Hosmer Grove and Associated Planting Areas Haleakalā National Park

Vestiges of Experimental Forestry in One of America’s Earliest National Parks

July 2019 Hosmer Grove and Associated Planting Areas Haleakalā National Park

Vestiges of Experimental Forestry in One of America’s Earliest National Parks

William Chapman, PI Jeffrey Tripp, RA

Task Agreement Project between Haleakalā National Park, Maui, State of Hawai‘i and the University of Hawai‘i at Mānoa

Hawai‘i-Pacific Islands Cooperative Ecosystems Unit and Joint Venture Agreement P14AC00637

July 2019 Table of Contents

Illustrations [i]

Authorization [iv]

Preface [viii]

Introduction 1

The U.S. Forest Service and the Nation’s Forests 2

Hawaiian Lands and Forests 13

Forestry and the Territory of Hawaii 26

Ralph S. Hosmer 30

Work of the Board 34

Forest Products in Hawai‘i 42

Experimental Forestry 46

Hosmer’s Plantings at Haleakalā 50

The Hawaii National Park 58

Growth of the Park 67

“Hosmer Grove” 73

The Development of Hosmer Grove 78

Conclusions 89

Sources and Bibliography 93 Illustrations

Cover. Hosmer Grove, February 2018.

Figure a. Hosmer Grove, February 2018. ix

Figure b. Locations of the four experimental forestry plots of 1909-1910. xii

Figure 1. Old growth forest, American Chestnut trees, West Virginia, ca. 1870. 3

Figure 2. Ralph Waldo Emerson (1803-1882). 4

Figure 3. George Perkins Marsh (1801-1882). 5

Figure 4. Ferdinand V. Hayden near Casper, Wyoming in 1870. 6

Figure 5. Mt. Moran, Grand Tetons, Wyoming. 7

Figure 6. Map of the Rocky Mountains region in 1885. 8

Figure 7. Dr. Bernard E. Fernow (1851-1943). 9

Figure 8. Shoshone National Forest. 10

Figure 9. Gifford Pinchot (1865-1946). 12

Figure 10. Satellite view of the Hawaiian Islands, 2003. 15

Figure 11. The Island of Hawai'i at the time of the first Western contact, 1778. 16

Figure 12. View of Honolulu, C. E. Bensell, 1821. 19

Figure 13. Honolulu Harbor, ca. 1850. 20

Figure 14. “Forest Scenery, Puna” Frontispiece from William Hillebrand, Flora of the Hawaiian Islands, 1888. 21

Figure 15. Hawaii's sugar industry. 23

Figure 16. Henry Perrine Baldwin (1842-1911). 25

Figure 17. Tantalus, behind Honolulu, ca. 1900. 28

Figure 18. The Hawaiian Forester and Agriculturalist, 1906. 29

Figure 19. Ralph S. Hosmer, ca. 1957. 31

i Figure 20. Yale School of Forestry, 1904. 33

Figure 21. George R. Carter, Governor of the Territory of Hawaii. 34

Figure 22. Territory of Hawaii, I. P. Berthong, USGS, 1919. 35

Figure 23. Hamakualoa-Koolau Forest Reserve, Proposal, 1905. 37

Figure 24. Walter F. Frear, Governor of the Territory of Hawaii. 39

Figure 25. Pineapple growing in Hawai‘i. 41

Figure 26. Paniolo workers at Haleakala Ranch, ca. 1909. 47

Figure 27. Paniolo riders at Haleakala Ranch, ca. 1910. 47

Figure 28. Louis Von Tempsky, ca. 1910. 48

Figure 29. T. Anderson, Ralph Hosmer, Louis Von Tempsky, and W. T. Brigham on Haleakalā, June 1909. 49

Figure 30. The summit of Haleakalā. 51

Figure 31. Joseph Francis Rock's Ornamental Plants of Hawaii, 1917. 56

Figure 32. Hawaii National Park Map. 60

Figure 33. Stable associated with the Kalahaku rest house on Haleakalā. 62

Figure 34. Group of Coulter pines (Pinus coulteri) at the 6,500-foot level. 64

Figure 35. White pine (Pinus strobus) at the 6,500-foot level. 65

Figure 36. Opening ceremonies for the new road to the summit of Haleakalā, February 23, 1935. 68

Figure 37. The new road cut Haleakalā. 69

Figure 38. Silversword in bloom, Haleakalā. 72

Figure 39. Pine Trees Campground drawing. 76

Figure 40. Haleakala Mountain Lodge dining room and lounge, 1947 77

Figure 41. Detail from 1960 drawing of Haleakalā National Park Minor

ii Developed Areas Master Plan. 79

Figure 42. Hosmer Grove Nature Trail Guide, illustration dated to 1958. 80

Figure 43. Haleakala National Park brochure, 1961. 81

Figure 44. Photo of Lahaina Methodist Church Group camped at Hosmer Grove campground, 1961. 82

Figure 45. Photo of Hosmer Grove picnic shelter, 1962. 82

Figure 46. Hosmer Grove directional sign, May 1964. 83

Figure 47. Boy Scouts clearing the nature trail, 1969. 84

Figure 48. Hosmer Grove Nature Trail Sign, September 1971. 85

Figure 49. Hosmer Grove, ca. 1972. 85

Figure 50. Bruce McGrew, Watercolor of Hosmer Grove, 1976. 87

Figure 51. Hosmer Grove nature trail, February 2018. 89

Figure 52. Plot III at 8,500 feet, February 2018. 90

iii Purpose and Authorization

Authorization

This project was conducted under Hawaii-Pacific Islands Cooperative Ecosystems Studies Unit (CESU) Cooperative Agreement Number P14AC00637 between the United States Department of the Interior, National Park Service and the University of Hawai‘i (Duns No.: 965088057) authorized under the Catalog of Federal Domestic Assistance (CFDA: 15.945), Cooperative Research and Training Programs – Resources of the National Park System.

The Project Title is “Historical and Cultural Research at Haleakalā National Park.” The amount of federal funds obligated was $25,018.45; the total amount of the Task Agreement Award was $25,018.45. The Period of Performance was 09/01/2017 – 02/28/2019.

