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The Writing in the Wittenberg Sky: Astrology in Sixteenth-Century Germany Author(S): Claudia Brosseder Source: Journal of the History of Ideas, Vol

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The Writing in the Wittenberg Sky: Astrology in Sixteenth-Century Germany Author(S): Claudia Brosseder Source: Journal of the History of Ideas, Vol The Writing in the Wittenberg Sky: Astrology in Sixteenth-Century Germany Author(s): Claudia Brosseder Source: Journal of the History of Ideas, Vol. 66, No. 4 (Oct., 2005), pp. 557-576 Published by: University of Pennsylvania Press Stable URL: https://www.jstor.org/stable/3654348 Accessed: 13-03-2020 15:35 UTC REFERENCES Linked references are available on JSTOR for this article: https://www.jstor.org/stable/3654348?seq=1&cid=pdf-reference#references_tab_contents You may need to log in to JSTOR to access the linked references. JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range of content in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new forms of scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact [email protected]. Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of the Terms & Conditions of Use, available at https://about.jstor.org/terms University of Pennsylvania Press is collaborating with JSTOR to digitize, preserve and extend access to Journal of the History of Ideas This content downloaded from 94.44.229.70 on Fri, 13 Mar 2020 15:35:00 UTC All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms The Writing in the Wittenberg Sky: Astrology in Sixteenth-Century Germany Claudia Brosseder It probably was a delightful summer day when the celebrated humanist Willibald Pirckheimer, best known as a friend of Albrecht Diirer and Erasmus of Rotterdam, strolled, with an unknown friend, through the streets of Nurem- berg. When they saw a girl standing at the streetside, it occurred to the friend to predict the girl's future by reading her palm. So he did, foretelling a forth- coming marriage and a blissful life. After the girl had passed on, Pirckheim- er's unknown friend admitted that, unfortunately, he had not seen the girl's blithe life but her impending death. In order not to scare her, however, he had not revealed this message to the girl; only his learned friend Pirckheimer could know the truth. Some years later, the Nuremberg philologist Joachim Camerarius, who narrated this rather trivial event with great excitement in 1576, does not display any sign of bewilderment that in this instance a chiro- mantic had told untruths to somebody.' On the contrary, he praises this art and admires Italy's scholars, who practiced, besides chiromancy, other wonderful divinatory arts based on astrology. Camerarius was perceptibly impressed by Italian astrology and her divinatory stepsisters. Presumably he was thinking about De subtilitate (1554) by Girolamo Cardano who, at least in this work, counted astrology and chiromancy among the arts of natural divination.2 And so, as if inspired by Cardano's acute judgment years afterward, Camerarius The present article provides a glimpse at the topic of my dissertation, published with the title: Im Bann der Sterne. Caspar Peucer, Philipp Melanchthon und andere Wittenberger Astrologen (Berlin, Akademie Verlag, 2004). I thank Robert Folger for the translation and the anonymous reader for his comments. 1 Joachim Camerarius, Sen., Commentarius de generibus divinationum, ac graecis latinis- que earum vocabulis (Leipzig, 1576), 56f. 2 Girolamo Cardano, De subtilitate: libri XXI. Nunc demum recogniti atque perfecti (Basel, 1554), 444. 557 Copyright 2005 by Journal of the History of Ideas, Inc. This content downloaded from 94.44.229.70 on Fri, 13 Mar 2020 15:35:00 UTC All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms 558 Claudia Brosseder read in Cardano, in the same breath, the idea that there had been only twelve significant scholars in the history of civilization, who were capable of divina- tion: such were, among others, Aristotle, Ptolemy, Alchindi, and Vitruvius. However, no contemporary of Cardano was among them. This anecdote provides but a glimpse of the sixteenth-century enthusiasm for the divinatory art of chiromancy and, relatedly, astrology. My contribution will show that academic Protestant Germany was actually in the grips of an astrology fever. Throughout the sixteenth century, many German scholars were under the spell of astrology. In this, Germany did not essentially differ from Italy and France, but in one specific place astrology presented itself in a peculiar shape. In the sixteenth century astrology flourished particularly in one German site of erudition: in Wittenberg, 51V52' latitude, 12o38' longitude. Particularly here at the University of Wittenberg, attracted by Philipp Melanchthon's ped- agogic enterprise, a series of scholars came together who shaped the image of astrology in sixteenth-century Germany. They were humanists, physicians, astronomers, mathematicians, municipal surgeons, and scholars of Greek. There were at least forty-six of them. In one way or another, each of them was interested in astrology. Many of them composed astrological analyses for wealthy clients. "Pene innumberabiles" mathematicians came