Carl Schmitt's State Theory and Militant Democracy
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CRITICAL THEORY and AUTHORITARIAN POPULISM Critical Theory and Authoritarian Populism
CDSMS EDITED BY JEREMIAH MORELOCK CRITICAL THEORY AND AUTHORITARIAN POPULISM Critical Theory and Authoritarian Populism edited by Jeremiah Morelock Critical, Digital and Social Media Studies Series Editor: Christian Fuchs The peer-reviewed book series edited by Christian Fuchs publishes books that critically study the role of the internet and digital and social media in society. Titles analyse how power structures, digital capitalism, ideology and social struggles shape and are shaped by digital and social media. They use and develop critical theory discussing the political relevance and implications of studied topics. The series is a theoretical forum for in- ternet and social media research for books using methods and theories that challenge digital positivism; it also seeks to explore digital media ethics grounded in critical social theories and philosophy. Editorial Board Thomas Allmer, Mark Andrejevic, Miriyam Aouragh, Charles Brown, Eran Fisher, Peter Goodwin, Jonathan Hardy, Kylie Jarrett, Anastasia Kavada, Maria Michalis, Stefania Milan, Vincent Mosco, Jack Qiu, Jernej Amon Prodnik, Marisol Sandoval, Se- bastian Sevignani, Pieter Verdegem Published Critical Theory of Communication: New Readings of Lukács, Adorno, Marcuse, Honneth and Habermas in the Age of the Internet Christian Fuchs https://doi.org/10.16997/book1 Knowledge in the Age of Digital Capitalism: An Introduction to Cognitive Materialism Mariano Zukerfeld https://doi.org/10.16997/book3 Politicizing Digital Space: Theory, the Internet, and Renewing Democracy Trevor Garrison Smith https://doi.org/10.16997/book5 Capital, State, Empire: The New American Way of Digital Warfare Scott Timcke https://doi.org/10.16997/book6 The Spectacle 2.0: Reading Debord in the Context of Digital Capitalism Edited by Marco Briziarelli and Emiliana Armano https://doi.org/10.16997/book11 The Big Data Agenda: Data Ethics and Critical Data Studies Annika Richterich https://doi.org/10.16997/book14 Social Capital Online: Alienation and Accumulation Kane X. -
Beginning to WW II: Reichstag Fire and Assault on Democracy in Germany
H-War Beginning to WW II: Reichstag Fire and Assault on Democracy in Germany Discussion published by Wyatt Reader M.A. on Friday, August 6, 2021 Beginnings to WW II actually started befoe 1939 invasion by Germany of Poland; as early as the elections in 1930s, which brought Nazi Germans to the Govt. of Germany formed after WW I and its attempts to establish a Democracy within German following the loss during WW I and rule by an autocratic Monarchy in the Age of European Monarchies. Democracy suffered its first blows from the economic chaos created during the Great Depression and attempts to deal with economic collapse out of WW I. No attempt here to be the definitive recount to 20th Century History and its battle with despotism and dictatorship. However, it is worth relating these few online sources[3 of them] concerned with the Reichstag Fire, 4 months after the non-conclusive election in Germany created a need for coalition government due to lack of a clear political victory for Democracy's political leadership during the 1930s. Out of that shortfall, Nazi political party goals turned Germany on end by staging a false fire in the German Parliament of that day. The excuse claimed by Nazi's was Communist inspired threats had cause the burning of Germany's Parliament building[all too parallel to 1/6 US events]. This History of German internal political challenge to Democracy became the very Dictatorship that plunged the Nations and Peoples of the World into WW II and its murderous consequences for the US and beyond; it, also result in the consequences leading to shaping postwar 20th Century History down tto the very present times and latest generations. -
Jef Last's Zuiderzee: the Price of Progress
rI ! BASIL D. KINGSTONE, UNNERSITY OF WINDSOR I I Jef Last's Zuiderzee: The Price of Progress Jef Last was born in the Hague in 1898, the son of a of 1916 which finally leads the government to close off ship's captain. He attended Leiden University and the Zuiderzee, thr.ough the long hard struggle to connect studied Chinese, but while there he joined the socialist Wieringen to Holland, the closure of the Wieringermeer party, and his father promptly cut off his allowance. As and the creation of the Northwest Polder in 1930, and a result he took a variety of jobs during the 1920s, and the completion of the Afsluitdijk in 1932, to an undated in his choices we can see his future interests. His (and presumably imaginary) record-breaking storm and solidarity with the workers no doubt led him to protest flood which the great dyke successfully withstands. We at conditions in a textile mill where he worked, because see the lives, through this long period, of many people, there was a strike and he was fired. He was also a sailor but principally of the two fishermen Toen and Auke; in the merchant marine, and in later years he worked for Toen's sister Sistke and her second husband Wibren the seamen's union called the International Transport Sibesma, a Friesian peasant; his sister Boukje, and Federation. Once in New York he was a travelling another in-law, the engineer Brolsma, who is in charge salesman for a photographic portrait studio called of the dyke-building. -