For performance under this Task Agreement, the regulations were set forth in 2 CFR 200 superseding OMB Circulars A–21 (2 CFR 220), A–87 (2 CFR 225), A–110 (2 CFR 215), and A–122 (2 CFR 230); Circulars A–89, A–102 (43 CFR 12, Subpart C), and A–133; and the guidance in Circular A–50 on Single Audit Act follow-up. The recipient adhered to 2 CFR 200 in its entirety, in addition to any terms and conditions of P14AC00637 not superseded by 2 CFR 200, as well as the terms and conditions set forth in this Task Agreement. It was recognized that in the event of a conflict between the original terms of P14AC00637 and 2 CFR 200, relating to this Task Agreement, 2 CFR 200 would take precedence.

This Task Agreement by and between the National Park Service (NPS) and University of Hawai‘i (UH) was issued against the Hawai‘i-Pacific Islands Cooperative Ecosystem Studies Unit Cooperative and Joint Venture Agreement, P14AC00637, for the purpose of mutual assistance in conducting a project entitled “Historical Research on Hosmer’s Planting Areas at Haleakalā National Park and other Cultural Resource Projects As Needed.” Unless otherwise specified herein, the terms and conditions as stated in the Cooperative Agreement applied to this Task Agreement.

Background and Objectives

This project has connected personnel at Haleakalā National Park with historians and cultural resource specialists at University of Hawa‘i in order to enhance public understanding of the historic and cultural resources at Haleakalā National Park and create training opportunities for University of Hawai‘i using these resources.

For the Phase I objective, the project fills a void in understanding the impact that Hawai‘i’s first Territorial Forester, Ralph S. Hosmer (1874-1963), had on Haleakalā National Park’s resources.

iv Ralph Hosmer led the development of three experimental forest plantings on Haleakalā’s western facing slope starting in 1909 in areas that now comprise the park. The National Park Service developed one area—Hosmer Grove—during the Mission 66 era as the Pine Trees Camp and Picnic Ground. The goal of this Phase I, “Historical Background Research on Hosmer’s Planting Areas at Haleakalā National Park,” has been to develop historical background for use by the park and the public, and to support the future development of a Determination of Eligibility (DOE) and Cultural Landscape Inventory (CLI) for the proposed “Hosmer’s Planting Areas Cultural Landscape.” University of Hawai‘i experts who meet the Secretary of the Interior’s Professional Qualification Standards have conducted the project, with considerable input by the park staff. Phase I will disseminate more information regarding Hosmer and his impact on park resources to the public at large.

Phase I has included the following steps:

1. Historical research using primary and secondary sources a. The final research product will be made widely available to the public. 2. Field documentation of all resources associated with the landscape a. GIS spatial data will be created for the landscape boundary, landscape characteristics and features. 3. Outreach to park staff and visitors regarding the historical background of Hosmer’s Planting Areas. Outreach was fulfilled by conducting: a. One workshop for park staff on site at the park (February 8, 2018), and b. One public lecture for the larger Maui community, held at UH Maui College (February 8, 2018).

The Phase II objectives are to:

1. Host a field school of University of Hawai‘i using Hosmer’s Planting Area, or another cultural landscape at HALE, as a teaching tool.

Public Purpose

The project’s public purpose is to provide historical background research on Hosmer’s Planting areas at Haleakalā National park in order to enhance public understanding of the role of Ralph Hosmer. Hosmer, Hawai‘i’s first Territorial Forester, was instrumental in shaping Hawai‘i’s native and non-native forests in the early 1900s and parts of Haleakalā National Park, including the now popular public campground named in Hosmer’s memory. Through a public workshop, and potentially a Phase II field school, the project will provide the public and university students with a deeper understanding of Hosmer’s legacy and the role of cultural landscapes within the national parks. Also, the project will provide the park service with critical information to develop a DOE and CLI, and potentially list additional resources to the National Register of Historic Places, further protecting the resources for the public and allowing the park to strategically manage the cultural and natural resources that are part of “Hosmer’s Planting Areas Cultural Landscape.” The final study will be posted online for public access.

v Both phases of this project serve the purpose of transferring knowledge, by making historical information and resource data available to park staff, visitors, and the wider public. Finally, this project provides educational value through creating training opportunities for University of Hawai‘i, such as field schools, and access to park archives and resources.

Legal Authority

Pursuant to 54 USC §101702(b), to facilitate the administration of the System, the Secretary, under such terms and conditions as the Secretary may consider advisable, may—(A) enter into cooperative agreements with public or private educational institutions, States, and political subdivisions of States to develop adequate, coordinated, cooperative research and training programs concerning the resources of the System; and (B) pursuant to an agreement, accept from and make available to the cooperator technical and support staff, financial assistance for mutually agreed upon research projects, supplies and equipment, facilities, and administrative services relating to cooperative research units that the Secretary considers appropriate. This subsection does not waive any requirements for research projects that are subject to Federal procurement regulations.

Statement of Work

A. UH’s responsibilities:

1. Collaboratively undertake a study titled “Historical Background Research on Hosmer’s Planting Areas at Haleakalā National Park” as described throughout this Task Agreement. 2. Appoint William Chapman, Professor of American Studies as Principal Investigator (PI). 3. Additionally appoint Jeff Tripp, Assistant Professor of American Studies to work on the project. 4. Conduct archival research at the park archives, including photos, maps, and any other files that may have useful information. Additionally conduct archival research at the university in all relevant primary and secondary sources available. 5. Write a detailed narrative history of the three planting locations, illustrated with historic maps and historic photos (if available) showing each period of development from the forestry period to the Mission 66 period, with a bibliography. 6. Provide a short (maximum half day) workshop for park staff. 7. Provide a public lecture. 8. Cooperate with the NPS Agreement Technical Representative (ATR) to ensure that the conduct of the project complies with “Quality Control of Scientific and Other Scholarly Products in the Pacific West Region.” 9. Ensure that reports and other formal materials (including publications and presentations) resulting from this collaborative project acknowledge the NPS and

vi that the project was conducted through the Hawai`i-Pacific Islands Cooperative Ecosystem Studies Unit and reference this Task Agreement number. 10. Obtain digital photographs with captions of project activities and make these available to the NPS Hawai`i-Pacific Islands CESU Senior Science Advisor and others for use in presentations and reports.

