters.35 According to Waite, legend holds that the Vatican

Library in Rome is in possession of the original letter from Charlemagne to Leo, but he then

32 These numbers correspond to those in the Vulgate. In the 1660 and 1740 editions the sixth psalm is numbered 125; however, the words given for it are from 129. The incorrect numeration appears to be a misprint in these two editions. 33 Davies, 92. 34 These letters can be found in Appendix 4: Charlemagne & Leo Letters. 35 This is discussed in Davies, 34-35. 10

quickly repudiates its existence.36 His stance is not unreasonable as the Enchiridion is only legendarily related to the Pope and King and the only catalogued link between the

Enchiridion and the Vatican Library is an eighteenth century manuscript entitled “Various

Devotions” with authorship attributed to Charlemagne, Leo, and many others associated with the Enchiridion. The true origins of these letters are as mysterious as the Grimoire itself.

What can be seen, though, is the consistency of the Leo letters present in the 1584, 1660,

1667, and 1740 editions; the only difference being that the 1667 version is written in Latin.

The Leo letter begins with a recitation of what he said to Charlemagne on the presentation of the Grimoire. After an invocation to Christ, the recitation ends. The rest of the letter is a lengthy exposition of the contents and uses of the Enchiridion. This exposition is significant because it demonstrates to the reader the powerfulness and usefulness of the Grimoire.

The letter from Charlemagne, on the other hand, is found in the Mainz 1633 edition first and again in the Ancona 1667 edition, both written entirely in Latin. It is significantly shorter than the Leo letter and it styled in traditional epistle form with the opening paragraph starting who it is from and whom it is to, and then it is signed-off at the end by “Carolus, qui

Suprà.”37 The contents, unlike Leo’s letter, is a letter of thanks describing the way in which the Grimoire is used by the king and the great virtues he attains from it. The inclusion of

Charlemagne’s letter allows these editions to have a royal validity.38 The next section of the

1633 edition, “Instructions sur ce que l’on doit pratiquer en se servant utilement de ce petit livre,” discusses the contents of the Enchiridion in a way similar to the Leo letter.39

Within the editions used, the Charlemagne letter first appears in 1633 and then only once again in 1667. The letter’s appearance in an edition other than the first, 1584, is strange.

The edition in which it first appears is the only one published within the Holy Roman

36 Waite, 45. 37 Pope Leo III b, Enchiridion Leonis Papæ, (Mainz: 1633), 6; d, 13. 38 Virginia Reinburg, French Books of Hours, (Cambridge: University Press, 2012), 201. 39 Pope Leo III b, 8. 11

Empire. The time of the publication coincides with the reign of the Holy Roman Emperor

Ferdinand II, who had become unpopular for his firm Catholic beliefs and persecution of

Protestants.40 Presenting the first Holy Roman Emperor’s letter reminds the readers of the true, devout power of the position. Its inclusion, therefore, may have been added by a loyal,

Catholic printer. The reprinting of the letter in Italy in 1667 relates more the printer using the

1633 edition as his template. Another, much more simple explanation for its appearance, as stated above, is that it provides the Grimoire with more legitimacy than the Leo letter alone would do. The letter from Leo, although giving it the blessing of a pontiff, does not demonstrate the Grimoire’s use. The letter from Charlemagne demonstrates the

Enchiridion’s ability to work and was purportedly written in the King’s own words.

While it is possible that any of the other editions between 1584 and 1633 may have seen the publication of the Charlemagne letter, the Leo letter appears to be more popular. It is present in all the editions, excluding 163341, as well as Sloane MS 3851, which David

Rankine dates to the 1630s or earlier, making the preference for the Leo letter evident.42 This may be due to it being transferred from the earliest available edition, Lyon 1584, or it may also reflect the desire for a papal connection to Christian magic in an increasingly Protestant world. If there is a connection between the 1633 edition and the Empire, it is likely that those outside of the Empire wanted to maintain the appearance of the first publication. An

“original” version would have been accompanied by Leo’s letter and not Charlemagne’s letter of thanks. Whether or not the possibility of nationalism effected the other editions as it may have in 1633 is difficult to say. The letters provide the basis for such a theory; however,

40 A Letter Written by a French Gent, (Flushing: 1620), 1-3. A cleare Demonstration that Ferdinand is by his owne demerits fallen from the Kingdome of Bohemia, and the incorporate Provinces, (Dorchester: George Waters, 1619), 4-10. Robert S.J. Bireley, Religion and Politics in the Age of the Counterreformation, (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1981), 4. 41 While the 1633 and 1667 editions both contain the Charlemagne letter, the 1667 edition contains the Leo letter as well. 42 David Rankine, ed., The Grimoire of Arthur Gauntlet: A 17th century London Cunning-man’s book of charms, conjurations and prayers, (London: Avalonia, 2011), 17. 12

there are no other similar differences. The only other possible nationalistic aspect of the

Enchiridion arises from its publication in French and its connection of one of the greatest

French kings. However, after the Grimoire was published outside of France, how much

French nationalistic importance it held afterwards is limited.

The following section of the Enchiridion after the letters is the Sept Oraisons

Mystérieuses, which remains almost exactly the same throughout every edition.43 The most notable difference in the Orisons among the five editions is their form in the 1584 and 1667 editions not as separate orisons for each day, but as one stream of text.44 This is different in every subsequent edition where the Orisons are introduced as separated between the seven days of the week. Instead of an introduction, the 1584 edition provides Leo’s letter in red, repeats the Beginning of St. John the Evangelist, a short prayer, then the Pater Noster which begins the Sept Oraisons Mystérieuses. However, the 1584 and 1667 editions read better as a single orison because it does not split scenes occurring in the text.45

The contents of the Orisons, both in Latin and French, remain consistent in every edition. They appear identical in their Latin form in the 1584, 1633, and 1667 editions46 and in their French form in the 1660 and 1740 editions47. Waite observed that these may be representative of the older portion of the Enchiridion. “It is impossible to say how much beyond the Seven Mysterious Orisons connected with the name of Pope Leo are to be found in the original, or whether the original was antedated. Outside the Orisons the modern accent of the work is unmistakable....”48 Textual analysis shows that the quotes and references

43 Found in Appendix 3: Les Sept Oraisons Mistérieuses. 44 The dived Orisons can be seen in Appendix 3; to recreate the version of the Orisons in the 1584 and 1667 editions, remove the day-names and the spaces between each orison. 45 An example of this would be from the section across Monday and Tuesday. Monday: “Benedictio & consecratio panis & vini quem Dominus noster Iesus Christus fecit, quando dedit discipulis suis dicens.” Tuesday: “Accipite & comedite ex hoc omnes. Hoc est corpus meum, quod pro vobis tradetur in meam commemorationem, & in remissionem omnium peccatorum, sit semper mecum.” Pope Leo III b, 46. 46 Pope Leo III a, Manuel ou, Enchiridion, de prières, (Lyon: 1584), 36-42; b, 43-54; d, 55-65. 47 Pope Leo III c, Enchiridion du Pape Léon, (Rome: 1660), 26-39; Pope Leo III e, Enchiridion Leonis Papæ, (Rome: 1740), 30-38. 48 Waite, 45-46. 13

found in the Orisons are nearly word-for-word excerpts from various Biblical and religious passages. The references include one from Genesis (49:9), two from Psalms (12:4,

118:103)49, one from Isaiah (11:2-3), three from Matthew (6:9-13, 26:26/27, 26:26), one from

Luke (4:29-30), two from John (1:1-3, 18:4-8), one from Hebrews (13:6), two from

Revelations (5:5, 4:8), and the Trisagion from the Greek Orthodox tradition.

The reference that stands out the most is the Trisagion. It is known that Leo’s predecessor, Hadrian, was a supporter of the Greek Church.50 However, it is evident from the

Libri Carolini that Charlemagne’s court, or at least the work’s writer, Theodulf, had an issue with Greek religious practice.51 If Leo had known about the Libri Carolini, this reference would be odd since it would be a direct affront to Charlemagne’s views.52 It is strange, regardless, that the leader of the Catholic Church would include a reference to Greek practice in a prayer book given to a devout Catholic king. Therefore, although the Orisons are a staple of the Enchiridion, such details would pose conflict in linking the Enchiridion with

Pope Leo III and Charlemagne. The presence of the Trisagion can be explained by the influence of the Horæ on the Enchiridion wherein the use of Greek phrases and words was common. It does not mean that the style of the Orisons is not as old as it is purported to be.

Also in the sixteen century a book was published called the Opera Bedæ Venerabilis presbyteri Anglosaxonis (now Collectanea Pseudo-Bedæ) in Basel. In the work done by

Bayless et al., they determined the sources for the Pseudo-Bedæ relate back to the time of its purported author: the eighth century.53 At the end of the text there is a series of prayers. The

49 These numbers correspond to those in the Vulgate. 50 Ann Freeman, “Scripture and Images in the Libri Carolini,” found in: Testo e Immagine Nell’alto Medioevo, 15-21 aprile 1995, tomo primo, Settimane di Studio del Centro Italiano di Studi Sull’alto Medievo, XLI, (Spoleto: Presso la Sede del Centro, 1994), 187. 51 Freeman, 163-164 & 183. 52 Freeman, 187. 53 Collectanea Pseudo-Bedæ, Martha Bayless & Michael Lapidge, eds., (Dublin: Dundalgan Press Ltd, 1998), 3- 6. 14

fashion in which they are written closely resembles that of the Sept Oraisons Mystérieuses as well as a number of the other orisons present in the Enchiridion.

The best example from the Pseudo-Bedæ that can be compared to the Orisons is the following prayer, invoking God and Jesus for protection and guidance:

385 Dominator Dominus Deus omnipotens, qui es trinias una, pater in filio, et filius in patre, cum spirito sancto, qui es semper in omnibus, et eras ante omnia, et eris per omnia Deus benedictus in secula. Commendo animam meam in manus potentiæ tuæ, ut custodias eam diebus ac noctibus, horis atque momentis, Miserere mei, Deus angelorum. Dirige me, rex archangelorum, custodi me per orationes patriarcharum, per merita prophetarum, per suffragia apostolorum, per victorias martyrum, per fidem confessorum, qui placuerunt tibi b initio mundi. Oret pro me sanctus Abel, qui primus coronatus est martyrio. Oret pro me sanctus Enoch, qui ‘ambulavit cum Deo’, et translatus est a mundo. ... Et tres pueri liberati ab igne; duodecim prophet, Oseas, Amon, Micheas, Ioel, Abdias, Abacuc, Ionas, Nahum, Sophonias, Aggæus, Zacharias, Malachias, Esdras. Hos omnes invoco in auxilium meum. Adsistant mihi omnes apostoli Domini nostri Iesu Christi, Petrus et Paulus, Ioannes et Andreas, tres Iacobi, Philippus, Bartholomæus, Thomas et Matthæus, Barnabus et Matthias, et omnes martyres tui. ... Libera animam meam ab omnibus insidiis inimici, et conserva me in tua voluntate: doce me facere voluntatem tuam, quia Deus meus es tu, tibi honor et Gloria, per omnia etc.54

The prayer, much like the Orisons is comprised of different elements and invocations that, when combined, make a single, powerful prayer. The Biblical references within this prayer come from Genesis (5:22, 15:6) and Exodus (33:11) and there are also references to several apocryphal prophets, angels, and the Apostles. This is the style the Enchiridion and Horæ mimic; except instead of referencing prophets, the Enchiridion gives numerous Cabalistic names for God. The writer of the Enchiridion was evidently familiar with this style of prayer suggesting the Orisons derive from high-late medieval tradition.

Further, Pseudo-Bedan texts occur in the Enchiridion on pages 137-14855 in the 1584 edition and pages 130-132 in the 1633 edition. Both of these editions contain the same Latin text, but the 1633 edition informs the reader the orison is “contre toutes sortes de

54 Collectanea Pseudo-Bedæ, 192-196. 55 The page numbers are off in the printing and the page called 137 should in fact be 147. 15

naufrages.”56 Similar to the other orisons within the 1584 edition, such as the Sept Oraisons

Mystérieuses, the reader is not told what the exact function of every orison is. All four later editions attribute the orisons they contain to specific functions. The questions this poses are how the users of the 1584 edition knew what the purpose of the unlisted orisons were and how the publishers of the later editions came to know them.

Certain places in the 1584 edition do contain headers, for example, “Oraisons contre les perils du monde.”57 Others do have their given association, “Pour ses ennemis,” or

“Oraison devote pour voyager.”58 The primary examples of orisons with names, yet with no given function, are those of specific saints. The source of the later associations may be based upon other similar orisons, prayers, or spells from different grimoires, prayer books, and traditions. Their placement in the Enchiridion is originally derived from is the style of the

Horæ. Within these books, similar prayers appear that are attributed to all the same saints and even Charlemagne. These points will be discussed further in Chapter 2 and 3.

With a medieval connection evident with the Enchiridion’s stylistic form and layout of the orisons, the next medieval connection to be established is through the images.59 The first images to be examined are two that have definite medieval origins and they are present in every edition: the Tau Cross and the Wound of Christ.60 The Tau Cross can be found as a mystical symbol as far back as ancient Egypt.61 The Tau finds itself in the Bible as well in

Ezekiel 9:4, “...transi per mediam civitatem in medio Hierusalem / et signa Thau super fronts virorum gementium dolentium....”62 This has been interpreted often as the Greek Τ, which

56 Pope Leo III b, 130. 57 This header first appears on the top of pages in Pope Leo III a, 54-55. 58 Pope Leo III a, 57 & 58. 59 These can be found in Appendix 2: Figures. 60 Figures 5 & 6. 61 Manly P. Hall, The Secret Teachings of All Ages, (Radford: Wilder Publications, 2009), 595-596. 62 Robert Weber & Roger Gryson, eds., Biblia Sacra, 5th edition, (Stuttgart: Deutsche Bibelgesellschaft, 2007), Hiezechiel 9:4, 1276. This passage also related in certain ways to Luke 4:29-30 wherein Jesus “transens per medium illorum ibat;” a section often repeated throughout the Enchiridion. 16

was associated with the cross very early in Christianity63, but is in fact the last letter of the

[However, it is stated in “Tertullian, Origen and St. Jerome [that the .ת ,Hebrew alphabet

Hebrew Tau was anciently written in the form of a cross.”64 This cross was popular throughout the Middle Ages. The Tau Cross in the Enchiridion appears differently than the typical one and is deciphered in Chapter 3. One especially noteworthy place in which it appears is a fifteenth century scroll held at the British Library. The scroll, Harley Roll T.11, contains not only the Tau Cross, but also images of the Three Nails, eight Solomonic pentacles, and the Wound of Christ.65

What is most striking about this scroll, beyond its obvious Jeudeo-Christian magical symbols and writing, is the presence of the Tau Cross, the Wound, and a mention of

Charlemagne. The Tau in the scroll appears at the top in green on a red background.

Although it appears as just the T and not exactly like the image in the Enchiridion, it holds similar value. In the Enchiridion, the Tau Cross has a subscript, “Per Signum  Domine Tau libera me,” as well as an orison associated with it. The orison that follows the subscript protects the reader from all sorts of harm by invoking God by various Cabalistic names not found elsewhere in the Enchiridion as well as making various Biblical references.66 An oddity about the Tau printed in red in the 1584 edition is that it is upside-down. There are many printing errors within this edition, especially with the pagination, so it is probable that the Tau being upside-down holds no significance.67

The other image is that of the Wound of Christ. While the image and discussion of the Wound has been not only prevalent, but also central in medieval theology and art, its link to Charlemagne is unique and intriguing. In Harley Roll T.11, the Wound is ascribed the

63 Gilbert Cope, Symbolism in the Bible and the Church, (London: SCM Press Ltd, 1959), 198. 64 Albert Pike, Magnum Opus or the Great Work, (1852), ch.25, 42. 65 The scroll itself, when put end to end n times is height of Christ. It is also to be worn as a charm on the bearer for protection. 66 Pope Leo III a, 63; b, 85; c, 60. 67 For another explanation refer to fn. 185. 17

following legend, “This pious measurement with protective powers against harm was said to have been carried in a golden casket to the emperor Charlemagne by an angel.”68 This scroll provides a link to the Middle Ages that is more concrete than does the Tau Cross. The scroll, written mostly in English, creates more questions with its Carolingian reference. The Wound has equally strong connection to the Horæ, as discussed in Chapter 2.