Carl Schmitt and the Critique of Lawfare
View metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk brought to you by CORE provided by Case Western Reserve University School of Law Case Western Reserve Journal of International Law Volume 43 | Issue 1 2010 Carl Schmitt nda the Critique of Lawfare David Luban Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarlycommons.law.case.edu/jil Part of the International Law Commons Recommended Citation David Luban, Carl Schmitt na d the Critique of Lawfare, 43 Case W. Res. J. Int'l L. 457 (2010) Available at: https://scholarlycommons.law.case.edu/jil/vol43/iss1/26 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the Student Journals at Case Western Reserve University School of Law Scholarly Commons. It has been accepted for inclusion in Case Western Reserve Journal of International Law by an authorized administrator of Case Western Reserve University School of Law Scholarly Commons. File: Luban 2 Created on: 12/27/2010 2:26:00 PM Last Printed: 4/5/2011 8:10:00 PM CARL SCHMITT AND THE CRITIQUE OF LAWFARE David Luban “Lawfare” is the use of law as a weapon of war against a military adversary. Lawfare critics complain that self-proclaimed “humanitarians” are really engaged in the partisan and political abuse of law—lawfare. This paper turns the mirror on lawfare critics themselves, and argues that the critique of lawfare is no less abusive and political than the alleged lawfare it attacks. Radical lawfare critics view humanitarian law with suspicion, as nothing more than an instrument used by weak adversaries against strong military powers. -
The Method of Antinomies: Oakeshott and Others Others and Oakeshott Antinomies: of Method the VOLUME 6 | ISSUE 1 + 2 2018 6 | ISSUE VOLUME
University of South Florida Scholar Commons Philosophy Faculty Publications Philosophy 2018 The ethoM d of Antinomies: Oakeshott nda Others Stephen Turner University of South Florida, [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarcommons.usf.edu/phi_facpub Scholar Commons Citation Turner, Stephen, "The eM thod of Antinomies: Oakeshott nda Others" (2018). Philosophy Faculty Publications. 309. https://scholarcommons.usf.edu/phi_facpub/309 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the Philosophy at Scholar Commons. It has been accepted for inclusion in Philosophy Faculty Publications by an authorized administrator of Scholar Commons. For more information, please contact [email protected]. The Method of Antinomies: Oakeshott and Others STEPHEN TURNER Email: [email protected] Web: http://philosophy.usf.edu/faculty/sturner/ Abstract: Michael Oakeshott employed a device of argument and analysis that appears in a number of other thinkers, where it is given the name “antinomies.” These differ from binary oppositions or contradictories in that the two poles are bound to- gether. In this discussion, the nature of this binding is explored in detail, in large part in relation to Oakeshott’s own usages, such as his discussion of the relation of faith and skepticism, between collective goal-oriented associations and those based on contract, and between a legal regime based on neutral rules and one oriented to policy goals . Other examples might include Weber’s distinction between the politics of intention and the politics of responsibility. Moreover, such ambiguous concepts as “rights,” have antinomic interpretations. In each of these cases, the full realization of one ideal led, in practice, to consequenc- es associated with the other: in political practice, neither polar ideal was realizable without concessions to the other. -
The Impact of the New Right on the Reagan Administration
LONDON SCHOOL OF ECONOMICS UNIVERSITY OF LONDON THE IMPACT OF THE NEW RIGHT ON THE REAGAN ADMINISTRATION: KIRKPATRICK & UNESCO AS. A TEST CASE BY Isaac Izy Kfir LONDON 1998 UMI Number: U148638 All rights reserved INFORMATION TO ALL USERS The quality of this reproduction is dependent upon the quality of the copy submitted. In the unlikely event that the author did not send a complete manuscript and there are missing pages, these will be noted. Also, if material had to be removed, a note will indicate the deletion. Dissertation Publishing UMI U148638 Published by ProQuest LLC 2014. Copyright in the Dissertation held by the Author. Microform Edition © ProQuest LLC. All rights reserved. This work is protected against unauthorized copying under Title 17, United States Code. ProQuest LLC 789 East Eisenhower Parkway P.O. Box 1346 Ann Arbor, Ml 48106-1346 2 ABSTRACT The aim of this research is to investigate whether the Reagan administration was influenced by ‘New Right’ ideas. Foreign policy issues were chosen as test cases because the presidency has more power in this area which is why it could promote an aggressive stance toward the United Nations and encourage withdrawal from UNESCO with little impunity. Chapter 1 deals with American society after 1945. It shows how the ground was set for the rise of Reagan and the New Right as America moved from a strong affinity with New Deal liberalism to a new form of conservatism, which the New Right and Reagan epitomised. Chapter 2 analyses the New Right as a coalition of three distinctive groups: anti-liberals, New Christian Right, and neoconservatives. -