B. The NPS responsibilities:

1. Collaboratively undertake a study titled “Historical Background Research on Hosmer’s Planting Areas at Haleakalā National Park” as described throughout this Task Agreement. 2. Provide financial assistance to the UH Mānoa as provided in Article VI. The budget, included as Attachment(s), is incorporated in this Task Agreement. 3. Assign Steve Robertson, Chief of Resource Management as the ATR, and Rachel Hodara as the Project Manager (PM). 4. Assign additional project participants: Museum Technician Katie Matthew, Botanist Patti Welton. 5. Provide access to all NPS curated archives pertinent to the subject matter. 6. Provide GPS data for project area boundaries and resources. 7. Provide subject matter expertise regarding the cultural and natural resources included in Hosmer’s Planting Areas cultural landscape. 8. Provide support and logistics for the staff workshop and public lecture. 9. Post the final study to the park web site 10. Facilitate all fieldwork 11. Provide project management support 12. Provide housing for field school for Phase II, if funding becomes available. 13. Cooperate with the UH to ensure that the conduct of the project complies with “Quality Control of Scientific and Other Scholarly Products in the Pacific West Region.” The ATR (or designee) is the administrative reviewer for this project. 14. Ensure that reports and other formal materials (including publications and presentations) resulting from this collaborative project acknowledge the UH and that the project was conducted through the Hawai`i-Pacific Islands Cooperative Ecosystem Studies Unit and reference this Task Agreement number. 15. Obtain digital photographs with captions of project activities and make these available to the NPS Hawai`i-Pacific Islands CESU Senior Science Advisor and others for use in presentations and reports.

vii Preface

On September 19, 1900, Chief Forester David Haughs wrote to Wray Taylor, Commissioner of Agriculture and Forestry in the just established Territory of Hawaii that he had spent four days around Haʻikū, Maui, meeting with the Hon. H. P. Baldwin [Henry Perrine Baldwin (1842-1911), businessman and politician] and examining “the young trees recently planted… consisting of Eucalyptus, Casuarina, Grevillea robusta and several species of Acacia” that Baldwin had planted at the upper limits of his extensive ranch lands. All were “growing well,” with the famous Australian import, Eucalyptus globulus [Tasmanian blue gum] proving to be “the fastest grower in that district.”1

The newly established U.S. territory had every reason to consider forestry a priority. Between decades of cutting sandalwood for the China trade and further years of cattle breeding and introduction of ungulates (hooved mammals), Hawai‘i’s native forests had been severely affected by overcutting and overgrazing. Ralph S. Hosmer (1874-1963), the Territory of Hawai‘i’s first Superintendent of Forestry beginning January 1904, recognized the importance of the native forests to protect the watershed.2 New non-native trees could provide timber for the increasing fuel demands of the sugar plantations, wood for construction, stem erosion, and provide windbreaks for cattle, all while buffering the native forests that served as “a pretty nearly ideal cover for a watershed.”3 Prior to the Territory’s work, Baldwin also recognized the importance of forested land to Maui and other islands’ water resources as well. Baldwin’s business partner, Samuel Thomas Alexander (1836-1904) had noticed that the rainforests on the eastern (windward) side of the island and the upper slopes of the commanding dormant volcano Haleakalā had the potential to supply much needed water for sugarcane in the fertile valleys below.4 In the late 1870s, Alexander and Baldwin had constructed the impressive Hamakua ditch to irrigate crops below. Soon, they had acquired more land and expanded sugar production. In 1890, two years after the incorporation of Haleakala Ranch, Baldwin became a shareholder and President, investing substantially in the 33,817-acre ranch and diversifying its holdings.5 Forestry offered an opportunity for a new source of profit.

The small experimental forests within the current boundaries of Haleakalā National Park were a part of this legacy and an important marker in the history of Hawai‘i’s development in the early territorial period. The interconnections between water resources, forestry, and the territory’s main industry, agricultural production, are fundamental to

1 Report, David Haughs, Chief Forester, to Wray Taylor, Commissioner of Agriculture and Forestry, 19 September 1900, GOV1-1, Forestry and Agriculture, Hawai‘i State Archives. 2 Ralph S. Hosmer, Proceedings of the Society of American Foresters (Washington, D.C., 1913), 214-215. 3 Wray Taylor, Report of the Commissioner of Agriculture and Forestry (Honolulu, 1901), 14-15, https://babel.hathitrust.org/cgi/pt?id=hvd.32044103119376&view=1up&seq=1, Accessed 2 July 2019; Ralph S. Hosmer, Proceedings of the Society of American Foresters (Washington, D.C., 1913), 214; and Patricia Welton, Community Organization and Population Structures of a Lowland Mesic Forest in Pahole Natural Area Reserve, Oahu (Manoa, 1993), 12. 4 Ralph S. Kuykendall, The Hawaiian Kingdom, Twenty Critical Years Vol. 2, 1854-1874 (Honolulu: University of Hawaii Press, 1953), 144-245. 5 Haleakala Ranch, Haleakala Ranch History, https://haleakalaranch.com/about-haleakala-ranch/haleakala- ranch-history/, Accessed 3 September 2018. viii understanding the significance of the experimental groves near the summit of Haleakalā. Planted in 1909-1911 by Hosmer, these four groves – one of which is just outside of the park boundaries and within Haleakala Ranch land – are part of the historical evidence of an ambitious plan to establish non-native forests at the upper limits of Haleakalā and other higher elevations of the Hawaiian Islands. The aim of the territorial government, in accordance with Hosmer’s guidance, was not only to stabilize severely eroded lands, but also to create a purpose for what land stewards at the time viewed as unproductive land.6 Protecting and enhancing the native forest to preserve the watershed was a part of the scheme; another aspect was the hope of introducing timber resources to further underwrite Hawai‘i’s then uncertain economy.7 Wrongheaded, given our present understanding of ecology and retrospectively insensitive to aesthetic and cultural ideals, Hosmer and the Territory of Hawaii’s aim was indeed the betterment of Hawai‘i’s lands and its people.