The next image which appears in most editions along with a subscript and orison is what will be referred to as the Bone Triple Cross.69 In certain respects it is similar to the form of the three-barred cross of the Greek Orthodox or the Papal Cross.70 What the image could potentially be is hinted by its subscript, which reads, “Adonay Job, Magister Dicit

91.”71 This refers to both the Book of Job and Psalm 91, wherein the Poet asks for God’s protection and guidance much like Job. The Enchiridion does not make much use of cipher, as was common among many magical texts; however, cipher may be the key to understanding this image. The 1660 and 1740 editions both mention the use of Agrippa at the start of the Grimoire for a reference to understanding the Cabalistic influence and certain mystical aspects in the Enchiridion. Knowing that the writer was using Agrippa for influence, it is possible that this image came out of a cipher provided by Agrippa in Book 3,

Chapter 30 of De Occulta Philosophia, “Alius characterizandi modus a cabalistis traditus.”72

In this chapter, Agrippa describes the means of creating a ciphered name or word by using a chart of the Hebrew alphabet, split into nine cells. The image in the Enchiridion appears like

Job) becomes that image.74) אִּיֹוב ,王.73 Using Agrippa’s chart and the method he describes

68 Sophie Page, Magic in Medieval Manuscripts, (London: The British Library, 2004), 32-33. 69 Figure 9. 70 To see an example of both of these types of crosses, refer to Udo Becker, The Continuum Encyclopaedia of Symbols, (London: Continuum, 2005), 71. 71 Pope Leo III a, 67; b, 89 (only the subscript is there, the image has instead been replaced by the Constantine Chi Rho Pentacle); c, 65; d, 97. 72 Henry Cornelius Agrippa b, De Occulta Philosophia, Vittoria Perrone Compagni, ed., (Leiden: E.J. Brill, 1992), b.3, ch.30, 491. 73 This is coincidentally the Chinese character for “king.” 74 This method is demonstrated in Figure 10. 18

There are probably many more hypotheses as to what the image is and its meaning, since they are not given in the text of the Enchiridion. Its association with Job, though, provides the association with Agrippa’s cipher.

Four specific images that are prominent in the Enchiridion are from Agrippa’s magnum opus. A note on Agrippa’s monumental work, De Occulta Philosophia, was published in the 1531, but first circulated as manuscripts earlier in the sixteen century before being printed as one tome.75 Much of the information he presents is attributed to things passed down by the Arabs and Cabalists. In Book 3, Chapter 30, Agrippa explains this as his origins for much of the cipher language, “Apud Hebræos plures characterum invenio modos, quorum unus est antiquissimus, scriptura videlicet antiqua qua usi sunt Moses et prophetæ, cuius forma nemini temere revelanda est: nam quibus hodie utuntur literis, ab Esdra institutæ sunt.”76 In the same chapter he provides the use of Arabic for another cipher, which will be mentioned below. Hebrew, Cabalah, and Arabic mysticism are found as the primary sources for Agrippa’s Book 3. Agrippa’s work follows in the footsteps of his predecessors,

Llull, Ficino, and Pico and the influence on them by those forms of mysticism which also came by way of philosophiam “physicam, mathematicam, et theologiam.”77 As Hebrew and

Cabalistic mysticism were known during the Middle Ages and the Arabs brought around such significant magical works, such as the Picatrix, there is some validity to Agrippa’s attributions. However, it should be understood that Agrippa, like most other occult writers, could have fashioned his own interpretations and fabrications; so caution is necessary when citing him.

Also in Book 3, Chapter 30, Agrippa uses the same Cabalistic cipher used here to code Job to code the name of the archangel Michael. After this cipher, he provides another,

“per literarum colligantiam,” to create the name sigil of Michael in Hebrew, Greek, and

75 Agrippa b, 3. 76 Agrippa b, b.3, ch.30, 491. 77 Agrippa b, b.1, ch.2, 86. 19

Latin.78 The Latin sigil, as well as the similarly-fashioned ones for Raphael and Gabriel makes appearances in every edition of the Enchiridion except for 1584.79 The 1584 edition does contain an Orison of St. Michael, demonstrating the importance of the protective archangel. The sigil of Michael80 is usually accompanied by subscript that includes two letters and two Cabalistic names for God, Ananizapta and Johazath; two names that do not appear anywhere else in the Enchiridion. These two names also appear in an eighteenth century Clavicle of Solomon in the British Library, Lansdowne MS 1202, which includes a reference to the Enchiridion.81 Within this manuscript the two names in the same format are given after the pentacle with the sigil of Raphael. This pentacle is found in the 1660 and

1740 editions. Agrippa claims this style of sigil was used by the Arabs since “nec est scriptura aliqua, quæ tam prompte atque eleganter sibi connectatur sicut arabica.”82

Fashioning words together to form a single symbol, such as Constantine’s Chi Rho, was common and it would not be unlikely that there is some history behind these sigils.

The next three images that appear in the Enchiridion and Agrippa are the Constantine

Chi Rho Pentacle, the Judas Maccabeus Hebrew Pentacle, and the Soteris Star Pentacle.83

The Constantine Pentacle appears in every edition of the Enchiridion; most prevalently in

1633 where it appears nine times. The other pentacles appear in the editions subsequent to

1584.84 All three of these pentacles, their origins and histories appear side-by-side in

Agrippa’s Book 3, Chapter 31. According to each history, they were all divinely presented to kings and commanders who fought and won using them. Of course their inclusion in the

78 Agrippa b, b.3, ch.30, 494. 79 It is possible that these sigils may be present in the 1584 edition as the subscript found under the sigils is present on one page (as noted in Appendix 1), and there are many missing pages. 80 Figure 4. 81 The Enchiridion reference, it is connected to the Sword image present in the 1660 and 1740 editions. It is found in LSMS 1202, f. 69b, 136. This is also discussed in Chapter 2 here. 82 Agrippa b, b.3, ch.30, 495. 83 These are the names I have given to each pentacle by using the information about each one provided by Agrippa. They are found in Henry Cornelius Agrippa a, Three Books of Occult Philosophy, Donald Tyson, ed., 12th printing, (Woodbury: Llewellyn Publications, 2010), b.3, ch.31, 564. Figures 1, 2, & 3. 84 Again, it is difficult to say if the pentacles are or are not present in the 1584 edition as so many pages are missing. 20

Enchiridion is logical as it is meant for a conquering king. Would these pentacles as presented, though, come from their purported origins? The Chi Rho does and the Star

Pentacle were common throughout the Middle Ages as a symbol for pagans, Jews, and

Christians alike. Agrippa claims these exact pentacles where present in the writings of the

Tyrean philosopher, Porphyry.85 Very few of Porphyry’s texts still exist and of those that do, none include images.

The images in the Enchiridion are a mixture of known medieval and obscure early modern ones. The medieval ones point directly to the Horæ and the others point to the influence of Agrippa. Most of the images are located after the Oraisons de Leon Pape, which may hint at a different source for the latter sections of the Enchiridion. The lack of images in the section ascribed to Leo could point to it originating from books centred on prayers and not images, which is fitting to the legend of it being a small prayer book for the King. The inclusion of images is fitting for it mimicking the Horæ and would also point to them being the greatest influence; however, as Waite noted, there may be something more “original” to the Oraisons de Leon Pape.86

The Legend of the Enchiridion

The legend as stated above is that Charlemagne received the Enchiridion on his way from Rome after being crowned emperor by Leo in 800. The next part of the legend is attached to the letter of thanks sent from Charlemagne back to Leo after arriving back in

Francia and putting the Grimoire to use. After this, though, nothing is known about the

Enchiridion until it was published in the sixteenth century. What do the contents of the

Enchiridion say about it? And where else do they lead?

In the hunt for an original, the best place to turn is the high-late medieval magic and

Horæ traditions. This little book given to Charlemagne was mainly comprised of a handful

85 Agrippa a, b.3, ch.31, 564. 86 Waite, 48. 21

of orisons, most notably the Sept Oraisons Mystérieuses. The orisons with headers attribute them to Leo and various important saints known in the Middle Ages. Waite notes the

“modern tone” of many of the orisons and that an original would have been a much smaller book.87 It is highly unlikely that anything in the Enchiridion came from Leo or Charlemagne themselves or the other named saints; however, it is equally plausible that a number of orisons and images, as already shown, came from the Middle Ages. Both the legend and the contents lead to a hunt through other sources, medieval and modern, to find just where the

Grimoire originated and why it is tied to that pope and king.

Chapter ۰2۰ The Origins of the Enchiridion

“Hæc est mesura plaga quæ erat in latere Christi, declara Constantinopoli ad Imperatorem Carolum Magnum in quadam capsula aurea : ut reliquiæ pretiosissimæ, ne ullus hostis posset nocere ei.”88

The Enchiridion is an amalgamation of various legends, prayers, and blessings from the ancient through the early modern world. The influences are many and wide-spread, so only a select few will be discussed here. Within this chapter, building on the information from Chapter 1, the exact sources of sections of the Grimoire will be examined and explained. This chapter will cover the hunt for an original, a discussion on the sources, and how the Enchiridion itself has become source-material for other grimoires.

The Hunt for an Original

The Enchiridion has a core of text and images that appear consistently in each edition.

Also in these editions are additions of new material some of which becomes repeated throughout the printing history of the Enchiridion. The primary additions come in the images, which themselves becomes staples of the Grimoire. Looking back through all the

87 Waite, 46 88 Pope Leo III b, 128. 22

editions, a core of texts and images emerges. Since there are different sources appearing in the text, what is the date of an original and what is an “original” edition?

The definition of “original” requires a brief discussion. The concept of originality when it comes to such texts and manuscripts is rife with philological problems along with other scholarly issues.89 For the sake of this paper, an original is defined as the first documents in which the core material appears. For example, the Sept Oraisons Mystérieuses have been transferred over time with the same wording and phrasing, be it in Latin or French.

The original would be the first manuscript or print to contain the Orisons in such a format.

The original grimoire would contain a text relating to the Charlemagne legend alone. In contrast, the Horæ contain multiple legends.

The publication and practice of grimoire writing during the time of the Enchiridion, sixteenth-seventeenth centuries, should be mentioned. During this time, grimoire production saw an increase. With printers able to set-up in places that had become Protestant centres, they were thus out of the reach of “the long arms and beady eyes of the papal censors.”90 Of course, this does not mean such books were not taboo or worrisome to both secular and religious authorities. What constituted a grimoire or a book of diabolical magic, though, was a constant fight between writers, owners, and those authorities. Agrippa’s De Occulta

Philosophia, for example, was accused of being diabolical. He, though, maintained that it came through the tradition of natural magic passed down by Ficino and Pico.91 Similarly, many practitioners of magic may have been too naïve to realise they were working from magical texts. This can be seen in numerous accounts of a person using what they thought was a prayer book until confronted by a priest and shown that is was in fact a grimoire.92

89 To demonstrate the philological issues with regards to the creation of a text and its original form, refer to Suzanne Fleischman, “Philology, Linguistics, and the Discourse of the Medieval Text,” found in: Speculum, vol. 65:1, (Cambridge: Medieval Academy of America, Jan. 1990), 20-21. 90 Davies, 53. 91 Agrippa b, 4. 92 Richard Kieckhefer b, Magic in the Middle Ages, (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1990), 62. 23

Many books were printed under the guise of something else; the Enchiridion is a perfect example of this.

The majority of second-hand information about the printing and practice of grimoire magic, beyond the clues the books themselves might give, are found in prosecutions and court rolls. Information found in these usually details the diabolical and necromantic aspects found within the books seized by authorities, irrespective of whether or not it was “innocent” magic.93 What is clear, as evident from the editions of the Enchiridion, is that printing of a specific grimoire did not remain in a single place. The Enchiridion was published in at least four places up to 1740. The printing of the Enchiridion was risky since all editions of it were published within Catholic territories. Most striking are the two editions published in Rome; one of which is the 1525 edition mentioned by Christian. As Christian points out for the purported 1525 edition (the same can be said for the 1660 edition), publication of such a book within the walls of Rome gives credibility to the magic contained therein. The interpretation of this will be discussed in the following section.

The process of creating a grimoire usually comes in multiple stages. A typical grimoire would originate in manuscript form first. Some of these manuscripts were subject to great secrecy and were intended to be passed down by members of a clandestine sect of magicians or alchemists.94 Eventually, a number of these hidden manuscripts found their way to the printing press, some taking as long as up to the present to finally appear in print form. Publication increased the audience of a grimoire. Of course, certain ones, such as the

Clavicle, and treatises on magic, like De Occulta Philosophia, did circulate widely in manuscript form. What publication allowed was for a larger quantity of the grimoire to circulate and then those who could not obtain the manuscript could now own the printed

93 Davies, 45 & 92. Kieckhefer b, 176. 94 Kieckhefer b, 140-141. 24

edition. Moreover, the printing of a grimoire gave the appearance of something worth sharing.

The next stage of grimoire production goes in reverse; taking the printed text and returning it to hand-written form. For many spells, the user would have to write out a specific set of words, symbols, or passages for the desired effect. Other times, whole books were rewritten by hand in order to gain a specific potency.95 Some of these spells and books were written in blood or multiple colours of ink.96 Often grimoires included instructions on how to write the spells, symbols, and invocations and what to write them with. The usage of virgin parchment became important to this task and is still something common in grimoires and spell-books today.97 Using unadulterated parchment, exorcised candles, and blessed water were all methods of giving more potency to the charm, spell, or grimoire.

The stages of grimoire production exemplify that even when a grimoire is found in manuscript form, be it medieval or modern, there is great difficulty in determining its place in the process and its originality. This does not mean it is impossible. The Picatrix, for example, can be traced back to a specific Arabic manuscript from the mid-Middle Ages.98

Conversely, it is difficult to pin-point what an original is. Many magic books, such as the

Enchiridion or the Anglo-Saxon Lacnunga (Harley MS 585), are comprised of pieces from many different sources, both ancient and medieval.99 As defined earlier, an original should be defined as a grimoire with a core section of texts and images that then become repeated in subsequent editions.

95 Davies, 54. Davies also cites Grillot de Givry, Witchcraft, Magic and Alchemy (New York: [1931] 1971), 102. 96 For an example of spells to be written in blood, refer to Cecchetelli, 178. For a grimoire written in multiple colours of ink, an excellent example is WL WMS 4658. 97 Refer to Cecchetelli, 178ff for examples of this. 98 Picatrix, David Pingree, ed., (London: The Warburg Institute, 1986), xv. The Picatrix, John Michael Greer & Christopher Warnock, trans., (Iowa City: Renaissance Astrology & Adocentyn Press, 2011), 11. 99 Bill Griffiths, Aspects of Anglo-Saxon Magic, (Norfolk: Anglo-Saxon Books, 2006), 57-59. Kieckhefer b, 64. 25

The core of the Enchiridion includes the beginning of St. John the Evangelist, the

Penitential Psalms, the Sept Oraisons Mystérieuses, specific orisons against the perils of the world, the orisons of St. Cyprian, the Tau Cross, Constantine Chi Rho Pentacle, and the

Wound of Christ. These items appear in every edition of the Enchiridion with only minor variation.100 If the 1584 edition was the first, without manuscript versions of it, that edition would appear to be the original. Although the 1584 edition contains other material that was not passed on, it is the first known example of the core and, as such, would constitute the original. The origins of the Enchiridion appear to lie in the Middle Ages somewhere between the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries. This also means that linking the Enchiridion to the

Carolingian period is false. While some sources may come from that time, the Enchiridion and its core do not appear until centuries later.

The Sources of the Enchiridion

When trying to locate the sources of a grimoire, it is necessary to determine what kind or kinds of magic it contains. Knowing this limits the search to books and manuscripts in specific fields, such as charms or astrology. When it comes to categorising the Enchiridion, while clearly an occult text, the book is almost entirely modelled off the late medieval Horæ tradition. Just as there were innocent or religious-sounding grimoires, the Enchiridion is a similarly shrouded book. The 1584, 1633, and 1667 editions are all printed to follow the format of the Horæ; including the feast days, litanies, Penitential Psalms, and prayers of and to specific saints. The division of the Sept Oraisons Mystérieuses in the Enchiridion fills the role of the daily prayers in the Horæ. Though the Horæ are the greatest influence over the

Enchiridion, as will be discussed in full below, the Enchiridion also draws from occult sources, such as Agrippa’s De Occulta Philosophia, the Clavicle of Solomon, as well as the

Christian magic and Cabalistic traditions.

100 Refer to Appendix 1: Indices to see the location of these texts and images in the editions. 26

The Christian magic tradition is the most intriguing source as it has power over all the others mentioned, including the Horæ. The use of Christian magic affects the way sources are read and how their power can be used. The traditions of magic in a Christian context, it was argued by some, stretch back to the birth of Jesus when the three magi travelled from the

East to praise the child.101 The Apostles themselves were also granted powers to heal and defeat demons that could be seen as magical.102 Addressing these powers as magical caused consternation among medieval theologians; nonetheless, it was used by others as evidence of a power that God could give to man.103 It is difficult to say at what point the usage of

Christian imagery and text became formally dubbed as magic, but various sources have clear magical purposes.