from the University of Wittenberg, as the Ttibingen professor of rhetorics Nikodemus Frischlin grudgingly asserted. By this he meant astrologers, and he did not try to conceal his aversion to them.3 He was unequivocal: astrologers are swindlers. With this opinion, Frischlin joined the ranks of Giovanni Pico della Mirandola,4 Martin Luther,5 Erasmus of Rotterdam,6 and others. This is not a novelty, and yet Frischlin's caustic remark can still teach us something today: regarding the history of German astrology, one should resist the temptation to see Melanchthon as the one and only spiritus rector of German sixteenth- century astrology. Instead, it is reasonable to concede much more weight to the sway of Wittenberg and its numerous astronomers, mathematicians, and physicians, who did not only gravitate toward the personality of Melanchthon. The large number of scholars and the variety of ideas preempts any attempt 3 Nicodemus Frischlin, De astronomicae artis cum doctrina coelesti et naturali philo- sophia congruentia ex optimis quibusque Graecis Latinisque scriptoribus (Frankfurt, 1586), 2. 4 Giovanni Pico della Mirandola, Discorsi contro l'astrologia, ed. Eugenio Garin (Flor- ence, 1952). 5 For instance Martin Luther, "Predigt am Pfingstdienstag nachmittags. 18. Mai 1529," D. Martin Luthers Werke. Kritische Gesamtausgabe, vol. 29 (Weimar, 1904), 376-79. 6 Erasmus of Rotterdam, "Luciani Samosatensis dialogi aliquot. Desiderio Erasmo Roter- damo interprete. Tomus I," Opera omnia in decem tomos distincta. Recognovit Joannes Cler- icus (reprint Hildesheim, 1961), cols. 185-340, 340. This content downloaded from 94.44.229.70 on Fri, 13 Mar 2020 15:35:00 UTC All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms The Writing in the Wittenberg Sky 559 to reduce the number of astrologers to a so-called Melanchthon circle.7 This circle did not exist, not least because his pupils did not monistically adhere to Melanchthon's thoughts on astrology. In particular, a personality as industri- ous in publishing as Melanchthon's son-in-law Caspar Peucer illustrates this fact. Caspar Peucer, Erasmus Reinhold, Hieronymus Wolf, Jakob Milich, Martin Chemnitz, Paul Eber, and many others were the Wittenberg teachers and students who left manuscripts and printed works on astrology to posterity. Seen in retrospect, they all contributed indirectly to one great project: they wanted to reform astrology and elevate it to the rank of a science of universal validity. After all, they were all too familiar with Pico della Mirandola's mor- dant 1495 critique, which had denied astrology the status of a science. And even Melanchthon's friend and colleague Martin Luther felt that astrology was an illicit art and, even worse, a dangerous game with the devil.8 Philipp Melanchthon formulated the basis of the theoretical frame into which to embed astrology. And although some of his colleagues' and pupils' ideas outgrew that frame, they all agreed on one issue: only the pious scholar can decipher the celestial writing of astrology, and only he knows how to actually understand divine providence by means of astrology.9 With this strong connection between divine providence and astrology, the Wittenberg astrologers diverged from their great Italian idol Girolamo Cardano. Car- dano's reform focused rather on horoscopes than theological subtleties.'0 Mel- anchthon's interpretation of Gen. 1:14 "fiant luminaria in firmamento caeli, et dividant diem ac noctem, et sint in signa et tempora, et dies et annos" became the key passage of the theological legitimation of any form of astrol- ogy.1' Melanchthon initially related "et sint in signa," a passage debated since 7 See Lynn Thorndike, A History of Magic and Experimental Science. Volumes V and VI: The Sixteenth Century, vol. V (New York, 1941), 378; and Robert Westman, "The Melanchthon Circle, Rheticus and the Wittenberg Interpretation of the Copernican Theory," Isis, 66 (1975), 165-93. 8 See note 5. 9 Philipp Melanchthon, Initia doctrinae physicae. Dictata in Academia Vitebergensi. It- erum edita (Wittenberg, 1550), 134vf.; Caspar Peucer, Commentarius de praecipuis divina- tionum generibus (Frankfurt, 1593), 109f; Sachiko Kusukawa, The Transformation of Natural Philosophy. The Case of Philip Melanchthon (Cambridge/England, 1995); and Charlotte Meth- uen, "The Role of the Heavens in the Thought of Philip Melanchthon," JHI, 57 (1996), 385- 403. 1o Anthony Grafton, Cardano's Kosmos. Die Welten und Werke eines Renaissance- Astrologen, tr. Peter Knecht (Berlin, 1999); and idem, Cardano's Cosmos: the Worlds and Works of a Renaissance Astrologer (Cambridge, Mass., 1999). " Dino Belluci, "Genese 1,14 et astrologie dans l'exeghse de Philippe Melanchthon," in Thdorie et pratique de l'exegese, ed. Irena Backus (Geneva, 1990), 177-90; Brosseder, Im Bann der Sterne, 259. This content downloaded from 94.44.229.70 on Fri, 13 Mar 2020 15:35:00 UTC All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms 560 Claudia Brosseder the times of the church fathers, only to changes in nature. From 1535 on, he integrated into this discourse signs of man's disposition for present and future actions.12 The reading of these signs was, for Melanchthon, a divine command.
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