Figure a. Hosmer Grove, February 2018. William Chapman, photographer.

Hosmer’s relatively modest experiment would have a lasting impact on the national park at Haleakalā. Haleakalā National Park was originally established in 1916 as part of the much larger Hawaii National Park (the other branch included Kīlauea Volcano on the

6 Ralph S. Hosmer, Proceedings of the Society of American Foresters (Washington, D.C., 1913), 214. 7 Ibid. ix island of Hawai‘i).8 Haleakalā National Park is located in East Maui, and features the dramatic Haleakalā “Crater,” actually a depression formed by the erosion of Haleakalā shield volcano, and measuring seven by two miles (11.25 by 3.2 km). The park also includes sloping lands stretching from the summit to the sea, composed of a subalpine desert, shrubland, cloud forest, rainforest, dryland forest, and coastal zones in Nu‘u, Ka‘āpahu, and Kīpahulu. The stunning Haleakalā Volcano last erupted between 1480 and 1600 CE.

Native Hawaiians value the summit of Haleakalā as the home of the demigod Māui, who, according to legend, lassoed the sun at the summit to lengthen the day.9

Most of the summit area park lands were previously held by Kamehameha I and his heirs, who eventually sold the land of Kalialinui to Haleakala Ranch in 1888.10 In the late nineteenth century Haleakala Ranch regularly ran their cattle through the Haleakalā wilderness to the abundant grasslands at the eastern reaches of the volcano. While the principal shareholder and Haleakala Ranch’s president was H.P. Baldwin, day-to-day management rested with W.S. Pogue, assisted by New Zealander Louis von Tempsky.11 In 1898, the same year that the U.S. Congress annexed the Territory of Hawaii, von Tempsky succeeded Pogue as Ranch manager.12 Two years later, in 1900, the Government of the Territory of Hawaii was authorized by Congress, and soon after Baldwin and von Tempsky began to work closely with the newly established government, devoting thousands of acres of the ranch’s lands to forestry.13 In 1906, fully 7,000 acres were set aside as forest reserve to protect the watershed.14

In 1916, as part of an initiative to both preserve Hawai‘i’s special scenic areas and to encourage the nascent visitor industry, the U.S. federal government, lobbied by powerful business interests in the Territory of Hawaii, assumed control of Haleakalā.15 Shortly after the establishment of Hawaii National Park, the National Park Service was declared by Organic Act.16 The final transfer of ownership of the majority of Haleakalā National Park lands, however, did not occur until 1927, when Haleakala Ranch traded its

8 Jadelyn J. Moniz Nakamura, Fire on the Rim: The Creation of Hawaii National Park, Occasional Paper 1 (Kīlauea, Hawai‘i: Hawaii Volcanoes National Park, n.d.). 9 William Hyde Rice, Hawaiian Legends, Bulletin 3 (Honolulu: Bernice P. Bishop Museum, 1923). 10 Maly, Kepā and Onaona Maly, July 2006, He Mo‘olelo ‘Äina: The Waikamoi Preserve, ii-iii. 11 Haleakala Ranch Timeline, 2016, https://haleakalaranch.com/about-haleakala-ranch/haleakala-ranch- history/, Accessed 2 July 2019; and Paniolo Hall of Fame, Louis Von Tempsky, 2018, https://www.hicattle.org/paniolo-hall-of-fame/inductees/louis-von-tempsky, Accessed 30 September 2018. 12 Haleakala Ranch Timeline, 2016, https://haleakalaranch.com/about-haleakala-ranch/haleakala-ranch- history/, Accessed 2 July 2019. 13 Report, David Haughs, Chief Forester, to Wray Taylor, Commissioner of Agriculture and Forestry, 19 September 1900, GOV1-1, Forestry and Agriculture, Hawai‘i State Archives. 14 Haleakala Ranch Timeline, 2016, https://haleakalaranch.com/about-haleakala-ranch/haleakala-ranch- history/, Accessed 2 July 2019; and Maly, Kepā and Onaona Maly, July 2006, He Mo‘olelo ‘Äina: The Waikamoi Preserve, 128. 15 Jadelyn J. Moniz Nakamura, Fire on the Rim: The Creation of Hawaii National Park, Occasional Paper 1 (Kīlauea, Hawai‘i: Hawaii Volcanoes National Park, n.d.). 16 The National Park Service came officially into being on August 25, 1916; the park preceded this by 24 days. See Kim Heacox and Jimmy Carter, An American Idea: The Making of the National Parks (Washington, D.C. National Geographic Society, 2009). x Haleakalā Crater lands with the Territory of Hawaii for lands in Kamaole and Kihei; the Territory of Hawaii subsequently deeded the lands to the U.S. federal government.17 Three of Hosmer’s planting areas were incorporated within the new park.

The remnants of these experimental tracts are still evident in the park today. The lowest in elevation, an approximately 3.6-acre area known as Hosmer Grove, was further developed by the National Park Service and now offers a sheltered picnic and camping area as well as a nature trail for hikers. Many visitors value the cool quiet of the forest glade, comprised mostly of Eucalyptus trees and a number of species of conifer. The nature trail through Hosmer Grove includes identification markers for the various native and non-native plants growing there and provides periodic lookouts and rest areas for hikers. One of the great features of the small forest is the abundance of birdlife, both native species and introduced birds. Hosmer Grove features as well in the memories of Maui residents and of the many thousands of visitors to Haleakalā. From the late 1930s, the glade served as a camping area for boy scouts and girl scouts, as well as school groups and other youth organizations.18 In 1954, Conrad Wirth, Director of the National Park Service, designated “the pine grove near Puu Nianiau on Haleakala… ‘Ralph S. Hosmer Grove’.” Wirth’s intention was to “give recognition to the fine work of the ‘Father of Forestry in the Territory of Hawaii’.”19 In the late 1950s, the National Park Service developed a campground and picnic area just outside the grove, which was briefly referred to as the Pine Tree Camp and Picnic Ground20; this was part of the Mission 66 program, which aimed to bring the park more fully into the orbit of modern recreational life.21 This use continues today among visitors and local residents and the special character of Hosmer Grove instills a sense both of the history of the park and its surroundings.