One type of text where Christian aspects are found in a magical context are the

Anglo-Saxon Leechbooks. One particular book, the Lacnunga, gives a healing prayer that includes mention of the Gospels:

Pið fleogendan atteras ... + matheus me ducað + marcus me conseruð + lucas me liberat + iohannes me adiuuat semper · amen ·104 The form the prayer takes, including the use of crosses to separate the names of the Gospel characters is something that continued to appear in religious and magical texts alike, including in the Horæ. Another interesting aspect is the language, which appears in Old

English, Latin, and a combination of the two. While many magical texts are in Latin to reflect the language of liturgy, in both the Lacnunga and Enchiridion the vernacular was equally capable of carrying power with it. Only the Ancona 1667 edition has nearly the entire grimoire in Latin, including the Leo letter which appears in French in all other editions it is found. The use of vernacular takes the text down from a level of the educated who knew

Latin to the common people, thus expanding audience and usage. Kieckhefer points out that

101 Matthew 2:1-12. 102 Examples can be found in: Luke 10:17-20; Acts 5:12-16, 8:9-24; Mark 16:17-18. 103 Kieckhefer b, 34-35. 104 BL HMS 585, ff. 174r-175. 27

this is also an increasingly common occurrence in the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries due to “lay influence.”105 Equally, the Enchiridion does not use much in the way of cipher or hidden meaning to disguise its purpose, also making it easier for an ordinary person to comprehend it.

Magic in a Christian context walks a fine line between the commonly-accepted miracles of the Church and a power being invoked from God and the angels to the user of the text. The Horæ, centred on the Blessed Mary, are texts that can be seen to teeter on such a fine line. In a 1633 Horæ from France in Latin and English, there are prayers for protection in war and even ones to cause and cease rain.106 Even though such prayers were seen as diabolic in the Middle Ages, they appear in a religious text of the seventeenth century. Their presence further demonstrates how categorising the Enchiridion can be difficult due to shifting attitudes. Much more from the Horæ tradition flows into the Grimoire than just the calendars and litanies; the legend does as well.

The research of Eamon Duffy and Virginia Reinburg notes the prevalence in the

Horæ of what they call “Charlemagne prayers” as well as the legend that was seen earlier in the discussion of the Wound in Harley Roll T.11.107 Reinburg focuses on the French Horæ and Duffy on the English, yet both include these prayers and legends. One such prayer appears in an Horæ attributed to York, published likely in France c.1516. The prayer, similar to Gauntlet’s Leo letter in Sloane MS 3851 includes the Cabalistic and other names for God, a Latin prayer for protection, and a mention of the three magi:

¶ De nominibus dei oratio. Omnipotens dominus  Christus  messias  Sother  Emanuel  sabaoth  adonay  unigenitus  via  vita  manus  homo  usion  salutor  alpha  & oo  fons  origo  spes  fides  charitas  oza  agnus  ovis  vitulus 

105 Kieckhefer b, 72. 106 The whole set of similar prayers can be found in The Office of the Blessed Virgin Mary, (Rouen: John le Cousturier, 1633), 363-374. 107 Eamon Duffy b, The Stripping of the Altars, (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1992), 177. Reinburg, 94. 28

serpens  arics  leo  vermis  primus  novissimus  rex  pater  filius  spiritus sanctus  ego sum  qui sum  creator  eternus  redemptor  trinitas  unitas  Clemens  caput  otheoticos  tetragrammaton  Ista nomina me protegant & defendant ab omni adversitate plaga et infirmitate corporis anime plene liberent & assistant [michi]108 in auxilium. Ista nomina regum videlicet. Iaspar Melchior Balthasar. Et duodecim apostoli domini nostri Iesu Christi quorum nomina sunt hec Petrus Paulus Andreas Iacobus Philippus Iacobus Symon Thadeus Thomas Bartholomeus. Et quator evangeliste quorum nomina sunt hec. Marcus/Matheus/Lucas/Johannes michi assistant in omnibus neccessitatibus meis : ac me defendant et liberant ab omnibus periculis temptationibus et angustus corporis et anime : et ab universis malis presentibus preteritis et futuris me custodiant nunc et in euum. Amen.109 Duffy identifies this prayer as one of the examples of a Charlemagne prayer by its language, invocations, and purpose.110 The purpose of this prayer, as in the one for protection in The

Office of the Blessed Virgin Mary111, is the same as the primary function of the Enchiridion; to be protected in “soit dans la maison, soit dans la guerre, soit sur mer ou dans quelque lieu que vous soyez, aucun de vos ennemis n’aura l’avantage sur vous; vous serez invincible et delivré des plus méchantes infirmités et de toutes adversités.”112 Curt Bühler, as Reinburg, finds the legend of Charlemagne accompanying images of the Wound in multiple contexts from the fifteenth century. Bühler locates it on multiple scrolls, like Harley Roll T.11, that were meant to measure out to the height of Christ. The legend is almost always the same: involving Charlemagne, angles, and Constantinople.113

One striking attribute to the Charlemagne prayers is their legendary origin, sometimes citing Pope Leo III.114 These prayers and legends, according to Reinburg, “originated in the

108 Text says “nichi.” 109 Horæ Eboracenses (France?: c.1516), ff.177b-178. 110 Duffy b, 274. 111 The Office of the Blessed Virgin Mary, 367-369 (“In times of warre”) & 371-372 (“For any tribulation”). 112 Pope Leo III c, 16. 113 Curt F. Bühler, “Prayers and Charms in Certain Middle English Scrolls,” Speculum, vol. 39, (Cambridge: Medieval Academy of America: April, 1964), 277 & fn. 47. 114 Reinburg, 198-199. 29

east, near Christian holy sites.”115 The earliest reference she found in the French Horæ is from c.1400, which is how an estimated time of fourteenth-fifteenth century for a written origin of the Enchiridion can be presumed.116 The text of the Grimoire was not in the final format that was published in the sixteenth century. Its source-material in the legends and

Horæ, though, is nearly identical, thus placing an origin for it at that time. Though unknown, it is not unreasonable to presume the Enchiridion in some form could have existed by the early sixteenth century; however, not in a printed form.

Beyond the legend of the Enchiridion and certain protective orisons therein, other prayers found within it derive from the Horæ tradition. The Horæ Eboracenses includes a prayer of the Venerable Bede.117 Unfortunately only half of the prayer exists as the folio containing the remainder of it is missing. Though the prayer is not the same as the one found in the Enchiridion, its presence in an Horæ that includes a Charlemagne prayer only nineteen folios earlier is no coincidence. Pseudo-Bedan prayers and texts, as seen in Chapter 1, hold importance and relevance to the contexts of such books and can be found sharing the space between covers with Charlemagne prayers and legends. The Enchiridion also includes orisons to Mary and of Augustine and Cyprian. St. Cyprian is more interesting as he, in the

Middle Ages, became associated with magic.118 His orisons feature in every edition of the

Grimoire.

The other parts of the Enchiridion that do not find their origins among the Horæ do emerge from the occult world. Solomonic and Cabalistic texts and symbols are found in conjunction with Charlemagne in both the prayers, as the one above, and the legend, as in

115 Reinburg, 201. 116 Reinburg, 199. Duffy points to the Doctrinal of Sapyence by one Caxton in 1489 condemning the Charlemagne prayers, thus demonstrating their place in society by that time. Duffy b, 277. 117 Horæ Eboracenses, f. 196b. 118 Davies, 32-33 & 45. 30

Harley Roll T.11.119 The scroll is particularly intriguing, as mentioned in Chapter 1, for its eight Solomonic pentacles. Though there is no way of determining an original Clavicle due to the amount of versions that exist and the variance between each one, it does have a core set of information and images. One part of this core is the notion of attending spirits. Some of the Clavicles list of some of the spirits. The most complete one found during the research for this paper was an eighteenth century manuscript in the British Library, Sloane MS 3648, which includes a list of fifty-four spirits, their names, sigils, and functions. This appears to be one of the most complete lists of spirits associated with Solomon. The 1660 edition of the

Enchiridion shares this aspect of the Clavicle by its inclusion of similar sigils for spirits associated with the Penitential Psalms.120 Some versions of the Clavicle go on to include a second book, the Psalterium Mirabile, containing all the Psalms and the attributes of each one.121 The names of the spirits in the Enchiridion, although some similar in spelling, are not included in the list from Sloane MS 3648. It may be that these names appear in the

Psalterium Mirabile, which, unfortunately, could not be located for this paper. The similarities found between the Hebrew names and the style of the sigils in the Enchiridion and Clavicle show a connection in style to Solomonic and Cabalistic texts.

A second aspect of the Enchiridion that can be found in the Clavicle, as well as

Agrippa, is the mystical calendar of days and hours and their respective planets. Agrippa’s calendar is cited as the one being used in the 1660 and 1740 editions of the Enchiridion.122

With Cabalah’s heavy influence on Agrippa, it would not be surprising if he had seen a version of the Clavicle himself. Similar information as that in the mystical calendars can be found in astrological texts, such as the Picatrix. Though astrology was commonly associated

119 It is interesting to note that the Jews were expelled from many of the Papal States in 1569 by Pope Pius V, citing “‘their charms and magic tricks and witcheries.’” Two places they were not expelled from were Rome and Ancona; both places where the Enchiridion would be published. Joshua Trachtenberg, The Devil and the Jews, (Philadelphia: The Jewish Publication Society of America, 1983), 76. 120 Pope Leo III c, 36. 121 Christian, v. 2, 438-439. 122 Pope Leo III c, 3; e, 16. 31

with science in the Middle Ages and Renaissance, it was equally used for magical means.123

The mention of Agrippa in the two editions of the Enchiridion appears in a section entitled

“Aux Sages Cabalistes.”124 The astrological influence in the Grimoire, though minimal, would have come through occult channels due to its sources. These references appear in the

“Secrets Mystiques” sections of the 1633, 1660, and 1740 editions. They detail the way in which to use the Grimoire: how to write the orisons properly and how to exorcise a candle, water, and parchment, among other instructions.

The means of exorcising objects is a common trope of many grimoires. It comes from a tradition of exorcism manuals that were not approved by the Church and that were published during the high-late Middle Ages.125 Possession by spirits, both in animate and inanimate things was a fear to some and a superstition to many. Because of the fine lines between superstition, the occult, and religious belief, there was a necessity to perform exorcisms and masses over objects to be used for magic.126 Since this type of information appears in many magical texts, particularly Christian ones, it is no wonder that it appeared in the Enchiridion. Sections like the “Secrets Mystiques” demonstrate how this text, although based on the Horæ tradition, is a magical book.

Another source of magic in the Enchiridion, as mentioned above, comes from De

Occulta Philosophia. Its images, most all claiming an ancient origin, appear in every edition of the Enchiridion and have occult meaning and significance. Setting aside the sigils of the archangels, the three pentacles mentioned in Chapter 1 appear to be of great importance; in particular the Constantine Chi Rho Pentacle. This would make sense as he was an important emperor for Christianity and conquered under that sign. Therefore, Charlemagne, as an important Christian emperor, could carry it with him and do much the same. The other

123 Kieckhefer b, 25-26. 124 Pope Leo III c, 1-3. Pope Leo III e, 15-16. 125 Kieckhefer b, 73. Discussion of “popular exorcists” can be found in Kieckhefer b, 60. 126 This can be seen in many grimoires where there are requirements for numerous spells, charms, etc. that require an exorcism or mass to be said over them before use. 32

pentacles have similar back-stories.127 The angelic sigils, only one of which is found in

Agrippa, are all based on the same cipher.128 These are then encircled as pentacles with

Hebrew and Greek-like mystical characters written around them.129 Again, this displays an occult connection beyond that of a religious one.

The legends from the Horæ are what were condensed to create the basis of the

Enchiridion and afterward all other magical attributions where attached. With its first publication in the sixteenth century, it is probable that the Enchiridion first came to be what it is with legend, text, and images only at that time. As noted earlier, there could have existed a

Proto-Enchiridion prior to its printing, yet it is not possible to tell.

The Enchiridion & Other Sources

Just as the Enchiridion was influenced by some grimoires, it too influenced others.

There does not appear to be any reference of the Enchiridion in other grimoires and texts prior to the seventeenth century; which further supports the period when it probably first appeared. Since that time, though, it grew in popularity. Interestingly, the primary group of grimoires it influenced appears to be the Pseudo-Solomonic, French Clavicles. The Clavicle, as discussed in the previous section, was one of the influences on the Enchiridion. Seeing it feed back into its sources exhibits a significant aspect of magical texts and how their composition and tradition is cyclical and continuous. Beyond the Clavicle, references to the

Enchiridion appear in other grimoires either without citing it directly or using it as a cross- reference for information the writer did not repeat. Some of the sources with these references can be found in published books, while most others remain only in manuscript form.

Two of the published grimoires that were examined for this project were Cecchetelli’s

2011 Crossed Keys and Rankine’s 2011 publication of Sloane MS 3851 (The Grimoire of

Arthur Gauntlet). The Crossed Keys contains two grimoires: the possibly fifteenth century

127 Agrippa a, b.3, ch.30, 562. 128 Agrippa a, b.3, ch.31, 564-565. 129 Figure 4. 33

Black Dragon and an edition of the Enchiridion based on the 1660 edition and other nineteenth century editions.130 Cecchetelli’s inclusion of the Enchiridion is due to the writer of the Black Dragon referencing it without including the excerpts. This both shows a means of keeping some information hidden from the reader as well as the writer’s assumption that his readers would own a copy of the popular grimoire, or at least know where to locate one.

Its citations are intriguing as the Black Dragon is a work of diabolic magic, while the

Enchiridion is the opposite. The references to the Enchiridion come in the following places: a spell to cause cattle to perish or disperse after being told a spell to have the opposite effect;

“in order that lambs become healthy and strong;” and the counter-spell for one “to stop horses and carriages.”131 The Black Dragon is interesting work of diabolic magic because it provides both spells and counter-spells for any given thing.

The first mention of the Enchiridion comes when the Grimoire states “that an evil shepherd, who wants to replace you, is capable of causing you much distress, and even make the flock perish.”132 The spell this “evil shepherd” could perform is then explained to the reader in such a way that it can be replicated. One of the chanted parts of this particular spell is meant to come from the Enchiridion; however, it does not seem to be in Cecchetelli’s edition or any of the others. The second mention involves a short ritual after which the specific orison for the day from the Sept Oraisons Mystérieuses is read. This style of spell is similarly found in the Enchiridion itself in the “Secrets Mystiques” section and all these spells reflect who the audience for both of these grimoires might have been, i.e., rural folk. The third reference comes as a counter-spell for one that can also be found in the “Secrets

130 The dating of the Black Dragon is given by Cecchetelli and he mentions that the present grimoire seems to have come about a fifteenth century one ascribed to Honorius. Cecchetelli, viii. (For more on Honorius and magic, refer to Chapter 3 herein.) Cecchetelli’s dating of this grimoire to be the exact same one from the Middle Ages is questionable as the Enchiridion in its present form did not exist at that time, although certain prayers might have. As the Black Dragon refers directly to the Enchiridion, it is more likely that these references were added from the sixteenth century on. 131 Cecchetelli, 52, 53, 57. 132 Cecchetelli, 51-52. 34

Mystiques.” Unlike the spell it is countering, there is no ritual for it. After a short incantation, the orison read from the Enchiridion is the “Oraison contre toutes sortes de charmes, enchantements, sortilèges, caractères, visions, illusions, possessions, obsessions, empêchements, maléfices de marriage, et tout ce qui peut nous arriver par maléfices des sorciers ou par l’incursion des Diables, et aussi très profitable contre toutes sortes de malheurs qui peuvent être donnés aux chevaux, juments, bœufs, brebis et telles autres espèces d’animaux.”133 The writer of the Black Dragon clearly saw virtue within the Enchiridion and felt that its counter-spell orison was effective enough to include within his own work.