Hong Kong's Pro-Democracy Protests
Protests & Democracy: Hong Kong’s Pro-Democracy Protests Jennifer Yi Advisor: Professor Tsung Chi Politics Senior Comprehensive Project Candidate for Honors consideration April 10, 2015 2 Abstract Protests that occur in the public sphere shed light on the different types of democracy that exist in a region. A protester’s reason for participation demonstrates what type of democracy is missing, while a protest itself demonstrates what type of democracy exists in the region. This Politics Senior Comprehensive Project hypothesizes that the recent pro-democracy protests in the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region (“Hong Kong”), dubbed the Umbrella Movement, demonstrate an effective democracy due to active citizen engagement within the public sphere. Data is collected through personal interviews of Umbrella Movement participants that demonstrate what type of democracy currently exists in Hong Kong, what type of democracy protesters are looking for, and what type of democracy exists as a result of the recent protests. The interviews show that a true representative and substantive democracy do not exist in Hong Kong as citizens are not provided the democratic rights that define these types of democracy. However, the Umbrella Movement demonstrates an effective democracy in the region as citizens actively engage with one another within the public sphere for the purpose of achieving a representative and substantive democracy in Hong Kong. 3 I. Introduction After spending most of my junior year studying in Hong Kong, I have become very interested in the region and its politics. I am specifically interested in the different types of democracy that exist in Hong Kong as it is a special administrative region of the People’s Republic of China (“China”). -
The Method of Antinomies: Oakeshott and Others Others and Oakeshott Antinomies: of Method the VOLUME 6 | ISSUE 1 + 2 2018 6 | ISSUE VOLUME
The Method of Antinomies: Oakeshott and Others STEPHEN TURNER Email: [email protected] Web: http://philosophy.usf.edu/faculty/sturner/ Abstract: Michael Oakeshott employed a device of argument and analysis that appears in a number of other thinkers, where it is given the name “antinomies.” These differ from binary oppositions or contradictories in that the two poles are bound to- gether. In this discussion, the nature of this binding is explored in detail, in large part in relation to Oakeshott’s own usages, such as his discussion of the relation of faith and skepticism, between collective goal-oriented associations and those based on contract, and between a legal regime based on neutral rules and one oriented to policy goals . Other examples might include Weber’s distinction between the politics of intention and the politics of responsibility. Moreover, such ambiguous concepts as “rights,” have antinomic interpretations. In each of these cases, the full realization of one ideal led, in practice, to consequenc- es associated with the other: in political practice, neither polar ideal was realizable without concessions to the other. But these features are rooted in the deep history of institutions. They are contingent, not philosophical. They nevertheless preclude con- ventional approaches to political theory. Keywords: Michael Oakeshott, antinomies, meta-politics, democratic theory, Max Weber, Hans Morgenthau, genealogy 54 COSMOS + TAXIS COSMOS Several of Michael Oakeshott’s writings, including On vision of politics is different from relativism in any simple Human Conduct ([1975] 1991), employ an argumentative sense of this term. It is specifically distinct from, and op- device that is shared with several other twentieth century posed to, the idea that there can be an ideological “solu- thinkers, but which has not received much attention on its tion” to the antinomies in question. -
Democracy Promotion and Civil Society
Armine Ishkanian Democracy promotion and civil society Book section Original citation: Ishkanian, Armine (2007) Democracy promotion and civil society. In: Albrow, Martin and Glasius, Marlies and Anheier, Helmut K. and Kaldor, Mary, (eds.) Global Civil Society 2007/8 : Communicative Power and Democracy. Global Civil Society - Year Books . SAGE publications Ltd, London, UK, pp. 58-85. ISBN 9781412948005 © 2007 SAGE Publications This version available at: http://eprints.lse.ac.uk/37038/ Available in LSE Research Online: June 2011 LSE has developed LSE Research Online so that users may access research output of the School. Copyright © and Moral Rights for the papers on this site are retained by the individual authors and/or other copyright owners. Users may download and/or print one copy of any article(s) in LSE Research Online to facilitate their private study or for non-commercial research. You may not engage in further distribution of the material or use it for any profit-making activities or any commercial gain. You may freely distribute the URL (http://eprints.lse.ac.uk) of the LSE Research Online website. This document is the author’s submitted version of the book section. There may be differences between this version and the published version. You are advised to consult the publisher’s version if you wish to cite from it. GCS_Democracy_CH4/5/6/7:GCS Part 2_Issues 12/7/07 22:16 Page 2 CHAPTER 4 DEMOCRACY PROMOTION AND CIVIL SOCIETY Of the various strands of democracy promotion, in this chapter I focus on civil society strengthening Armine Ishkanian programmes and ask the following questions. -