17 Haleakala Ranch Timeline, 2016, https://haleakalaranch.com/about-haleakala-ranch/haleakala-ranch- history/, Accessed 2 July 2019; and Frances Jackson, Administrative History of Hawaii Volcanoes National Park, Haleakala National Park (Honolulu: National Park Service1972), HALE-12. 18 Kaimuki Boy Scouts Visit Valley Isle,” Honolulu Star-Bulletin, August 26, 1938. 19 Conrad L. Wirth, Letter to Prof. Ralph S. Hosmer, December 15, 1954. US Department of Interior Archives, Copy Haleakalā National Park Archives. 20 Superintendent’s Reports, 1958.21 Ethan Carr, Mission 66: Modernism and the National Park Dilemma (Amherst: University of Massachusetts Press, 2007). 21 Ethan Carr, Mission 66: Modernism and the National Park Dilemma (Amherst: University of Massachusetts Press, 2007).

xi 0 2 Miles N A

Figure b. Map indicating the locations of the four experimental forestry plots of 1909-1910. Haleakalā National Park.

The purpose of this project is to bring the character and history of Hosmer Grove and associated planting areas at Haleakalā National Park into focus and to better understand both the origins and the later history of the plantings within the park. Hosmer Grove and associated planting areas may seem an alien presence in a park devoted to the preservation of Native Hawaiian plant and animal species and culture, but the experimental forestry plantings represent an important part of the recent history of Haleakalā National Park.

A Note on Diacritics and Usage

The Hawaiian language (ʻŌlelo Hawaiʻi) uses two diacritical markings. The ‘okina is a glottal stop, similar to the sound between the syllables of "oh-oh." In print, the correct symbol for designating an ‘okina is the single open quotation mark. The kahakō is a macron, which lengthens and adds stress to the marked vowel. For example, “pau,” depending on placement of ‘okina and kahakō, can mean completed, smudge, moist or skirt. Although the first transcribers of Hawaiian language included these markers for clarification on pronunciation, they were typically deleted from everyday printed sources in the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries.

xii For much of the twentieth century, proper names and titles such as the “Territory of Hawaii” or “Hawaii National Park” did not use diacritics. Similarly, diacritics were not used in most journal or other articles; even the University of Hawai‘i Press did not consistently employ diacritical marks until the 1990s. (Erroneously, some authors have added diacritics to westernized words such as Hawaiian. There is further debate as well on whether the possessive of “Hawaii” should be Hawaii’s or Hawai‘i’s. We employ the latter usage for clarity.)

There are several points on usage employed in this study: Hawaiian words are not singled out with italics but are written in normal script, as is proper for words of a language recognized as an official language for the State of Hawai‘i. This usage follows recent conventions in scholarly and other writings. On another detail: throughout this text the name Hawai‘i may refer to the Hawaiian Islands as a whole or to the largest island, Hawai‘i. The meaning should be understandable in context.

Acknowledgments

A great number of people played some role in this cooperative study. On the National Park Service side Rachel Hodara Nelson, Cultural Resources Program Manager and Archeologist, initiated the project and provided contributions to the report and guidance throughout. Katie Matthew, Museum Technician, was enormously helpful in helping the researchers with information on the park and allowing us access to the park’s archives. Biologist William Haus and Botanist Patti Welton assisted in the field, provided mapping and editorial assistance, and expertise with identification of the trees planted by Hosmer. Several other personnel from Haleakalā National Park assisted in the field. Steve Robertson, Chief of Resource Management, gave his approval and support, as did the park’s superintendent Natalie Gates. Lilette Baltodano, Financial Agreements Officer in the National Park Service’s Pacific West Regional Office gave the green light to the award. Jordan Jokiel of Haleakala Ranch allowed the park access to the ranch for the identification of Plot II, and provided insights into early forestry history in Hawai‘i.

For the University of Hawai‘i special thanks go to Noelle Kahanu, who served as our Grants Manager for the project, Rumi Yoshida, and Lori Mina in the Department of American Studies Office and the College of Arts & Humanities financial officer Kevin Nishimura and University Research Corporation staff Ashley Mitani and Janice Sato. Jesse Otto, Graduate Assistant for the department’s Historic Preservation Program, helped with research materials. Dean Peter Arnade of the College of Arts & Humanities consistently provided support and encouragement for the project. The staffs of the University’s Hamilton Library and the Hawai‘i State Archives, Keakauluoli Building have been unfailingly helpful as always.

W. C. and J. T.

xiii Hosmer Grove and Associated Planting Areas Haleakalā National Park

Introduction

Approaches to “nature” vary from generation to generation. In the first decade of the twentieth century, the general thrust of forest management—and agriculture generally— was to achieve efficiency and to enhance local economies. Territorial Forester Ralph S. Hosmer (1874-1963) and his colleagues wanted to improve Hawai‘i’s forest reserves and to contribute to the existing agroindustry, namely sugar production (pineapple was just beginning at the time). They also wanted to explore the potential for timber production in the Hawaiian Islands. These were the aims too of the Territory of Hawaii’s political leaders and certainly of the “plantocracy” that supported the government’s efforts. Hawai‘i’s forests at the time of Hosmer’s intervention were in a severe state of degradation. The sandalwood trade and cattle grazing had depleted many of the old growth forests. But even before this time, Hawaiians themselves had contributed to deforestation through cutting for agricultural use. Feral animals also caused damage to native habitats. All of these changes contributed to soil erosion and loss of important water resources. Reestablishing forest cover was a step toward stabilizing soils and providing new potential sources of revenue.

In recent years, emphasis within the national parks has been to better understand the natural environments and the ecological processes that underlay these special places. There is also a fresh emphasis on native and endemic plants, both for what they represent about the history and prehistory of places, but also for the challenge they present for conservation. There has been greater public understanding of the importance of native environments as well. For many, nature has come to be seen as pristine and unalterable. Natural environments have become imbued with transcendent value. The barren but awe- inspiring landscape of Haleakalā has a particular significance as a place untouched, a wao akua, or place for the gods and a site that puts humans closer to creation. The uppermost peak of an enormous shield volcano forming three-quarters of the island of Maui, Haleakalā stands 10,023 feet (3,055 m) above sea level and offers breathtaking views across surrounding waters of the other Hawaiian Islands. And the landscape itself—the dramatic unworldly, almost lunar surface—seems to take the visitor back to the beginnings of time. No wonder Hosmer Grove and the other remnant experimental stands of exotic trees appear now as intrusive.