Rankine’s edition of Sloane MS 3851 is being mentioned as a published text as it is easier to pick up than going to the British Library to see the manuscript itself. However, to quote a later hand in the manuscript, the publication is “unpefect in [some] places.”134 The reference to the Leo and Charlemagne contained in the manuscript is one such place where

Rankine does not include all the text.135 The manuscript itself has been dated by Rankin to the early seventeenth century.136 On folio 9b of the manuscript, albeit there is no header, the writing is clearly an example of the Leo letter to Charlemagne. After the letter and a list of

Cabalistic names for God, there are two previously unseen orisons, one “To make any man goe unhurt uppon sworde or any sharp thing whatsoever” and another “For wormes.”137 The orison for worms does invoke Job138, who is a character included in the Enchiridion, though not in this circumstance. The only part which is identical to the Enchiridion is that of the first half of the Leo letter prior to the list of names for God. The names of God do appear in the

Enchiridion later in the book and they also appear in Horæ, such as the Horæ Eboracenses.139

133 Pope Leo III b, 37-42; c, 20-25; e, 26-30. 134 BL SLMS 3851, f. 107. MS says “many” instead of “some.” 135 The full text can be found in Appendix IV: The Letters of Charlemagne & Pope Leo III. 136 Rankine, 17. 137 BL SLMS 3851, f. 9b. 138 This is spelled “Jobe” in the manuscript. 139 For the names of God, refer to Pope Leo III a, 125-126; b, 125-126; c, 117-118; d, 151; e, 84. Horæ Eboracenses, f. 177b. 35

Sloane MS 3851 exemplifies the popularity of the Charlemagne prayers from the

Horæ. Due to the presence of the two unknown orisons, it can be assumed that Gauntlet was not quoting the Enchiridion but instead an Horæ, like the Talbot Hours which contains a nearly identical letter.140 Due to Gauntlet’s inclusion of the Charlemagne prayer in his grimoire, it is obvious what power and popularity such prayers had at the time. If Rankine’s dating is correct, Gauntlet would have been writing his manuscript around the time of the

1633 edition of the Enchiridion. It is interesting to note that nearing everything in Sloane MS

3851, including the Charlemagne prayer, is written in England instead of Latin or French, which were far more common. This also demonstrates the desire to write in the vernacular and the power that can be carried with it.

There are two other manuscripts located that do reference the Enchiridion directly.

Both of the manuscripts are eighteenth century, French Clavicles. Both contain similar images from the Enchiridion, and one manuscript even cites the Grimoire directly. One can be found at the Wellcome Library as WMS 4656 and the other in the British Library as

Lansdowne MS 1202. WMS 4656 contains a pentacle of the sword with the banner “Deo duce ferro comite” as seen in three of the five Enchiridion editions.141 Around the sword is written “Dominus sit mihi adjutor & non timebo quid faciat mihi hommo [sic].”142

Underneath the pentacle is a description of how it is for protection on sea, land, and elsewhere; much like how Leo descried the Enchiridion. Although the sword alone is a symbol found in nearly all versions of the Clavicle143, the inclusion of the banner is something only first found in the Enchiridion. It is no surprise that this reference is found in a manuscript from France, where the Enchiridion was most popular.

140 Eamon Duffy a, Making the Hours, (New Haven: Yale University Press, 2006), 76-77. 141 Pope Leo III c, 102; e, xi; & there is a sword of a different style and words found in d, 115. Figure 8. 142 WL WMS 4656, 119. 143 An example of the sword can be seen in The Key of Solomon the King, S. Liddell MacGregor Mathers, trans. & ed., (San Francisco: Red Wheel/Weiser, LLC, 2006), insert between 96 & 97. 36

The Clavicle of Lansdowne MS 1202 has the most direct reference to the Enchiridion as it contains multiple images from it. It also contains the three Agrippa pentacles, but also the ones of Michael and Raphael, as well as the Tau Cross identical to the one found in the

Enchiridion.144 Most striking, though, is the same image of the sword. It is nearly identical to the one in WMS 4656; however, the description below is slightly different. Below this pentacle is written the following:

Ce Pentacle est Jour Mars, il se fait lorsqu’on trouvera Mars dans une constellation favorables, Charlemagnes a porté Pentacle tres long temps parle conseil du Pape Leon, on croit que ce Pape lui en avoit fait present avec le petit livre de l’Enchiridion qui est compose des plusieurs priers contre toute sortes de perils.145 It not only gives the reference’s origins, but also the legend of the Enchiridion and its function. There are no other references to the Enchiridion as direct as this within the manuscript. From this quote and the presence of the Tau Cross in particular, it is clear that the Enchiridion was a useful source to the writer. The writers of the Harley Roll T.11 and the

Enchiridion saw the Charlemagne legends in the Horæ to be veritable sources. These eighteenth century writers continued this tradition with the Enchiridion. Thus, magical tradition and the steeping of legends were perpetuated through time to the present day.

As stated, it is not possible with the known information to locate any such Proto-

Enchiridion. With the different stages grimoires go through and the amount of times this process occurs, tracking a magical text is a difficult task. However, due to the prevalence of the Charlemagne prayers and legends from the Horæ, it is possible to approximate a time- frame for the Grimoire. Whether it means that some manuscript which existed prior to the

1584 edition holds the key or that this edition is the “original” is undeterminable at this time.

It is now known, though, that there are some answers that emerge. The Enchiridion as it

144 The three Agrippa pentacles can be found on f. 28, f. 32, & f. 34. The Michael pentacle can be found on f. 46 and Raphael on f. 58b. The Tau Cross can be found on f. 53b. 145 BL LSMS 1202, f. 69b. 37

existed in the 1584 edition and later is a creation of the sixteenth century, yet the legend and many of the prayers that form it are from the fifteenth and possibly fourteenth centuries.

What is left to understand are the reasons for its existence in the form of a grimoire outside the Horæ and religious world as a “petit livre” of the Pope and King.

Chapter ۰3۰ Magic, Legend, & Memory

“Valeas ad multos annos, & honore quo dignus es, & bonis spiritualibus & temporaneis cumuleris.”146

The shuttle that weaves its way through the Horæ and Grimoire is one of magic, legend, and memory. Charlemagne was such a powerful force in the early medieval world that even his Vita by Einhard takes after the Roman ones and lifts descriptions of previous emperors to describe him.147 The king was well worthy of his prowess and legend. In the twelfth century, Le Chanson de Roland appeared and grew from his legend. In the editions of the Enchiridion which include the calendar of feast days, Charlemagne is included amongst the saints.148 Leo himself was not a strong pope, yet by standing on the shoulders of

Charlemagne, he could be seen. Although his place in the Enchiridion is less prominent that

Charlemagne’s, it creates a legend for him. Magic, legend, and the memory of historical figures often appear together.

In this chapter the role of magic, legend, and memory will be discussed. These three constructs work in conjunction to form deeper, longer-lasting legends which, although they maintain some similarities in every edition of the Enchiridion, are susceptible to variance in different periods of time. Not even the realm of magic, no matter how pure, is free from the influence of memory and the social context in which it was created. In the Horæ,

146 Pope Leo III b, 6. 147 Rosamond McKitterick, Charlemagne, (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2008), 15-20. Dutton, 16. 148 This is also found in several Horæ; refer to Reinburg, 199-201 & Duffy a, 76-77. 38

Charlemagne takes prominence over Leo, just as in the Grimoire. This too is a product of the memory that went into the Grimoire’s production and will be discussed below. Before examining the legend and memory of Charlemagne and Leo in the context of the Enchiridion, there will be a basic discussion of how magic and legends often appear. This will demonstrate the ways in which grimoires and prayers are often attached to historical figures in a bid to achieve more legitimacy in the eyes of the magical practitioners and the authorities watching out for them.

Historical Figures, Building of Legend with Magic

Of the many examples where historical figures are attached to magic and legend, five examples will be given here that relate to the Enchiridion by their similar associations. The examples are King Solomon, Pope Honorius III, St. Cyprian, the Venerable Bede, and Pliny the Elder. The first three all have at least one grimoire attributed to them whereas Bede and

Pliny are found within various magical texts.149 King Solomon’s Clavicle had influence in the Enchiridion as did St. Cyprian with his orisons. Pope Honorius, like Leo, is another pontiff with acclaimed magical ties. Pliny bears brief mention as he was seen as very important to the writers of numerous grimoires, including the Picatrix and Clavicle, for the information he relayed on herbs and charms in his Natural Histories.150 Using the following discussion of these mystical men, the way legend built around historical figures can be seen.

King Solomon was—in medieval legend—very important to the transfer of Hebrew and Cabalistic magic. The king, noted in the Bible and Testament of Solomon for his great wisdom and power, garnered the reputation in the Middle Ages of being a practitioner of great magic.151 He wielded power over the natural world and over numerous golems within

149 For more information on all these figures and their attachment to magic, refer to Davies, Grimoires, (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2009). Otherwise, specific grimoires will be referred to herein. 150 Picatrix, b.4, ch.9, 228-234. Davies, 25. Stratton-Kent, v.1, 304. Leechbooks are another example given in Chapter 2, they too refer to Pliny as a source; Kieckhefer b, 64-65 & 116. 151 Kieckhefer b, 103-105 & 167. Further use of Solomonic magic in other grimoires can be seen in Kieckhefer a, Forbidden Rites, (University Park: Pennsylvania State University Press, 1997). 39

his palace and temple until, realising his error against God, he recanted all his sorcery.152

Before he recanted he allegedly wrote out many of his secret charms, rituals, spiritual helpers, and pentacles in a manuscript that became the Clavicle. Although Solomon was an ancient king, his grimoires were medieval. Solomon, much like Charlemagne, had legends grow around him from early after his death. He holds an important place in the Bible and Jewish history as a sage-like king and builder of the greatest Temple. It is no wonder his stories brought with them the knowledge of Cabalah153 as he built the greatest temple and shared his mystical wisdom.

The Clavicle appeared on the Continent in the mid-Middle Ages and was likely a product of the Jewish mystical tradition at the time, which was also particularly strong in

Spain.154 It was from this tradition that many great writers, such as Llull, Ficino, and Pico garnered their ideas. As seen in the previous chapter, this tradition also fed into the

Enchiridion and vice-versa. The genre of the Pseudo-Solomonic writings was and remains very significant. As seen in the collections of the British and Wellcome Libraries and even in the writings of prominent nineteenth century occultists, Solomon remains an important figure in magic and legend.155 His position is solidified by the long tradition of his magical associations as well as his place in religious texts. In contrast, Charlemagne role in the magical world reached its ascendancy in the Enchiridion, after which his place in the magical realm diminished, and now he is the topic of historical and scholarly discussion instead of a source of magic and legend.

152 Davies, 12-14. 153 Though meant to be Cabalistic magic, it sometimes appears as necromantic magic depending on the source, who wrote it, and when. 154 Kieckhefer b, 119. Davies, 29. Frances A. Yates, Giordano Bruno and the Hermetic Tradition, (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1964), 107. 155 For some of the Pseudo-Solomon MSS in the WL, see WMS 4653, 4654, 4656, 4658, 4666, and 4668. For certain ones in the BL, refer to those mentioned in The Key of Solomon the King, S. Liddell MacGregor Mathers, trans. & ed., (San Francisco: Red Wheel/Weiser, LLC, 2006). 40

The grimoire attributed to one Honorius of Thebes varies between this name of an otherwise unknown medieval magician and to the pope of the same name, Honorius III. Both names are found with frequency when discussing the Sworn Book of Honorius, a thirteenth century grimoire.156 Later in the seventeenth century, another grimoire appeared under the name the Honorii Papæ adversus tenebrarum Principem et eius Angelos Coniurationes, which Christian stated was a book of exorcisms, a common theme of numerous grimoires, while Waite called it a book “calculated to deceive... since it pretends to convey the express sanction of the Apostolic Seat for the operations of Infernal Magic and Necromancy.”157 The former is a perfect example of how different legends can exist for one text, similar to the differing legends about Charlemagne receiving the Wound of Christ. Honorius’ grimoires are, as seen in both Christian and Waite and their references, the topic of much discussion amongst occultists and occult scholars. Whether books of pious or diabolic magic, they express the accumulation of a legend for legitimacy which the Enchiridion does as well.

The characters of St. Cyprian and the Venerable Bede are no strangers to occult and pseudonymous works. As mentioned above, St. Cyprian became an important figure to the occult world in the Middle Ages.158 Pseudo-Cryprianic prayers and writings appear with some frequency. Again, he is another attribution that would benefit a prayer or grimoire trying to extol religious sentiments. Bede makes various appearances as well, showing up in the Enchiridion, Horæ, and other works, such as the Pseudo-Bedæ.159 With his importance as a strong, Christian figure through the Middle Ages and into the modern era, his appearance in the Enchiridion is not surprising. Also, as stated in the previous chapter, prayers attributed to him can also be found in the Horæ. The Pseudo-Bedæ is an interesting example as it is a text that combined early medieval writings and riddles into one book ascribed to Bede.

156 Davies, 34. 157 Christian, v.2, 437. Waite, 90. 158 Davies, 32 & 45. 159 Pope Leo III a, 137-148; b, 130-132. An example from the Horæ can be found in the Horæ Eboracenses, f. 196b. 41

Understanding that this, like the first edition of the Enchiridion, was published in the sixteenth century does mean that some of the text in the Grimoire could be equally as old.

The character of Bede, as Cyprian and Solomon, was ascribed to many texts because of a

Christian context and desires for legitimacy amongst prayer books and grimoires alike.

Many of the legends that accompany these historical figures arise outside the occult realm and only find their way into that circle later. At a time when the writing or use of magical texts could mean death, finding a way to legitimise them was necessary. By drawing in such historical figures the text could be seen as something more sacred, reliable, or simply non-diabolic by association. In Reinburg’s discussion of the Charlemagne prayers, she shows that they were originally a connection purely between the king and God or angels.160 This alone gives the legend its mysticism and, in medieval society, believable legitimacy. With the addition of a pope to the legends, the mystical tales gain more religious and earthly credibility. This is what occurs in the Enchiridion, thus giving the Grimoire both a royal and religious pedigree. Readers may easily see the Grimoire as an Horæ, except for those who are seeking the occult. The only editions of the Enchiridion to mention Agrippa and Cabalah openly are the ones that do not mimic the Horæ, i.e., the ones leaving out the feast days and litanies.161 The early editions, 1584 and 1633, as well as the 1667 edition, were written to appear as prayer books. Since the early publishers were associating a grimoire with a pope and king, it is understandable that they formatted the texts as Horæ in order to avoid the scrutiny of the censors. Legendary attributions made the grimoires more believable to the readers and more pious to the authorities.

Charlemagne & Pope Leo; Their Legend and Memory through Time

The Enchiridion’s title describes it as the handbook of Pope Leo to the Emperor

Charlemagne. The concept imbedded in such phrasing makes it appear that the pope had a

160 Reinburg, 201. Duffy discusses this further in the topic of the “heavenly letters” tradition; Duffy b, 273ff. 161 These editions also leave out the words of the Penitential Psalms, save their opening lines. Instead they tell of the “virtues” of the Psalms and “l’intelligence,” spirit, associated with them. 42

significant role in the Grimoire; he is named, after all, as its author.162 Despite his place in its legend, Leo is only a secondary character to Charlemagne. As mentioned above, the use of the Pope and King to the Grimoire is primarily to give it legitimacy. Charlemagne’s role, however, is the greater because the content of the Grimoire comes from the legends and prayers based on him. His lore has always been of greater value than that of the pope who, to legitimise himself, crowned the Frankish king the Holy Roman Emperor.163 Charlemagne’s importance to a still very Catholic world with an extant Holy Roman Empire allowed his legends to flourish and grow: thus, the Horæ and the Enchiridion.

Immediately after his reign, Charlemagne was hailed by his close friend and courtier,

Einhard, as being a great and just ruler.164 This provided the basis for even bolder legends.

Charlemagne was also remembered for his conquests, particularly the ones over the Saxons in

Saxony and against the Moors in Spain. One battle in particular of the Spanish wars was memorialised in the medieval epic, Le Chanson de Roland. The Chanson was written in the twelfth century and romantically recounts the Battle of Roncesvalles in 778. Despite the battle taking place only ten years into Charlemagne’s reign and twenty-two years before his imperial coronation, he is referred to as, “Carles li reis, nostre emperere magnes.”165

Although he is a secondary character in the poem to Roland, his portrayal is as a great,

Christian emperor who cares deeply for his nephew. After Roland’s death, he leads multiple attacks against his Muslim foes and wins the war. This, like the legends of the Enchiridion, is embellished beyond historicity. It does demonstrate the feelings and memories of the king, albeit romanticised. The Chanson would continue to be a piece of popular literature even into the Renaissance and modern era.