The Reichstag Fire Trial
THE This is the third and last part of this series of articles on a criti REICHSTAG cal episode of modern times. The first two parts appeared in pre FIRE vious issues of LIBERA TION. by L BERNSTEIN Dimitrov, van der Lubbe, Goering. These are the characters, the main characters of the Reichstag fire trial. Goering the Nazi Minister; van der Lubbe, the scapegoat hireling; Dimitrov, the Communist revolutionary. Of the others there is little to say. They were accused, and they were defended. Dimitrov did not defend" himself; he attacked. Repeatedly, until the very end of the triel he demanded his right to bring counsel from abroad to appear on his behalf. To the end, his demands were refused by the court. In his last summing up to the court, he applied again, and failed again. , "I have no personal mistrust of Dr. Teicher" said Dimitrov of the German lawyer who assisted him in the preparation of his defence, "but in the present conditions in Germany I cannot have the necessary confidence in his official defence. For this rea son I am attempting to defend myself ... I do not wish to offend my party comrade Torgler, particularly as, in my opinion, his defending counsel has already offended him enough, but as far as I am concerned, I woidd sooner be sentenced to death by this court though innocent, than be acquitted by the sort of defence put forward by Dr. Sack (for Torgler.)" This statement is more than just the measure of the man; it is the spirit in which his defence was conducted. -
George W. Bush: a Neo-Conservative? Written by Mike Spaan
George W. Bush: A Neo-Conservative? Written by Mike Spaan This PDF is auto-generated for reference only. As such, it may contain some conversion errors and/or missing information. For all formal use please refer to the official version on the website, as linked below. George W. Bush: A Neo-Conservative? https://www.e-ir.info/2015/05/25/george-w-bush-a-neo-conservative/ MIKE SPAAN, MAY 25 2015 What is Neo-Conservatism and how did this Influence American Foreign Policy during the Presidency of George W. Bush? The neo-conservative movement has been one of the most controversial in the modern post-Cold War era of International Relations (Leffler 2005 395; Williams 2005: 307). Its adherents are principally American intellectuals, writers and public servants. Despite this, much confusion still exists as to the nature of the movement and its ideas. The movement came about in the latter part of the 1960s, and garnered considerable influence since that time (Boot 2004: 21; Williams 2005: 309; Singh 2009: 34). This influence, however, remained on the fringes of policy-making until the administration of George W. Bush adopted some policies and strategies that could loosely be described as neo-conservative tenets. This paper has two distinct aims. First, to explore what neo-conservatism entails in the modern post-Cold War era and, secondly, to explore the degree to which neo-conservatives were able to influence the Bush administration. In doing so, this paper hopes to refute commonly held misconceptions about the movement and more importantly, the degree to which it was able to influence, or as some would assert, ‘hijack’ United States (US) foreign policy under President Bush (Austin 2005: 53). -
Portugal, Slovakia, and the Political Counter- Reformation of the Twentieth Century (1910- 1939)
23 ZuZana Poláčková – Pieter C. van Duin Portugal, Slovakia, and the political Counter- reformation of the twentieth century (1910- 1939) This essay tries to make a comparative analysis of the political dynamics of Portugal and Slovakia in the first half of the twentieth century (1910-1939) in terms of the significance of conservative political Catholicism. The two countries belonged to a group of nations in Europe in which there was a strong reaction to political liberalism, progressive republicanism, cultural secularism, and socialism. This an- tagonism can arguably be seen as a modern continuation of the historic conflict between the Protestant and humanist Reformation and the Catholic Counter-Reformation. Its twentieth-century manifestation was of course somewhat different from the original sixteenth- and seventeenth-century conflict. After the eighteenth century the historic force of anti-Catholic Reformation was mainly expressed in the form of intellectual Enlightenment, anti-clericalism, and social and cultural progressivism. But it would seem that in many ways the dynamics and aggressive energy of this great cultural confrontation was continued during the nineteenth and twentieth centuries, although in a modified ideological and political shape. The years between 1910 and 1940 were the period when the conflict between political progressivism and Catholic conservatism reached its culmination. In Portugal the forces of cultural secularism and liberal republicanism were defeated by the new authoritarian regime led by Salazar. In Slovakia the foundation and then the end of the First Czechoslovak Republic brought the rise and then the victory of the Catho- lic opposition movement, the Slovak People’s Party of Andrej Hlinka and Jozef Tiso.