But Hosmer Grove has its champions as well. Since 1958 (and informally as early as the 1930s), the site has served as a popular camping ground, its three-plus acres the home not only of an array of exotic trees and undergrowth, but also habitat for both introduced and native birds. The trail and its informative markers provide a respite for many visitors from the harsh landscape of the rest of the high-elevation Summit District of the park. The campground at Hosmer Grove at 6,800 feet above sea level is a convenient point from which hikers and campers can visit the rest of the park. It is also near the Nature Conservancy’s Waikamoi Preserve and the National Park Service-maintained Supply

1 Trail leading toward the crater rim. Hosmer Grove and the other two remaining planting areas22 also tell the history of both plant and animal life on Haleakalā and something of the history of the park itself. These areas also provide insights into Hawai‘i’s unique place in the world and its relationship to the North American continent as well as other Pacific Islands and especially Australia to the south. Just a miniscule part of the existing Haleakalā National Park, Hosmer Grove and associated planting areas nonetheless offer a special introduction to Hawai‘i’s more recent history.

The U.S. Forest Service and the Nation’s Forests

Hosmer Grove and the other remaining planting areas in Haleakalā National Park had their origins not in the efforts of the National Park Service but rather in a kindred agency, the United States Forest Service. The U.S. Forest Service, in turn, can trace its roots to the mid-1870s to concerns about the future of the forested areas of Yellowstone National Park, the nation’s first protected natural area, and wider concerns for the future of the United States’ forest reserves. Through pressure from naturalist and adventurer Theodore Roosevelt (1858-1919) and his companions in the Boone and Crockett Club, the U.S. Congress created a Special Agent in the Department of Agriculture (USDA) to assess the conditions of the U.S. forests generally.

The first person to serve as the agent was Franklin B. Hough (1822-1885), a physician, statistician, scientist and historian often referred to as the “father of American forestry.”23 Trained as a medical doctor, Hough devoted his spare time to the study of natural history and the history and practice of medicine. His experience as supervisor of the New York State census following the Civil War alerted him to the decline in forests and timber products, a realization that led to a paper called “On the Duty of Governments in the Preservation of Forests,” which he read to the American Association for the Advancement of Science (AAAS) at their annual meeting of 1873.24 Hough cited the Mediterranean, where he pointed out that the loss of forests due to excessive harvesting over the centuries had resulted in severe environmental impacts. Hough advocated for the creation of forestry schools and also government regulation of forests. Following his appointment as Special Agent under USDA Commissioner Frederick Watts (1801-1889), Hough traveled the country to compile his 1877 Report on Forestry—a volume that achieved wide circulation and helped set the course for the new Division of Forestry (established in 1881) under Hough’s leadership.25

22 The fourth original planting area is located outside the park boundaries. 23 “Franklin B. Hough: 1st Chief of the U.S. Division of Forestry, 1881-1883,” Forest History Society, https://foresthistory.org/research-explore/us-forest-service-history/people/chiefs/franklin-b-hough/, Accessed 10 October 2018. 24 Gerald W. Williams, The USDA Forest Service—The First Century, Revised edition (Washington, DC, USDA Forest Service, Office of Communication, 2005), 4. 25 Ibid., 5. 2 Figure 1. Old growth forest, American Chestnut trees, West Virginia, ca. 1870, now virtually extinct. American Chestnut Foundation.

The new division did not emerge in a vacuum. Post-Civil War America was experiencing a time of radical growth and development. The “Old West” was giving way to new waves of settlers and entrepreneurs, many set upon exploiting the country’s massive natural resources for economic benefit. Mining, timber extraction, and opening up lands for the grazing of cattle and sheep was impacting natural areas; increasing numbers of homesteading farmers in the 1870s caused additional changes to the landscape.26 Post Civil War-railway development compounded the impacts, increasing the numbers of settlers and also underwriting the development of mines and also leading to more aggressive timber production. With the great forests of the East nearly depleted, timber exploiters turned their sights on the pine forests of the Great Lakes area as well as untouched forests in the South and farther West.27 These developments—along with ill- advised agricultural practices such as contour plowing and overgrazing—impacted the landscape, leading to increasing erosion.28 Both open pit mining and high-pressure water mining were particularly egregious examples of the exploitation of the lands.29 It was soon becoming evident to many that some form of change was needed.

26 Hal K. Rothman, “Environmental History in the American West,” OAH Magazine of History 9, 1 (Fall 1994), 28-32. See also, Dan Flores, The Natural West: Environmental History in the Great Plains and Rocky Mountains (Norman: University of Oklahoma, 2003) and more recently, Sara Dant, Losing Eden: An Environmental History of the American West (New York: Wiley, 2017. 27 Sing C. Chew, Logs for Capital: The Timber Industry and Capitalist Enterprise in the Nineteenth Century (New York: Greenwood Press, 1992). 28 Philip J. Nelson, “To Hold the Land: Soil Erosion, Agricultural Scientists, and the Development of Conservation Tillage Techniques,” Agricultural History 71, 1 (Winter 1997), 71-90. 29 Timothy J. LeCain, Mass Destruction: The Men and Giant Mines that Wired America and Scarred the Planet (New Brunswick: Rutgers University Press, 2009). 3 Figure 2. Ralph Waldo Emerson (1803-1882), essayist, philosopher, poet and early advocate for Nature. Wikipedia Commons.