162 A similar use of Pope Leo is found in the Horæ; refer to Reinburg, 199. 163 McKitterick, 115-116. 164 Dutton, 16 & 29. 165 La Chanson de Roland, Gérard Moignet, trans. & ed., (Paris: Bibliotèque Bordas, 1969), 26. 43

Seeing Charlemagne as a powerful figure is perpetuated in the legends and prayers of the Horæ. He was, during his life, known from the Umber to the Indus and had contact to most all the kingdoms in-between, including the non-Christian ones.166 With this,

Charlemagne kept track of the treatment of Christians and holy sites.167 He actively sought to protect the Christians both in and outside of his empire. These actions can be seen as the origins of his legends as a protector. Similarly, his reports on eastern holy sites, like those mentioned in Michael McCormick’s Charlemagne’s Survey of the Holy Land, reinforces

Reinburg’s statement of the origins of the Charlemagne prayers. The king filled the protective function during his life that the prayers and the Grimoire desired to continue centuries after his death.

The legends’ appearance between the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries is a topic on its own, but does require some coverage in this paper. The cultural memory of Charlemagne during the sixteenth century, which did have some strong associations with desire to retake the Holy Land, is of lesser importance to the Grimoire than the cultural memory in the centuries previous. The Enchiridion itself seems to be less driven as a cultural force than the

Horæ out of which it arose. Working backwards from the sixteenth century, several events occurred that could have resulted in a desire to see the cultural memory of the king gain new life.

In 1530 Charles V was crowned as the Holy Roman Emperor by Clement VII, the same pope under whose pontificate the Enchiridion was purportedly first published in

Rome.168 An account of this was even recorded by Agrippa in his Orationes X, published in

1535, four years after De Occulta Philosophia. This occurrence, however, happens outside

166 Dutton, 25-26. Charlemagne also possessed a great knowledge of the realms of the known world; refer to McKitterick, 375-377. 167 Michael McCormick, Charlemagne’s Survey of the Holy Land, (Washington, D.C.: Dumbarton Oaks, 2011), xiii-xiv. 168 Henry Cornelius Agrippa c, Orationes X, (Cologne: Johannes Soter, 1535), f. 11b. Charles V was also the last emperor to be crowned by the Bishop of Rome. 44

the dating of the Enchiridion. Clement’s papacy began in 1523, which is the date Waite provides for the first publication of the Enchiridion.169 Based on Christian’s notes of

Clement’s stern papal rule, it is less of a coincidence that the first publication of the

Enchiridion purportedly occurred at that time.170

In the early sixteenth and late fifteenth centuries, the romantic poems of Roland

(Orlando in Italian) found rebirth and popularity. The Orlando cycle of poems first appeared in fourteenth century Italy and had continued popularity through the last major poem in the early sixteenth century. The romances, based on the Chanson, were widely popular in Italy when first published.171 Their publication brought a reignition of the Carolingian mythos that also appeared in the Horæ. This renewed popularity of Carolingian lore may have given publishers the opportunity to print the Enchiridion. It would have been especially profitable for the publishers if they could produce a text that was claimed to be used by the king himself.

The origin of the Charlemagne prayers and legends is equally a large topic that is not the focus of this paper, but also requires discussion. One of the possible connections of the

Charlemagne prayers’ protective properties, as stated above, could have been Charlemagne’s affiliation with the sites of the Holy Land. At the end of the thirteenth century, the Arabs conquered the last of the Crusader Levant.172 From then on the Holy Land no longer remained part of Christendom. During Charlemagne’s reign the Holy Land was controlled by the Abbasid Caliphate and Charlemagne sought to protect the Christians there.173 These prayers came out of the east after it fell to the Arabs.174 The prayers might have originated from an invocation of a great protector and king who, even in non-Christian lands, sought to

169 Waite, 45. 170 Christian, v.2, 436. 171 Marina Beer, Romanzi di cavalleria, (Rome: Bulzoni, 1987), 328-389. 172 Sylvia Schein, Fideles Crucis, (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1991), 112. 173 This is seen in McCormick, Charlemagne’s Survey of the Holy Land, (Washington, D.C.: Dumbarton Oaks, 2011) . Also in Einhard, AD 800, 113. Dutton, 26. 174 Reinburg, 201. 45

defend the believers of the faith.175 These prayers continued to be uttered and written and eventually found there place in the Horæ and, lastly, the Enchiridion.

As mentioned above, Leo’s appearance is primarily to give legitimacy to the

Enchiridion; however, an actual occurrence may give historicity to the pope’s place in the text. That occurrence, which may or may not have been known to the writer of the Grimoire, took place in 795 upon Leo’s elevation to the papacy. On his election, Leo sent both the keys of St. Peter’s and the banner of Rome to Charlemagne. Charlemagne’s response was that the pontiff was “to pray for the army and the kingdom while the king defended and promoted the faith.”176 If the writer of the Grimoire did not know of that occurrence, then Leo’s affiliation with the Grimoire is merely to invoke legend and it is only by complete chance that a relatable event occurred. If the writer did know about this, then Leo’s involvement is based on historical fact and gives credence to the Enchiridion’s legend. This hypothesis is highly speculative and, as the information presented by Waite or Christian, should be taken with reserve. This hypothesis means that Pope Leo’s reason for writing the Enchiridion was to fulfil his end of the agreement struck in 795.

Leo appears primarily in the first section of the Enchiridion, “Oraisons de Leon

Pape,” which includes the Sept Oraisons Mystérieuses.177 He appears again in the introduction to several protective orisons in the second section, “Contre les perils du monde.”178 In these latter orisons, all the introductions mentioning Leo put him alongside

Charlemagne. Leo does not appear as a lone character, even in his letter. The pope seems to have only been brought into the Grimoire by association with Charlemagne.179 The historical event of the coronation was the perfect, and reasonably believable, moment when such a text

175 Reinburg, 199. 176 Raymon Davis, trans. & ed., The Lives of the Eighth-Century Popes, (Liverpool: Liverpool University Press, 1992), 173. 177 Refer to Appendix 1: Indices. 178 Refer to Appendix 1: Indices. 179 Again, Leo was previously associated with the legends of Charlemagne in the Horæ; refer to Reinburg, 199 and Duffy b, 273. 46

could exchange hands. As stated several times before, Leo’s function was for legitimacy and little else. Like Honorius, Leo was drawn into legend; however, according to the legends,

Honorius was the magician while Leo only fulfilled a religious role. With the exception of the coronation, Leo was left out of the romances and the mainstream memory of

Charlemagne. He was remembered as a pope and as a supplicant to the Frankish king.180

This paints a picture of the Church bending to the will of a powerful a king, just as the

Enchiridion portrays a portrait of the Church and religious texts fulfilling a mystical function.

As opposed to being a strictly religious prayer for the defender of the faith, the Enchiridion is a magical means to fulfil Leo’s promise to protect the king.

Since the Church is seen as being so malleable in both the coronation event and in its invocation in the Grimoire, it is curious that there is little other political, nationalistic, or religious distortion in the text. The composition of the Grimoire in French, as mentioned in

Chapter 1, is also a possible nationalistic tie; however, it would have been diminished once publication occurred outside of France. The only other aspect of the Enchiridion that could potentially be nationalistic is the Charlemagne letter also mentioned earlier in Chapter 1 that seems to have first appeared in 1633. A desire for a political connection to the emperor at the time might be the reason for its sudden appearance. It also demonstrated further that the legends of Charlemagne were capable of being more powerful than those of a dependant pope. Attributing the publication of the Enchiridion the 1523/1525 could also contain covert meanings, but more likely only to provide legitimacy to the Grimoire. Overall, the Grimoire was not composed or published to fill a political or nationalistic role, apart from possibility of the French connection and Charlemagne’s letter. The text is primarily Christian magic

180 He was even said to have bowed before Charlemagne after crowning him emperor. Davis, 173. 47

written as a religious Horæ that, over decades, shed its outward disguise and showed itself in its true mystical form.181

The Legends, Images, & the Enchiridion

Due to there being many legends of Charlemagne transferred by the Horæ, literature, and cultural memory, the writer of the Enchiridion had to be selective and pick ones that formed a coherent story. The two prominent legends are the king’s imperial rule, or conquest, over Constantinople and his coronation. When Charlemagne was crowned Holy

Roman Emperor in the West, he was not the emperor of the East, nor did he ever venture there.182 Though there was epistolary contact and envoys sent between the empires,

Charlemagne did not have any direct role with the East beyond the signing of a treaty for cooperation between the East and West and condemning their adoration of images, as mentioned earlier.183 Albeit a strange legend for those reasons, the Constantinople legend was popular and appeared in numerous Horæ, scrolls, and the Enchiridion itself.184 The coronation inspired the legend, as mentioned earlier, where the Enchiridion was presented to

Charlemagne. Without the coronation, the Enchiridion loses the story of its origin.

The legends behind the characters of the Enchiridion affect more than just its creation and transformation; they also affect the contents of the Grimoire from the orisons to the images. Everything in the Enchiridion was included for a reason, just as different images appear in subsequent editions than before. They reflect both the time in which they appear as well as the legends of the men behind them. As there are many different images among the five editions used here, so the discussion will focus on four specific images and the legend that ties them together.

181 As seen in the 1660 and 1740 editions which include Cabalistic references, Solomonic and ciphered sigils, etc. 182 Reinburg, 199. 183 Dutton, 26. 184 For an example from the Horæ, refer to Reinburg, 198-199; from the scrolls, refer to Bühler, 276-277 & 276 fn. 47; from the Enchiridion, refer to Pope Leo III a, 133. 48

The four particular images in the Grimoire that may point to the legend of the king and Constantinople are: the Chi Rho, the Tau Cross, and the Wound and Height of Christ.185

The first image in the Enchiridion connected with Constantinople is the Chi Rho, mentioned first in Chapter 1. Although a very popular symbol, it also holds mystical value due to its legend of Constantine and the Battle of the Milvian Bridge where he won using the Chi Rho as a protective sign. Since Constantine was also the emperor in Constantinople, the image has a clear connection to that city. It is then connected to Charlemagne by this legendary association with Constantinople and the image’s use as a protective charm. The second image that is connected to Constantinople is the Tau Cross. In the Enchiridion, the image does not appear as the typical T as seen in its common depictions in churches and texts. As it appears in the Grimoire, it contains the full name of Christ in Greek and forms the letters

ΧΡΙΣΤΟΣ.186 Because it spells out the Greek name for Christ, the Tau Cross has also become converted into another version of the Chi Rho. Since the Tau Cross was also used often as a protective charm, and could be seen in scrolls that mention Charlemagne and Constantinople, i.e., Harley Roll T.11, it too draws in the legend of the king and the West Roman capital.

The two images in the Enchiridion that include a written version of the legend of how they came from Constantinople with Charlemagne are the Wound and Height of Christ. The

Wound, which was discussed more fully in Chapter 1, is described as holding virtues to protect its bearer against enemies.187 The symbol of the Height of Christ, which appears in the 1633, 1660, and 1740 editions, is also associated with Constantinople. The legend that appeared with the Wound in the scrolls and the Grimoire was also attributed to the image of the Height of Christ. The legend states that both images were brought from Constantinople in a golden cross or case by Charlemagne. While the image of the Wound only protects against

185 Figures 1, 5, 6, & 7. 186 It appears as bIEToE when looking directly at the Cross itself. Its inversion in the 1584 edition may have been an attempt to put the Rho upright. 187 In the 1584 edition, it is immediately followed by the Orison of St. Bernard (Pope Leo III a, 134), who was responsible for mounting the First Crusade. 49

enemies, the image of the Height of Christ protects against several things, including “mort subite,” “fléches,” and a woman in “danger de son accouchement.”188 Because the image of the Height of Christ is associated with childbirth, it harkens back to the Horæ and scrolls from which the legend of Charlemagne and Constantinople frequently appeared.

The memories of who Charlemagne and Leo were and what they stood for produced legends and writings throughout the Middle Ages and early modern period. The king’s prominence allowed him to garner strange associations, such as the legend of him as the emperor of Constantinople. The images of the Enchiridion reflect both the legends that inspired them and the medieval and ancient sources they came from. They further add to the mysticism of the Grimoire with some of the images having hidden meanings, e.g., the Bone

Triple Cross. Combining magic and legend with historical figures is still as popular today in fiction as it was when the Chanson was composed. However, today these legends are seen as fictional and are no longer potentially believable stories wielding magical power. It should now be clear, though, that magic, legend, and memory legitimised texts during the Middle

Ages and early modern periods for both the practitioners and the authorities trying to stop them. These constructs also moved the historical figures and their grimoires from the world of mysticism into one of myth.

Conclusion

“Sexto, fide et taciturnitate opus est futuro mago, maximè ut nihil proferat secretorum, quæ à spiritu sibi interdicuntur, sicut Daniel mandantur. Sigillanda quædam, hoc est non proferenda in publicum. Sic neque Paulo liberum erat quæ viderat in revelatione ut propalaret. Nemo crediderit quantum in hoc unico præcepto situm sit.”189

188 Pope Leo III b, 165. 189 Arbatel de Magia Veterum, (Basel, 1575), Aphorism 39, 67. 50

The Enchiridion grew out of a tradition of charms and prayers that had significant importance in the Horæ.190 The Grimoire’s inception only occurred in the sixteenth century, carrying with it the influence of medieval magic and the contemporary De Occulta

Philosophia. There is no doubt that the Enchiridion is not a product of Pope Leo and

Charlemagne or even from the ninth century. It is very possible that some of the texts contained in the Grimoire derive from early or high medieval prayers; however, they, like

Charlemagne and Leo’s legends, have been moulded by the culture and memories of the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries.191

The hunt for an original Enchiridion as a magical text can be concluded with the Lyon

1584 edition unless an earlier edition or Proto-Enchiridion manuscript is found. The 1584 edition contains the first example of the core set of orisons and images transferred in all subsequent editions of the Grimoire. To discover the origin of the orisons and images within the Enchiridion, the field of Horæ must be fully examined. Without doing so, though, it can also be concluded that the Enchiridion is a grimoire made up of high-late medieval charms and prayers. The Grimoire reduced the array of variant Charlemagne prayers found in the

Horæ192 to a set of coherent legends and orisons.

The Enchiridion becomes a myth itself by creating a pope knowledgeable of magic and a king, who had vehemently forbade magic in his kingdom193, using the text with utmost devotion. The efficacy of the orisons and prayers of the Grimoire has not been challenged here and they have even had continual use from the Middle Ages to the First World War.194

What this paper has done is deconstructed the myth of the Enchiridion and discovered that it

190 Duffy a, 76; b, 273. 191 Waite, 46. 192 The variation is exemplified in Reinburg, 198-201; Duffy a, 77 & 140; Duffy b, 273; and BL SLMS 3851, f. 9b. 193 Charlemagne, Capitulare Paderbrunnense, found in: H.R. Loyn & John Percival, The Reign of Charlemagne, (London: Edward Arnold Ltd, 1975), 52-53. 194 Duffy a, 77. 51

comes as the final stage of legends based upon older legends; the legends that created the memories of the Pope and King and created the Enchiridion Leonis Papæ.