Concern for conservation of the country’s lands goes back in part to visionary literary figures Henry David Thoreau (1817-1862) and Ralph Waldo Emerson (1803-1882). Thoreau called attention to the beauty and tranquility of forested lands and pristine waterways and other features. While he celebrated the pastoral landscape, he came increasingly to embrace the idea of wilderness. Emerson was the exponent of and in some ways the inventor of the philosophy of Transcendentalism.30 His 1836 essay “Nature” transcribed the ideas of German philosopher Immanuel Kant (1724-1804) and theologian Emanuel Swedenborg (1688-1772, the inspiration for religious movement known as Swedenborgianism31) arguing that nature is suffused by divinity and provided a key to understanding universal truths. He further posited that an appreciation of nature was tantamount to worship and that the experience of nature brought humans closer to God (or to universal understanding).32

30 Philip F. Gura, American Transcendentalism: A History (New York: Hill and Wang, 2008). 31 Ralph Waldo Emerson, Nature (Boston: James Munroe and Company, 1936). On Swedenborgianism, see Gary Lachman, Swedenborg: An Introduction to His Life and Ideas (New York: TarcherPerigee, 2012). 32 Michael P. Branch and Clinton Mohs, eds., “The Best Read Naturalist:” Nature Writings of Ralph Waldo Emerson (Charlottesville: University of Virginia Press, 2017). 4 Figure 3. George Perkins Marsh (1801-1882), author of Man and Nature (1864). Adirondack Explorer (September 2014).

Criticized by traditionalists, Emerson’s ideas found acceptance among many concerned with the exploitation of the environment. A key figure was George Perkins Marsh (1801- 1882). Born in Woodstock, Vermont, Marsh was admitted to the bar in 1825 and went on to serve as a Whig Party representative in Washington, D.C.33 His interests extended to both cultural and natural history and Marsh edited Squier and Davis’s epochal Ancient Monuments of the Mississippi Valley, the Smithsonian Institution’s first publication of 1848.34 The United States’ minister to the Ottoman Empire, he traveled throughout the Middle East and Greece, returning to Vermont in 1854, where he was commissioned by the governor to write a report on fish propagation. President Lincoln, in turn, appointed him ambassador to Italy, where he served until his death in 1882.

Marsh’s most lasting work was his book Man and Nature, published by Scribner’s in 1864.35 Marsh argued that the earth and its resources were far from inexhaustible, as many of his contemporaries believed. He noted the collapse of Mediterranean civilizations, which he believed had brought on their own destruction through environmental degradation—most notably deforestation. Marsh noted comparable trends in the United States and pressed for wiser environmental management; the creation of the

33 David Lowenthal, George Perkins Marsh: Prophet of Conservation (Seattle: University of Washington Press, 2003). 34 Ephraim G. Squier and Edwin H. Davis, Ancient Monuments of the Mississippi Valley, edited with an introduction by David J. Meltzer, Smithsonian Classics of Anthropology (Washington, D.D.: Smithsonian Books, 1998). 35 George Perkins Marsh, Man and Nature, Or, Physical Geography as Modified by Human Action, edited by David Lowenthal (Seattle: University of Washington Press, 2003). 5 Adirondack Park in New York in 1885 was an immediate and direct result of his warnings and advocacy as was the creation of the U.S. Forest Service a few years later.36

Figure 4. Ferdinand V. Hayden near Casper, Wyoming in 1870. Photograph by William Henry Jackson (1843-1942). National Archives.

Other important contributors to the early conservation movement were the explorers John Wesley Powell (1834-1902) and F. V. Hayden (1829-1887). Powell was responsible for surveying large parts of the West as part of what came to be known as the Powell Geographic Expedition of 1869. The survey carried Powell and his crew along the Green and Colorado rivers, and included a first government-sponsored passage through the Grand Canyon.37 Powell afterward served as the director of the U.S. Geological Survey, where he addressed the problem of making the West more productive and fighting what he and others perceived as its excessive aridity.38 He later fell afoul of the railway interests, which promoted development and farming at the expense of water resource planning and conservation.39

F. V. Hayden, Powell’s exploring counterpart, undertook a comparable expedition two years after Powell, where he and his crew documented the Pacific Northwest and the incomparable Yellowstone area of Wyoming.40 As with Powell’s survey, Hayden’s had

36 William Porter, Jon Erickson, and Ross Whaley, The Great Experiment in Conservation: Voices from Adirondack Park (Syracuse: Syracuse University Press, 2009). 37 Edward Dolnick, Down the Great Unknown: John Wesley Powell’s 1869 Journey of Discovery and Tragedy through the Grand Canyon (New York: Harper Perennial, 2002). 38 J. W. Powell, Report on the Lands of the Arid Region of the United States, with a More Detailed Account of the Lands of Utah, 2nd edition (Washington, D.C.: Government Printing Office, 1879). 39 See John F. Ross, “How the West Was Lost,” The Atlantic online edition (September 2018), https://www.theatlantic.com/ideas/archive/2018/09/how-the-west-was-lost/569365/, Accessed 10 September 2018. 40 Marlene Deahl Merrill, ed., Yellowstone and the Great West-Journals: Letters and Images from the 1871 Hayden Expedition (Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, 1999). 6 built upon the earlier surveys by railroad companies, but then broke with these in its recognition of areas of particular beauty and conservation interest. Retiring to an academic life at the University of Pennsylvania, Hayden became a key figure in the reorganization of the U.S. Geological Survey.41 His early work also helped put in place the creation of the United States’ first national park, Yellowstone, in 1872.42

Figure 5. Mt. Moran, Grand Tetons, Wyoming. Photograph by William Henry Jackson, ca. 1872. National Archives.