52

APPENDIX I INDICES Manuel ou, Enchiridion, de pières (Lyon, 1584) Language: Latin/French TEXT:1 1. Saints days for every day of the month2; Latin (pp. iii-xvi) 2. The Beginning of St. John the Evangelist; Latin (pp. 1-2) 3. The Penitential Psalms; Latin (pp. 3-21) 4. Litanies of the Saints & Prayers; Latin (pp.22-31) 5. Letter from Pope Leo to Emperor Charlemagne3; French (pp.31-33) 6. The Beginning of St. John the Evangelist; Latin (pp.33-35) 7. The Seven Mysterious Orisons4; Latin (pp. 36-42) 8. Orisons Against the Perils of the World; French headers/Orisons in Latin (pp. 43- 116?) a. Orison Against the Adversities of the World (pp. 52-53) b. Orison of Great Virtue (pp. 53-56) c. Tau Cross Explanation & Orison (pp. 63-66) d. Orisons of Pope Leo to the Emperor Charlemagne (pp. 96-111) e. Orison of Adam (pp. 109-110) f. Orison of St. Augustine (pp. 111-116) 9. Orison of St. Cyprian; Latin (pp. 118-125) 10. Orison of St. Michael; Latin (p. 127) 11. Devotional Orisons; Latin (pp. 127-148) a. Orison of St. Bernard (pp. 134-135) b. Orison of St. Gregory (p. 135) 12. Orison of the Venerable Bede; Latin (pp. 137-148) 13. Paraphrase sur le Libera Me Domine de mortæ æterna; Latin (pp. 149-153) 14. Devotional Orison to God; Latin (pp. 153-155) 15. General Confession; French (pp. 156-156) 16. Manuel de Confession du S. Nom de Deu; French/Latin (pp. 156-170) 17. Orisons of St. Bridget; Latin (pp. 171-180) 18. Devotional Orisons; Latin (180-189) IMAGES: 1. Constantine Chi Rho Pentacle (pp. 0 & 94)5 2. Tau Cross6 (p. 63) 3. Bone Triple Cross7 (p. 67) 4. Ananizapta8 (p. 90) 5. Wound of Christ9 (p. 133)

1 The pages on the scanned copy skip from 69 to 90; later the pages skip from 135 to 148 to return to after page 155 to page 136-137 then back to 148. During the second ship, the Orison of Bede continues from 137-148. 2 Certain names appear in red. 3 The whole letter appears in red. 4 While it is clear that these are the Seven Mysterious Orisons, they have neither introduction nor any division between specific days and appear as one, solid text. 5 The pentacle present on page 0 (cover page) is in red; the one on page 94 appears in black. 6 The Tau Cross appears in red and upside down. 7 Appears in red and black overlapping. 8 While the two magic words that appear here are attached to a sigil in later editions, there is no sigil but only the words and crosses. It appears thus: A G

Ananizapta. Johazath

53

Enchiridon Leonis Papæ Imperatori Carolo Magno (Mainz, 1633) Language: Latin/French TEXT:10 1. Saints days for every day of the month; French (pp. i-xvii) 2. The history of the Enchiridion; French (pp. 1-4) 3. Letter from the Emperor Charlemagne to Pope Leo; Latin (pp. 5-6) 4. Contents of the Enchiridion; French (pp. 6-8) 5. Instructions on using the Enchiridion; French (pp. 8-13) 6. The Beginning of St. John the Evangelist; Latin (pp. 13-15) 7. The Penitential Psalms; Latin (pp. 16-30) 8. Litanies of the Saints; Latin (pp. 31-37) 9. Orisons of Pope Leo; French headers/Orisons in Latin (pp. 37-77) a. The Seven Mysterious Orisons; Latin (pp. 43-54) 10. Orisons Against the Perils of the World; Latin/French (78-145) a. Orison of the Venerable Bede; Latin (pp. 130-132) b. Devotional Orison to God; French (pp. 132) 11. Devotional Orisons; Latin (pp. 146-165) 12. Mystical Secrets; French (pp. 165-189) 13. Key and Index of the Orisons and Mystical Secrets contained in this Book; French (pp. 190-193) 14. Index; French (pp. 194-203)11 a. Benediction; French (p. 194) b. Index (pp. 195-203)

IMAGES: 1. Constantine Chi Rho Pentacle (pp. 0, 13, 70, 89, 99, 104, 122, 163, 203) 2. Judas Maccabeus Hebrew Pentacle (pp. 16. 119) 3. Soteris Star Pentacle (pp. 63, 136) 4. Michael Sigil/Pentacle (pp. 78, 125) 5. Tau Cross (pp. 84, 155) 6. Gabriel Sigil/Pentacle (p. 95) 7. Keyhole (p. 109) 8. SERPENS (p. 114) 9. Wound of Christ (pp. 129, 183) 10. Height of Christ (p. 164)

9 Appears in black with red underlay within the wound. 10 There is a discrepancy within this printing of the Mainz, 1633 edition held at the Wellcome Library, London (from which this index is based) and the Mainz, 1633 edition held at Vanderbilt University, Nashville in that the pages contain the same information, however the copy at Vanderbilt contains 214 pages whilst the Wellcome version only contains 203. 11 pp. 198-203 bound in incorrect order 54

Enchiridion du Pape Léon (Rome, 1660)12 Language: French TEXT: 1. To the Wise Cabalists (pp. 1-3) 2. The Beginning of St. John the Evangelist (pp. 5-6) 3. The Penitential Psalms (pp. 6-15) 4. Letter from Pope Leo to the Emperor Charlemagne (pp. 16-19) 5. Orisons of Pope Leo (pp. 20-71) a. The Seven Mysterious Orisons (pp. 26-39) 6. Devotional Orison to God (pp. 72-75) 7. Explanation of the Figure of the Height of Christ (p. 76) 8. Letter to Jesus from Abagar (pp. 77-78) 9. Explanation of the Arrow Chi Rho Pentacle (pp. 78) 10. Letter to Agabar from Jesus (pp. 79-82) 11. Orisons continued (pp. 83-121) a. Orison of St. Cyprian (pp. 108-115) 12. Mystical Secrets I (pp. 122-145) 13. Mystical Secrets II (pp. 146-151) 14. Mystical Secrets III (pp. 152-168)

IMAGES:13 1. Triangular Hebrew Pentacle (pp. 0, 122) 2. Constantine Chi Rho Pentacle (p. 4) 3. Judas Maccabeus Hebrew Pentacle (pp. 5, 106) 4. Psalm Sigils14 (p. 36) 5. Soteris Star Pentacle (p. 42) 6. Michael Sigil/Pentacle (p. 52) 7. Tau Cross (p. 60) 8. Bone Triple Cross (p. 65) 9. Height of Christ (p. 76) 10. Arrow Chi Rho Pentacle (p. 78) 11. Keyhole (p. 90) 12. SERPENS (p. 94) 13. Candle/Luminaries? (p. 99) 14. Sword/“Deo duce ferro comite” (p. 102) 15. Rhythm (p. 105) 16. Gabriel Sigil/Pentacle (p. 111) 17. Wound of Christ (p. 120) 18. Raphael Sigil/Pentacle (p. 121)

12 The printing this is taken from is from a reprint from Clemacy, 2009. 13 The images have been interspersed within the book, placed on the page next to the one they refer to. From this it is most likely that the images were originally contained at the beginning of the book, similar to the 1740 edition. 14 These sigils are not placed with the Psalms in this version of the Enchiridion, instead they are found in the middle of the Orison for Friday. Cecchetelli places these same sigils with the Psalms in the 2011 edition, which makes more sense than their placement in this edition. 55

Enchiridion Leonis Papæ (Ancona, 1667) Language: Latin/French15 TEXT: 1. Table of Changing Feasts & Saints’ Days; French (pp. 1-7) 2. Table of the Rising of the Sun for Italy & France; French (p. 8) 3. History of the Enchiridion; French (pp. 9-12 4. Letter from the Emperor Charlemagne to Pope Leo; Latin (pp. 12-13) 5. Contents of the Enchiridion; French (pp. 13-14) 6. Instructions in using the Book; French (pp. 15-20) 7. The Beginning of St. John the Evangelist; Latin (pp. 21-22) 8. The Penitential Psalms; Latin (pp. 23-37) 9. Litanies of the Saints & Prayers; Latin (pp. 37-49) 10. Letter from Pope Leo to the Emperor Charlemagne; Latin (pp. 50-52) 11. The Beginning of St. John the Evangelist; Latin (pp. 53-54) 12. The Seven Mysterious Orisons16; Latin (pp. 55-65) 13. Orisons of the Greatest Devotion; Latin (65-78) 14. Orisons against all perils of the world; Latin (pp. 79-131) a. Orison of the Greatest Devotion for Journeying (pp. 87-90) b. Letters from Agabar and Jesus (pp. 106-109) c. Orison of St. Veronica (pp. 126-127) 15. Orisons of St. Augustine; Latin (pp. 131-136 & 137-139) 16. Praise Song of David; Latin (pp. 139-140) 17. Praise Song of Simeon; Latin (pp. 141-142) 18. Orison of St. Cyprian; Latin (pp. 142-154) a. The Names of God (p. 151) b. The Names of Mary (p. 152) 19. Index; French (pp. 155-158)

IMAGES:17 1. Constantine Chi Rho Pentacle (pp. 53 & 106)18 2. Soteris Star Pentacle (p. 79) 3. Michael Sigil/Pentacle (p. 87) 4. Tau Cross (p. 92) 5. Bone Triple Cross (p. 97) 6. Raphael Sigil/Pentacle (p. 102)19 7. Gabriel Sigil/Pentacle (p. 110)20 8. Sword/GVARIRA (p. 115)21 9. Wound of Christ (p. 119)22 10. Candle/Luminaries? (p. 124) 11. Judas Maccabeus Pentacle (p. 137)

15 Unlike the 1584 and 1633 editions which contain both Latin and French, the majority of the text in this edition is in Latin, including all the headers. The notes on the language in this index will be for the language the entire section is in. 16 While it is clear that these are the Seven Mysterious Orisons, they have neither introduction nor any division between specific days and appear as one, solid text. 17 There are several smaller woodcuts that appear throughout the book, these are not included. 18 This image appears in red ink. 19 This image is the first appearance of red ink in the book. 20 This image appears in red ink. 21 This image appears in red. 22 This images appears in red and is printed sideways. 56

Enchiridon Leonis Papæ Imperatori Carolo Magno (Rome, 1740)23 Language: French TEXT: 1. Images (pp. iii-xv) 2. To the Reader (pp. 1-9) 3. Instructions on using the Enchiridion (pp. 11-14) 4. To the Wise Cabalists (pp. 15-16) 5. The Beginning of St. John the Evangelist (pp. 17-18) 6. The Penitential Psalms (pp. 18-23) 7. Letter from Pope Leo to the Emperor Charlemagne (pp. 24-26) 8. Orisons of Pope Leo (pp. 26-58) a. The Seven Mysterious Orisons (pp. 30-38) 9. Explanation of some of the images (pp. 61-62) 10. Orisons continued (pp. 62-87) a. Orison of St. Cyprian (pp. 78-83) 11. Mystical Secrets I (pp. 87-98) 12. Mystical Secrets II (pp. 98-101) 13. Mystical Secrets III (pp. 101-104) 14. Conclusion (p. 105) 15. Index (pp. 106-108)

IMAGES:24 1. SERPENS (p. iii – 11) 2. Psalm Sigils (p. iv – 19, 19, 20, 20, 21, 22, 23) 3. Height of Christ (p. vi – 61) 4. Arrow Chi Rho Pentacle (p. vi – 62) 5. Michael Sigil/Pentacle (p. vii – 68) 6. Charlemagne (p. vii) 7. Sword/“Deo duce ferro comite” (p. xi – 71) 8. O Theos/Secret Mystique (p. xii – 87) 9. Sol/Luminaries? (p. xv – 93) 10. Raphael Sigil/Pentacle (p. xv – 83)

23 This printing this is taken from is a reprint from Paris, 19th century. 24 The page numbers given are both the pages the images are found (Roman numerals) and the pages they images refer to (standard numbers) 57

APPENDIX II Figures

Figure Source Figure 1 – Constantine Chi Rho Pentacle Enchiridion/De Occulta Philosophia

Figure 2 – Soteris Star Pentacle Enchiridion/De Occulta Philosophia

Figure 3 – Judas Maccabeus Pentacle Enchiridion/De Occulta Philosophia

Figure 4 – Michael Sigil/Pentacle Enchiridion/De Occulta Philosophia

Figure 5 – Tau Cross Enchiridion

Figure 6 – Wound of Christ Enchiridion/Horæ/BL HR T.11

Figure 7 – Height of Christ Enchiridion

Figure 8 – Sword/”Deo Duce Ferro Comite” Enchiridion/WL WMS 4656

Figure 9 – Bone Triple Cross Enchiridion

Figure 10 – Job Cipher Based on De Occulta Philosophia

Note on the Figures: To find the edition of the Enchiridion each figure is in, refer to Appendix 1: Indices. When a figure appears in one edition of the Enchiridion, it is very similar to the other times it appears with some minor stylistic differences; therefore, only one example of each figure is provided.

58

Figure 1 Figure 21 Figure 3

Figure 4 Figure 5 Figure 6

Figure 7 Figure 82

1 The text in Figure 2 and Figure 3 are from Agrippa c, b.3, ch.31, 564 where it is the clearest example since the Enchiridion often distorts the characters. 59

Figure 9

Figure 103

2 In the Enchiridion all that appears is the sword and banner without the circles, outer writing, or mystical symbols. 3 For the chart of nine cells this cipher is based on, refer to Agrippa c, b.3, ch.30, 561. 60

APPENDIX III Les Sept Oraisons Mistérieuses1

Here are the Seven Mysterious Orisons that must be said during the week.1

FOR SUNDAY Pater noster, &c.2 Libera me Domine quæso famulum tuum N. ab omnibus malis præteritis, præsentibus & futuris, tam animæ, quam corporis, & intercedente beata & gloriosa semperque vigine Dei genitrice Maria, & beatis Apostolis tuis Petro & Paulo, atque Andræ, cum omnibus sanctis tuis, da propitius pacem mihi famulo tuo N. sanitatem in omnibus diebus meis : ut ope misericordiæ tuæ adiustus à peccato sim semper liber, & ab omni perturbatione secures. Per eiusdem Dominum nostrum Iesum Christum filium tuum, qui tecum vivit & regnat in unitate spiritus sancti Deus. Per omnia sæcula sæculorum. Amen. Pax illa tua Domine cɶlestis, quam discipulis reliquisti semper maneat firmat in corde meo : & sit semper inter me & inimicos meos tuam visibiles quam invisibiles. Amen. Pax Domini, vultus Domini, corpus Domini, sanguis Domoni Iesu Chrtisi sit mihi N. peccatori adiutor, propitius protector, & defendor, & consolatory animæ meæ & corporis mei. Amen. Agnus Dei, qui de virgine Maria dignatus es nasci, tollens in cruce peccata mundi, miserere corporis & animæ meæ. Agnus Dei, Christus immolates pro salute mundi, miserere corporis & animæ meæ. Agnus Dei per quem salvantur cuncti fideles, da mihi in hoc sæculo & in futuro sempiternam pacem. Amen.

FOR MONDAY O Adonay per quem omnia liberata sunt, libera me ab omni malo. O Adonay per quem omnia consolata sunt, consola me. O Adonay per quem omnia adiuta sunt, adiuva me in omnibus nec essitatibus, angustis, negotiis, periculis, & à quibuscumque lamationibus meis, & de omnibus insidiis inimicorum meorum visibilium & invisibilium, libera me.  In nomine Partis, qui totum mundum creavit.  In nomine Filii, qui totum mundum redemit.  In nomine spiritus sancti qui totam legem adimplevit, commendo me totum. Amen.  Benedicto Dei Patris omnipotentis, & Filii, & spiritus sancti sit semper mecum. Amen.  Benedictio Dei patris omnipotentis, qui omnia ex solo verbo fecit,3 sit semper mecum. Amen.  Benedicto Domini nostril Iesu Christi filii Dei vivi, sit semper mecum. Amen.  Benedictio Spiritus sancti cum septem donis suis4, sit semper mecum. Amen.  Benedictio beatæ Mariæ virginis cum filio sup, sit semper mecum. Amen.  Benedictio & consecratio panis & vini quem Dominus noster Iesus Christus fecit, quando dedit discipulis suis dicens.5

FOR TUESDAY Accipite & comedite ex hoc omnes. Hoc est corpus meum, quod pro vobis tradetur in meam commemorationem, & in remissionem omnium peccatorum, sit semper mecum.6 Amen.  Benedictio Angelorum & Archangelorum, virtutum, principatuum, thronorum,

1 In text: “Voici les Sept Oraisons mistérieuses que l’on doit dire pendant la Semaine.” 2 Matthew 6:9-13. 3 John 1:1-3. 4 Isaiah 11:2-3. 5 Combination of Matthew 26:26 & 27. 6 Matthew 26:26.

61

dominationum, Cherubim, Seraphim7, sit semper mecum. Amen.  Benedictio Patriarchum, Prophetarum, Apostolorum, Martirum, Confessorum, Virginum, & omnium sanctorum Dei, sit semper mecum. Amen.  Benedictiones omnium cɶlorum Dei, sint semper mecum. Amen.  Imperialis Maiestas protegat me, sempiterna bonitas regat me. Inextinguibilis charitas inflammet me. Immensa deitas dirigat me. Sapientia filii vivi ficet me. Virtus Spiritus sancti sit semper inter me, & omnes inimicos meos visibiles & invisibiles. Amen. Potestas patris confirma me. Sapient filii illumina me. Consolatio spiritus sancti consola me. Pater est pax : Filius est vita : spiritus sanctus est remedium consolationis & salutis. Amen. Divinitas Dei benedicat me. Amen. Humanitas sua confortet me. Amen. Pietas eius foveat me. Amor eius conservet me. O Iesu Christe filii Dei vivi. Miserere mihi peccator.

FOR WEDNESAY O Emanuel, ab hoste malign, & ab omnibus inimicis visibilius & invisibilius, & ab omni malo defende me. Christus rex venit in pace. Dues homo factus est, qui pro nobis clementer passus est. Iesus Christus rex pacificus sit semper inter me & inimicos meos. Amen.  Christus vincit  Christus regnat  Christus imperat.  Christus ab omni male me defendat semper. Amen. Iesus Christus imperare dignetus me esse triumphatorum omnium adversatorium meorum. Amen. Ecce crucem Domini nostril IesuChristi, fugite partes adversæ. Vicit Leo de tribu Iuda : radix David8 alleluia, alleluia.9 Salvator mundi salva & adiuva me, qui per crucem & sanguine tuum pretiosissimum redemisti me, auxiliare mihi te deprecor. Dues meus. O agios.  O Theos  Agios ischyros  Agios athanatos10  eleison hyma Sanctus Deus, sanctus11 fortis, sanctus misericors & immortalis, miserere mei N. famulo tuo, adiutor meus esto Domine, ne derelinquas me, neque despicias me, Deus salutaris meus : sed semper in adiutorium meum intende Domine Deus salutis meæ.

FOR THURSDAY Illumina oculos meos, ne unquam obdormiam in morte12 : neque dicat inimicus meus prævalui adversus eum, Dominus sit mihi adiutor, & non timebo quid faciat mihi homo13. Libera me benignissime Iesu Christe, custody me, adiuva me. In nomine Iesu omne genuflectatur, cɶlestium, terrestrium, & infernorum, & omnis lingua confiteatur, quia Dominus noster Iesus Christus est in Gloria Dei patris. Amen. Scio verissime Iesu quod in quacumque die & hora invocavero te salvus ero. Clementissime Domine Iesu Christe filii Dei vivi qui in virtute tio prætiosissimi nominis tanta miracula fecisti, & operates fuisti : & tam copiosam medelam indigentibus dedisti, quia in ipsus virtute dæmones fugiebat, cæci videbant, surdi audiebant, claudi ambulabant, multi loquebantur, leprosy curabantur, infirmi sanabantur, & mortui suscitabantur : nam quando tui dulcissimi filii nomen Iesu nominator, melos in aure auditor, mel in ore sentitur14, dæmon effugatur, omne genuflectitur, cælestia lætantur, pravæ tentationes extirpantur, omnes infirmitates curantur, multæ indulgentiæ

7 Changed from “Cherumbin” and “Seraphin” to “Cherubim” and “Seraphim.” 8 Revelations 5:5 & Genesis 49:9. 9 The second “alleluia” was changed from “allel.” All other editions contain “alleluia” repeated three times, which is more in accordance with popular tradition. 10 The Trisagion. Also relating to Revelations 4:8. 11 Changed from “santus” to “sanctus.” 12 Psalm 12:4. Vulgate. 13 Hebrews 13:6. 14 Psalm 118:103. Vulgate. 62

lucrantur, rixæ quæ sunt inter mundum & carnem & diabolum tolluntur, & universa alia bona subsequuntur : quia quicumque15 invocaverit nomen Domini, salvus erit : quod vocatum est ab angelo priusquam in utero conciperetur.

FOR FRIDAY O nomen dulce, nomen confortans cor hominis; nomen vitæ, salutis & lætitiæ; nomen prætiosum, gaudiosum, gloriosum & gratiosum; nomen confortans peccatorem; nomen salvans, regens, gubernans totem rerum machinam. Ergo piissime Iesu placeat tibi ut in eadem prætiosissima virtute nominis tui facias à me dæmonem fugere : illumine me cælum, clarifica me surdum, derige me claudum, fac loqui me mutum, cura me leprosum, sana me infirmum, suscita me mortuum, & circunda me totum, intus & extra, ut in tuo sacratissimo nomine munitus possim in te semper vivere, te laudando, te honorando : qui talibus es dignus : quia tu es ille gloriosissimus, Dominus atque sempiternus Dei filius, in quo, & ad quem, & per quem omnia lætantur, atque gubernantur : tibi laus, tibi honor, tibi Gloria in sempiterna sæcula. Amen. Iesus sit semper in corde meo. Iesus sit semper in omnibus visceribus meis. Amen. Dominus Deus Iesus Christus apud me sit, ut me reficiat : circa me sit, ut me conservet : ante me sit, ut me ducat : post me sit, ut me custodiat : super me sit, ut me benedicat : intra me sit, ut me vivificet : iuxta me sit, ut me regat : supra me sit, ut me muniat : mecum semper sit, ut auferat à me omnem pɶnam æternæ mortis, qui cum patre & spiritu sancto vivit & regnat per omnia sæcula sæculorum. Amen.

FOR SATURDAY Iesus Mariæ filius, mundi salus, & Dominus sit mihi Clemens & propitius mentem sanctam, spontaneam, honorem Deo, & partiæ liberationem : & nemo in eum misit manum, quia nondum venerat hora eius : qui est, qui erat, qui erit semper α & ω, Deus & homo, principum & finis, sit mihi ista invocation æterna protection. Amen. Iesus Nazarenus Rex Iudæorum, titulus triumphalis, filius Mariæ virginis, misere mihi peccatori N. dirige me secundum tuam clementiam in ventura errant super eum, processit & dixit illis, quem quæritis? Responderunt, Iesum Nazarenum. Dixit eis Iesus. Ego sum. Stabat autem & Iudas qui tradebat eum cum ipsis, ut ergo dixit eis Iesus, ego sum : abierunt retrorsum & ceciderunt in terram. Iterum autem interrogavit eos, quem quæritis? Illi autem dixerunt, Iesum Nazarenum. Respondit Iesus, dixi vobis quia ego sum. Si ergo me quæritis, finite hos abire.16 Lancea crux, clavi, spinæ, mors quæ toleravi : demonstrantque ut ego miserorum criminalavi vulneribus pannisme subtrahe ruinis. Christe vulnera quinque Dei, sunt semper medicina mei.  Iesus est via.  Iesus est vita.  Iesus est veritas.  Iesus est passus.  Iesus Christe fili Dei vivi miserere mei.  Iesus autem transens per medium illorum ibat17, & nemo injecit manus violentas in Iesum, quia nondum venerat hora eius.

15 Changed from “quicunque” to “quicumque.” 16 John 18:4-8. 17 Luke 4:29-30. 63

APPENDIX IV The Letters of Charlemagne & Pope Leo III

Manuel ou, Enchiridion, de pières (Lyon, 1584)1 Letter from Pope Leo to the Emperor Charlemagne Sainte Leon Pape compra & ordonna l’oraison suivante de plusicuis dits & ordonnantes de nostre mere S. Eglise & envoya à Charles Magne, disant, si vous croyez fermement †et se† oraison, la †disaut chasque jour avec devotion en vostre maison ou en guerre ou en la mer, ou en quelque lieu que vous soyez, nul de vos ennomis ne prevandra contre vous, vous serez invincible, & vous serez exempt de tout mal heur, au nom du pere ou fils & du s. Espirit. ainsi soit il, pour obliger le dis Charle Magne par une secrete & mysterieuse devotion il feit escrire en lettres d’or la dite oraison qu’il porta sur luy avec grand respect, c’este oraison est de grande vertu, & si les homes sçavoient à quoy elle est bonne, ils croy roiēt que est pour les astraindre davātage au respect de Jesus-Christ, & son Eglise, & partans ils la diroient tousjours avec devotion, car il ne se trouve personne qui la disāt aye esté delaisse en ses advesitez, & qui n’aye fait bonne sin, ce qui est experimenté & tous ceux qui ont usé de ceste oraison, n’ont jamais esté compus sur la rove, ny mutilez de leurs membres, sçachane que cest en l’honneur de Jesus Christ & de sat res glorieuse mere la Vierge Marie qu’il va disant ceste oraison, qui feit qu’il ne mourra ce jour là ny de seu ny fer ny par eau, ny mort soudaine, & le diable ne †poutra rien contre loy ny jour ny †nuier; ny en cheminant ou reposant, ny en guerre n’y en pais : Car elle est bonne contre la tempest & contre le tonnerre, la disant sur †un torre d’eau Benite & l’aspergeant en l’air fai sant la croi , & tout à coup le tempeste cessera, & en la me la disant par trois fois, il n’y aura †avec a danger de la tourmente, & si quelque personne se seroit donné au diable par pa ete magique estant dicte trois fois sur luy estant une chandelle beniste, elle sera delivrée. Anise est il d’une pauvre femme enceiente lor de son accouchement disant la dicte oraison par trois fois sur elle avec la mesme ceremonie d’une chandelle beniste, elle sera delivrez, de mesme est il d’un voyageur, la dira à son despart par trois fois, & s’il †meurt son ame sero sauvée & irà avec Jesus Christ. C’est oraison est approuvée par pleasiuers digne de loy, elle sert grandement pour astraindre les personnes au respect de l’Eglise, & a esté instirvée & inventée par S. Leon Pape, qui a trouvé bon d’acroiste ainsi la Religion.2

Enchiridion Leonis Papæ Imperatori Carolo Magno (Mainz, 1633) Letter from the Emperor Charlemagne to Pope Leo Carolus magnus Gallorum & Germaniæ Imperator felicissimus, Dei gratiâ & efficaciâ pretissi libelli à sanctissimo Domino Leone Papa Pontifice maximo sibi in munusculum dati, grates amplissimas reddens. Summe Antistitum Antistites, plus debeo Sanctitati tuæ pro libello quem octo ab hinc menses ad nos misisti, quam naturæ pro imperio ad quod me absque alio adminiculo exaltavit. Mira etenim per hunc mirabilem libellum sum expertus, quæ vires omnino naturæ superant. Mors quippè fugit, dissipantur hostes; fiunt immobiles in me conjurati; venena nihil prosunt,

1 All appropriate “I”s and “U”s have been changed to “J”s and “V”s. Writing is as it appears in the edition, so many contractions and words are left without the appropriate apostrophes or accents. All † represent words that are difficult to make out in the text. 2 Pope Leo III a, 31-33.

64

cultelli, eníes/enles; uno verbo dicam, tonitrua, sempestates, grandines & omnia quæ in rerum natura sunt nociva, ad præsentiam tui parvuli codicis enervantur. Aureis idcirco illum caracteribus inscribili jussi, & semper mecum defero & pro opportunitate lego, cum ea reverentia quam adhibere decet, juxta commendationem mihi à sanctitate tua injunctam. Cæterùm impar est gratitude mea muneri tuo; unum mihi solùm superset, ut me totum, tibi Imperium meum devoveam in perpetuum. Valeas ad multos annos, & honore que dignus es, & bonis spiritualibus & temporaneis cumuleris. CAROLUS, qui suprà.3

Enchiridion du Pape Léon (Rome, 1660)4 Letter from Pope Leo to the Emperor Charlemagne Envoyé comme un rare présent au Très-Sérénissime Charles-le-Grand, Empereur. Saint-Léon, Pape, a rassemblé et mis par ordre l’Oraison suivante des propres paroles et preceptes des notre Mère sainte Eglise, et l’envoya à Charlemagne, disant : si vous croyez fermemant, sans vous mettre en doute, que chaque jour que vous réciterez avec dévotion l’Oraison suivantem et la porterez sur vous avec respect, soit dans la maison, soit dans la guerre, sa sur mer ou dans quelque lieu que vous soyez, aucun de vos ennemis n’aura l’avantage sur vous; vous serez invincible et delivré des plus méchantes infirmités et de toutes adversités. Au nom de Notre-Seigneur Jésus-Christ, ainsi soit-il : et en faveur et mémoire du même Roi Charles, il la fit écrire en lettres d’or, la quelle il à toujours portée sur lui avec grand soin et le dernier respect et dévotion. Ainsi aucun mortel ne pourra exprimer les vertus de cette Oraison. Si les hommes en connaissaient l’excellence et la vertu, ils la réciteraient chaque jour avec grande dévotion, et ne la quitteraient jamais de dessus eux, d’autant qu’il ne se trouve personne au monde qui, l’ayant récitée, ait été abandonée de Dieu dans tous ses besoins et nécessités, et qu’il ne soit venu à son but, en finissant heureusment ses jours; l’expérience incontestable l’a fait connaître à plusieurs, ainsi que celui qui la récitera chaque jour avec dévotion, et la portera sur soi avec honneur et respect, sans aucune altération de corps à la gloire et louange de Dieu tout-puissant, de la glorieuse Vierge Marie, sa Mère, et de toute la cour céleste, sera préservé pendant ce jour du fer, de l’eau, du feu et d’une mort subite. Le Diable même n’aura aucun pouvoir sur lui, et ne mourra point sans confession, son ennemi n’aura aucun avantage sur lui, soit en dormant, ni dans ni dehors du chemin, ni en aucun lieu que ce puisse être, il ne sera jamais vaincu ni fait prisonnier : elle est marveilleuse aussi contre les tempêtes et tonnerre cesseront. Si on est sur mer et qu’on la récite trois fois sur une personne possédée du malin esprit, soit pour lui-même ou par quelque autre, avec une chandelle bénite allumée, il sera délivré d’abord, si quelque femme est en péril dans le trevail, et qu’on récite trois fois avec une chandelle bénite allumée la dite Oraison, elle aura peut-être soulagement et liesse, et si quelqu’un veut partir et se rendre en voyage, qu’il la dise aussi trois fois avant de partir, ou la récite devant lui et porte sur soi le long du voyage, il sera délivré de tout accident et de tout péché; et s’il vient à mourir de quelque maladie, il sera sauvé.5

3 Pope Leo III b, 5-6. 4 The printing this is taken from is from a reprint from Clemacy, 2009. 5 Pope Leo III c, 16-19. 65

Enchiridion Leonis Papæ, Serenissimo Imperatori Carolo Magno (Ancona, 1667) Letter from the Emperor Charlemagne to Pope Leo (Refer to the letter from Mainz, 1633; they are identical)6

Letter from Pope Leo to the Emperor Charlemagne ¶ Incipit oratio devotissima Leonis Papæ. Sanctus Leo Papa complicavit, & ordinavit sequentem orationem ex dictis, seu ordinationibus santce matris Ecclesiæ : & inisit eam Carolo Magno dicens : Si firmiter teneas, & nullatenus dubites, quod quacumque die hanc orationem, seu ordinationem, & super te portaveris, cum devotione, sive in domo, sive in bello, sive in mari, & in omni loco, ubicumque fueris, nullus inimicorum tuorum dominabitur tibi : & invictus permanebis, & ab omni insirinitate pessimâ, & ad versitate liberaberis : In nomine Domini nostri Iesu Chrisi, Amen. Et in signo & memoria ipsus, rex Carolus iussit eam seribi aureis litteris : & eam in magnâ diligentiâ, reventiâ, & devotione semper habuit secum. Nullus itaque mortalium poterit explicare virtutem huius ordinationis seu orationis, si scivent homines excellentiam & virtutem huius orationis, quotidie cum magnâ devotione dicerent, nunquam eam dimitterent : quoniam non invenitur aliquis eam dixisse, qui in hoc mundo esset derelictus à Deo in omnibus necessitatibus & periculis suis, & qui non venisset ad bonum finem : & claussiset feliciter dies suos. Probatissima experientia per multos : quod qui nam quodie dixerit cum devotione, & super se portaverit cum reverential & honore : & sine mutillatione sui corporis ad honorem & laudem omnipotentis Dei, & eius gloriosissimæ semperque Virginis genitricis Mariæ, ac totius cælestis curiæ, non morietur illa die per ferrum, neque per aquam, neque morte mala & subitanea : neque diabolus habebit potesiatem super ipsum : neque sine dormientem, neque vigilantem, neque in via, neque extrâ viam, neque in aliquo loco : nec erit victus in prælio, neque tenebitur in vinculis. Valet etiam contra tempestatem fulgurum & tonitruorum, si dicatur super unum scyphum aquæ benedictæ, proiiciatur in aëre in modum crucis  & statim cessabit tempestas fulgurum, & tonitruorum. Et si est super mare, dicatur tribus civibus : & in illa die in mare non erit aliqua fortuna seu tempestas. Et si aliquis haberet spiritum malignum supra se, vel supra aliquem alium, dicat eam tribus civibus dicibus cum candela benedicta accensa, & incontinenti liberabitur : & si aliqua mulier pregnans laboraverit in partu, dicatu super eam ter cum candela benedicta, & incontinenter liberabitur. Et si aliquis vult itinerare, vel ire in remotis, dicat eam ter antequàm recedat : vel facia team dici, & portet secum per totum iter & per totum viagiam, & erit liberatus ab omni malo, & ab omni peccato : & si contingat eum mori aliqua infirmitate, anima eius salvabitur. Hæc oratio fide cum dignâ à multis comprobata est.7

Enchiridion Leonis Papæ Imperatori Carolo Magno (Rome, 1740)8 Letter from Pope Leo to the Emperor Charlemagne (Refer to the letter from Rome, 1660; they are identical)9

6 For the 1667 version, refer to Pope Leo III d, 12-13. 7 Pope Leo III d, 50-52. 8 This printing this is taken from is a reprint from Paris, 19th century. 9 For the 1740 version, look to Pope Leo III e, 24-26. 66

BL Sloane MS 3851 (English, early 17th century) Letter from Pope Leo to the Emperor Charlemagne (Charlemagne Prayer) St. Leo the ۰ ۰ Pope of Rome wrote this letter to King Charles And saide ۰ Who that bareth it uppon him shall not dreade his Enimies to be overcome nor with no mannor of Poyson be hurt nor in no neede misfortune nor with no thunder he shall not be smitten nor lightening nor in no fire be bryntt soddainly nor in no water be drowned Nor he shall not die without Shrift Nor with Theeves to be taken Nor with no false mony to be damned Also he shall have no wrong Neither of lord nor lady Also if a woman travaile with Childe lay this writing uppon her wombe shee shalbe soone delivered by the grace of God ~~~ ۰ Theis be the names of God and Christ۰  Mesias  Sother  Emanuell  Sabaoth  Adonay  unigenitus  Virtus  via  veritas  Homousion  Origo  Bonitas  Dietas  Elysoii  Fons  Pater  Principium  Primus  Novissimus  Ego sum  Qui vexturus  um  vita  mundus  α  ω  Virgo  Agnus  Onus  vitulus  Aries  Leo  vermis  Rex  Pater  et Filius  et Spiritus Sanctus  Duitas  Tetragrammaton  ista nomina protegent10 me  defendant  et  gubernent  In nomine  Patris  et  filii  et  Spiritus  Sanctus  Sancti  amen 11

10 “Nomina” and “protegent” are abbreviated in the text. 11 London, British Library, Sloane MS 3851, f. 9b. 67

APPENDIX V Translations

Introduction

Page 1: “If you firmly believe, without question, that each day you devoutly recite the following Orison, and carry it reverently with you, whether in the house, or in war, or upon the sea, or wheresoever you are, none of your enemies will have advantage over you; you will be invincible, and delivered of the most wicked defects and all adversities. In the name of Our Lord Jesus Christ. Amen.”1

Chapter 1: The Enchiridion, Legend, & Knowledge

Page 6: “Holy Pope Leo III assembled and put in order the following Orisons of the words and precepts of our holy Mother Church and sent it to Charlemagne...”2

Page 11: “Instructions on what one should practice in using this useful little book.”

Page 15: “385 O Lord God, omnipotent ruler, Who are one trinity, Father in the Son and Son in the Father with the Holy Spirit, Who are always present in all things, and existed before all things, and will be forever our God blessed in all things. I commit my soul in the hands of your might, that you may protect it by day and night, by hours and minutes: have mercy on me, God of the angels! Direct my way, king of the archangels; protect me through the prayers of the patriarchs, through the deeds of the prophets, through the assent of the apostles, through the victories of the martyrs, through the faith of the confessors, all of whom were pleasing to You from the beginning of the world. Let the saintly Abel, who was the first to be crowned with martyrdom, pray for me. Let the saintly Henoch, who ‘walked with God’ and was transported from the world, pray for me. ... And the three children freed from the furnace; the twelve prophets – Osee, Amos, Micheas, Joel, Abdias, Habacuc, Jonas, Nahum, Sophonias, Aggeus, Zacharias, Malachias, Esdras. I invoke all these in my aid. Let all the apostles of our Lord Jesus Christ assist me: Peter and Paul, John and Andrew, the three Jameses, Philip, Bartholomew, Thomas and Matthew, Barnabas and Matthias, and all your martyrs. ... Free my soul from all the snares of the enemy, and preserve me in Your will: teach me to do Your will, because You are my God. Honour and glory be to you, through all etc.”3

Page 16:

1 Cecchetelli, 116. 2 Cecchetelli, 116. 3 Collectanea Pseudo-Bedæ, 193-197.

68

“...go through the middle of the citizens in the middle of Jerusalem / and mark the sign of Thau on the foreheads of the men that grieve and sigh...”

Page 18: “Another manner of making characters, delivered by Cabalists.”4

Page 19: “Amongst the Hebrews I find more fashions of characters, whereof one is most ancient, viz. an ancient writing which Moses, and the prophets used, the form of which is not rashly to be discovered to any, for those letters which they use at this day, were instituted by Esdras.”5

Page 20: “...neither is there any writing which is so readily, and elegantly [is] joined to itself, as the Arabic.”6

Chapter 2: The Origins of the Enchiridion

Page 22: “Here is the measure of the wound which was in Christ’s side, revealed in Constantinople to Emperor Charles the Great in a certain golden case : that most precious relic, so that no enemy can harm him.”

Page 27: “Against flying venom ... + Mathew lead me + Mark preserve me + Luke free me + John aid me always · amen ·”

Page 28: “A prayer on the names of God. ...May these names protect and defend me from all adversities, wounds, and free me from the infirmities of the body and soul that fill me and assist me to help. These are the names of the kings, i.e., Jaspar, Melchior, Balthasar. And of the twelve Apostles of our Lord Jesus Christ whose names here are Peter, Paul, Andrew, James, Philip, James, Simon, Thadeus, Thomas, Bartholomew. And the four Evangelists whose names here are. Mark/Matthew/Luke/John. Assist me in all my necessities : and defend and free me from all perils, temptations, and confines of body and soul : and guard me from all evil past, present, and future, now and forever. Amen.”

Page 29: “...whether in the house, or in war, or upon the sea, or wheresoever you are, none of your enemies will have advantage over you; you will be invincible, and delivered of the most wicked defect and all adversities.”7

4 Agrippa a, b.3, ch.30, 560. 5 Agrippa a, b.3, ch.30, 560. 6 Agrippa a, b.3, ch.30, 562. 69

Page 34: “Orison against all kinds of charms, enchantments, spells, characters..., visions, illusions, possessions, obsessions, malefic obstruction of marriage, and all that can happen to us through the evil spells of sorcerers, or by incursions of devils; and it is also beneficial against all kinds of misfortune that can be directed against horses, mares, oxen, cows, sheep, ewes, and other species of animal.”8

Page 36: “[With] God [as my] leader [and] iron [as my] companion.”

Page 36: “The Lord is my helper and I fear not what man can do to me.”

Page 37: “This Pentacle is [for the] Day of Mars, it is found when Mars is in a favourable constellation, Charlemagne carried this Pentacle a very long time on the advice of Pope Leo, one believes that this Pope presented him with the little book of the Enchiridion which is composed of many prayers against all forms of perils.”

Chapter 3: Magic, Legend, & Memory

Page 38: “Be strong for many years, and accumulate honour, of which you are worth, and spiritual and temporal goods.”

Page 43: “Charles the king, our emperor, the great.”

Page 49: “sudden death;” “arrows;” “danger in childbirth.”

Conclusion

Page 50: “Sixthly. A magician has need of faith and silence that no secret especially may be made manifest which the spirit revealed to him as Daniel was commanded to keep secret secrets. For some things are sealed that [are] not brought forth into public. So neither was it lawful for Paul to utter whole things he saw in revelation. No man would believe how much is placed in this one only precept.”9

7 Cecchetelli, 116. 8 Cecchetelli, 119. 9 BL SLMS 3851, f. 25b. Some words adapted into modern spellings. 70

Bibliography

Primary Sources (Printed): A cleare Demonstration that Ferdinand is by his owne demerits fallen from the Kingdome of Bohemia, and the incorporate Provinces. Written by a Noble-man of Polonia. And translated out of the second Edition enlarged. Dorchester: George Waters, 1619. Agrippa, Henry Cornelius (a). Three Books of Occult Philosophy. Donald Tyson, ed. 12th printing. Woodbury: Llewellyn Publications, 2010. Edited, translated, and reprinted from first Latin edition in 1531. First edition edited by Tyson printed in 1993. Agrippa, Henry Cornelius (b). De Occulta Philosophia, Libri Tres. Vittoria Perrone Compagni, ed. Leiden: E.J. Brill, 1992. Edited and reprinted from MSS from 1510 up to and including the printed 1533 edition. Agrippa, Henry Cornelius (c). Orationes X. Cologne: Johannes Soter, 1535. A Letter Written by a French Gent: of the King of Bohemia his Army: Concerning the Emperour Ferdinand his Embassage into France. Translated out of the French Coppie. Flushing: 1620. Arbatel de Magia Veterum. Basel: 1575. Catalogue de la Bibliothèque d’un Amateur. Paris: 1819. Found online at: https://play.google.com/store/books/details?id=JorYiO6Y7lkC&rdid=book- JorYiO6Y7lkC&rdot=1 Catalogue des Livres de Mr. G...D...P... [Mr. Girardo de Préfond]. Paris: 1757. Found online at: https://play.google.com/store/books/details?id=4PG5UGcqwRcC&rdid=book- 4PG5UGcqwRcC&rdot=1 Charlemagne. Capitulare Paderbrunnense (Capitulatio de partibus Saxoniæ). Found in: H.R. Loyn & John Percival. The Reign of Charlemagne: Documents of Medieval History 2. London: Edward Arnold Ltd, 1975. Collectanea Pseudo-Bedae. Martha Bayless & Michael Lapidge, eds. Dublin: Dundalgan Press Ltd, 1998. Dutton, Paul Edward, ed. Charlemagne’s Courtier: The Complete Einhard. Peterborough: Broadview Press, 1998. Einhard. Annales qui dicuntur Einhari. Georg Heinrich Pertz, ed. Scriptores Regum Germanicarum in usum scholarum ex Monumentis Germaniæ Historicis separatism editi: Annales Regni Francorum et Anneles Q.D. Einhardi. Hannover: Impensis Bibliopolii Hahniani, 1895. Rankine, David, ed. The Grimoire of Arthur Gauntlet: A 17th century London Cunning- man’s book of charms, conjurations and prayers. London: Avalonia, 2011. Reprinted from 17th century Sloane MS 3851. Hore beate Marie virginis secundum usum Eboraceñ (Horæ Eboracenses). c.1516. Kieckhefer, Richard (a), ed. Forbidden Rites: A Necromancer’s Manual of the Fifteenth Century. University Park: Pennsylvania State University Press, 1997. La Chanson de Roland. Gérard Moignet, trans. & ed. Paris: Bibliotèque Bordas, 1969.

71

Leo III, Pope (a). Manuel ou, Enchiridion, de prières. Lyon: 1584. Found online at: https://play.google.com/store/books/details?id=k15xoxThQhMC Leo III, Pope (b). Enchiridion Leonis Papæ Imperatori Carolo Magno. Mainz: 1633. Leo III, Pope (c). Enchiridion du Pape Léon. Rome: 1660. Reprinted in Clemacy: 2009. Leo III, Pope (d). Enchiridion Leonis Papæ, Serenissimo Imperatori Carolo Magno. Ancona: 1667. Found online at: https://play.google.com/store/books/details?id=zUJQAAAAcAAJ. Leo III, Pope (e). Enchiridion Leonis Papæ Imperatori Carolo Magno. Rome: 1740. Reprinted in Paris: 19th century. Picatrix: The Latin Version. David Pingree, ed. London: The Warburg Institute, 1986. The Key of Solomon the King (Clavicula Salomonis). S. Liddell MacGregor Mathers, trans. & ed. San Francisco: Red Wheel/Weiser, LLC, 2006. Reprinted from London: 1889. Original composition of book from various MSS found at the British Library, London. The Office of the Blessed Virgin Mary in Latin with The Rubrikes in English, for cõmoditie of those that doe not understand the Latin tongue. Rouen: John le Cousturier, 1633. The Picatrix: Liber Atratus Edition. John Michael Greer & Christopher Warnock, trans. Iowa City: Renaissance Astrology & Adocentyn Press, 2011. Reprinted and translated from MSS found at the British Library, London and the Latin edition of Picatrix by Pingree (see above for details).

Primary Sources (Manuscript): British Library, London Harley Charter 43.A.14 Harley MS 585 Harley Roll T.11 Lansdowne MS 1202 Sloane MS 3648 Sloane MS 3851

Wellcome Library, London Western MS 10 Western MS 4654 Western MS 4656 Western MS 4658 Western MS 4666 Western MS 4668

Secondary Sources: Atkinson, James, ed. Biblia Sacra Vulgata editionis Sixti Quinti Pontifex Maximus iussu recognita atque edita. Cologne: Bernard Walter, 1630. Becker, Udo. The Continuum Encyclopaedia of Symbols. London: Continuum, 2005. Original printing in 1994.

72

Beer, Marina. Romanzi di cavalleria: Il Furioso e il romanzo italiano del primo cinquecento. Rome: Bulzoni, 1987. Bireley, Robert S.J. Religion and Politics in the Age of the Counterreformation: Emperor Ferdinand II, William Lamormaini, S.J., and the Formation of the Imperial Policy. Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1981. Bühler, Curt F. “Prayers and Charms in Certain Middle English Scrolls.” Speculum. vol. 39. Cambridge: Medieval Academy of America, April, 1964. Cecchetelli, Michael. Crossed Keys. UK: Scarlet Imprint, 2011. Christian, Paul. The History and Practice of Magic. Vol. 1 & 2. Ross Nichols, trans. & ed. New York: The Citadel Press, 1963. Reprinted from French, Histoire de la Magie. Paris: 1870. Cope, Gilbert. Symbolism in the Bible and the Church. London: SCM Press Ltd, 1959. Davis, Raymon, trans. & ed. The Lives of the Eighth-Century Popes (Liber Pontificalis). Liverpool: Liverpool University Press, 1992. Davies, Owen. Grimoires: A History of Magic Books. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2009. Duffy, Eamon (a). Making the Hours: English People and their Prayers 1240-1570. New Haven: Yale University Press, 2006. Duffy, Eamon (b). The Stripping of the Altars: Traditional Religion in England 1400-1580. New Haven: Yale University Press, 1992. Fleischman, Suzanne. “Philology, Linguistics, and the Discourse of the Medieval Text.” Found in: Speculum. vol. 65:1. Cambridge: Medieval Academy of America, Jan. 1990. Freeman, Ann. “Scripture and Images in the Libri Carolini.” Found in: Testo e Immagine Nell’alto Medioevo, 15-21 aprile 1995, tomo primo. Settimane di Studio del Centro Italiano di Studi Sull’alto Medievo, XLI. Spoleto: Presso la Sede del Centro, 1994. Griffiths, Bill. Aspects of Anglo-Saxon Magic. Norfolk: Anglo-Saxon Books, 2006. Hall, Manly P. The Secret Teachings of All Ages. Radford: Wilder Publications, 2009. Original printing in 1928. Kieckhefer, Richard (b). Magic in the Middle Ages. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1990. McCormick, Michael. Charlemagne’s Survey of the Holy Land: Wealth, Personnel, and Buildings of a Mediterranean Church between Antiquity and the Middle Ages. Washington, D.C.: Dumbarton Oaks, 2011. McKitterick, Rosamond. Charlemagne: The Formation of a European Identity. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2008. Page, Sophie. Magic in Medieval Manuscripts. London: The British Library, 2004. Pike, Albert. Magnum Opus or the Great Work. Original printing in 1852. Found online at: http://books.google.co.uk/books?id=qjMVbs7v_sgC&printsec=frontcover#v=onepage &q&f=false. Reinburg, Virginia. French Books of Hours: Making an Archive of Prayer, c.1400-1600. Cambridge: University Press, 2012. Schein, Sylvia. Fideles Crucis: The Papacy, the West, and the Recovery of the Holy Land 1274-1314. Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1991. 73

Stratton-Kent, Jake. Geosophia. Vol. 1 & 2. UK: Bibliothèque Rouge/Scarlet Imprint, 2010. Trachtenberg, Joshua. The Devil and the Jews: The Medieval Conception of the Jew and Its Relation to Modern Anti-Semitism. Philadelphia: The Jewish Publication Society of America, 1983. Waite, Arthur Edward. The Book of Ceremonial Magic. London: 1913. Reprinted by Forgotten Books, 2008. Weber, Robert & Roger Gryson, eds. Biblia Sacra: Iuxta Vulgatam Versionem. 5th edition. Stuttgart: Deutsche Bibelgesellschaft, 2007. Yates, Frances A. Giordano Bruno and the Hermetic Tradition. Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1964.

Other Sources: Dr. Michele Campopiano, University of York, York, N. Yorkshire, UK Dr. Mary Garrison, University of York, York, N. Yorkshire, UK Dr. Richard Kieckhefer, Northwestern University, Chicago, IL, USA Dr. Owen Davies, University of Hertfordshire, Hatfield, Hertfordshire, UK Dr. Sophie Page, University College London, London, Greater London, UK Dr. Christopher Lehrich, Boston University, Boston, MA, USA

74