Both Powell and Hayden had emphasized the beauty and majesty of America’s remote wilderness. Promoted through the paintings and photographs of expedition members Thomas Moran (1837-1926) and Henry William Jackson (1843-1942), the natural beauty of places such as Yosemite caught the public’s imagination, fueling interest in conservation.43 Others saw the underlying economic value of wilderness, especially the importance of forest reserves. Foremost among advocates for the conservation of as yet untouched forests was Hough, mentioned earlier.44 Noting the loss of forests in the East and fearing the West’s forests would be subjected to the same level of clear cutting, he argued strongly in favor of conservation as a way of sustaining timber and other kinds of forest products. Hoping for government action, his paper, presented at the AAAS in 1873, in fact pointed the way to the first steps in the country to address issues of forest management on a large scale. 45

41 Mike Foster, “Ferdinand Vandeveer Hayden as Naturalist,” American Zoologist 26 (1986) 343-349. 42 Dennis Drabelle, “The Man Who Put Yellowstone on the Map,” The Pennsylvania Gazette, 25 August 2016, http://thepenngazette.com/the-man-who-put-yellowstone-on-the-map/, Accessed 3 November 2018. 43 “Birth of a National Park,” Yellowstone, National Park Service, https://www.nps.gov/yell/learn/historyculture/yellowstoneestablishment.htm, Accessed 3 November 2018. 44 “Franklin B. Hough (1822-1885),” Forest History Society, https://foresthistory.org/research-explore/us- forest-service-history/people/chiefs/franklin-b-hough/, Accessed 30 October 2018. 45 Franklin B. Hough, On the Duty of Governments in the Preservation of Forests, From the Proceedings of the American Association for the Advancement of Science, Portland Meeting, August 1873 (Salem; n.p., 1873). 7 Figure 6. Map of the Rocky Mountains region, showing existing forest lands in 1885, by E. T. Ensign, Forestry Agent of the Department of Agriculture. USDA Forest Service.

In 1876, Congress attached an amendment to that year’s Appropriations Act to provide $2,000 ($47,100 in today’s dollars) to pay for a study of forests and forest practices in the U.S. 4647 Perhaps unsurprisingly, Dr. Hough received the commission, completing a 650- page report in 1878.48 Given the unassuming title of Report upon Forestry, the study was a first step toward creating a more permanent body to oversee the nation’s forests. Shortly afterward, Congress designated Hough as the first “forestry agent”—a position with no power and no funding or staff. In 1881, however, the government created a new Division of Forestry within the Department of Agriculture, with Hough as its “Chief.” Following his recommendation, the government put a halt to indiscriminate cutting within the federal forests, requiring the leasing of sections by private firms and the government’s continued ownership.49

46 What is a dollar worth? https://www.minneapolisfed.org/community/financial-and-economic- education/cpi-calculator-information, Accessed June 11, 2019. 47 Williams, USDA Forest Service, 6. 48 Franklin B. Hough, Report upon Forestry (Washington, D.C.: Government Printing Office, 1878). 49 Williams, USDA Forest Service, 6-7. 8 Figure 7. Dr. Bernard E. Fernow (1851-1943), the second head of the Division of Forestry. Wikipedia Commons.

In 1883, Nathaniel H. Egleston (1822-1912) replaced Hough as the head of the Division of Forestry. Trained for the clergy, Egleston served in his role as the head of U.S. forests until 1886, when Dr. Bernhard E. Fernow (1851-1923) took over. Fernow brought a new level of professional experience to the position, having studied forestry in Prussia, both with his uncle, an estate manager, and at the University of Knigsberg, including a stint at the Royal Prussian Academy of Forestry at Mnden.50 Immigrating to the United States in 1879, he worked as a forest manager for Cooper-Hewitt & Co., from which he migrated to a position within the U.S. Department of Agriculture.51 In 1886, he became chief of the newly permanent Division of Forestry, both directing the section and also writing numerous reports. Notably, he prepared the forestry exhibit at the 1893 World’s Columbian Exposition in Chicago, helping to introduce the public to the bounty of American forests and their value.52

Fernow’s approach to forest management gained increasing acceptance in the academic community. Charles S. Sargent, a professor of arboriculture at Harvard and editor of Garden and Forest, an influential journal, gave support to Hough’s early ideas about government ownership.53 The American Forestry Association also gave a nod of approval to government management, as did special interest groups such as the Boone and

50 “Bernhard E. Fernow (1851-1923),” Forest History Society, https://foresthistory.org/research-explore/us- forest-service-history/people/chiefs/bernhard-e-fernow-1851-1923/, Accessed 4 October 2018. 51 Ibid. 52 Harold T. Pinkett, “Forestry Comes to America,” Agricultural History 54, 1 (January 1980), 4-10. 53 Harold T. Pinkett, “Gifford Pinchot, Consulting Forester, 1893-1898,” New York History 39, 1 (January 1958), 34-49. 9 Crockett Club, which had previously campaigned on behalf of Yellowstone.54 By 1890, both opinion-makers and a growing proportion of the public had come to accept that responsibility for the health of the nation’s forests should rest with professionals and that the nation’s forests should not be subject to the whims of loggers and other private interests.

Figure 8. Shoshone National Forest, part of Yellowstone Timberland Reserve, the US’s first national forest of 1891. USDA Forest Service.

In 1891, Congress amended a bill related to homesteads to include a section that gave the President of the United States the right to “set apart and reserve, in any state or territory having public land bearing forests, in any part of the public lands, wholly or in part covered with timber or undergrowth, whether of commercial value or not, as public reservations.”55 The President had the further right to “declare the establishment of such reservations and the limits thereof.”56 Now called the “Creative Act,” (also the Forest Reserve Act) this clause was a first step toward greater government control of U.S. lands.57 Within two years, President Benjamin Harrison had declared fifteen forest reserves, totaling some 13 million acres. These included reserves in Colorado, Arizona (the Grand Canyon), California, Oregon, Washington, and Alaska.58 In 1893, with continuing advocacy by the newly founded National Forest Commission and strong backing by outspoken conservationists such as John Muir (1838-1914) and Henry S. Graves (1871-1951), President Harrison’s successor, President Grover Cleveland, added

54 Williams, USDA Forest Service, 7. 55 Fifty-First Congress, Sess. II. Chs. 560, 561, 1891, 1095. 56 Ibid. 57 Williams, USDA Forest Service, 8. 58 Ibid. 10 two more reserves, Cascade Range Forest Reserve and Ashland Forest Reserve, both in Oregon. Four years later, he added an additional thirteen.59

President William McKinley expanded the protective aspects of forest legislation, requiring that future reserves would have to meet various criteria including serving as both as watersheds and for timber production. Known as the Pettigrew Amendment (known later as the “Forest Service Organic Act of 1897”), the McKinley administration expanded the government’s role in forest protection and, for the first time, provided for an organization that could serve the nation’s needs.60 The first employee of the Interior Department’s General Land Office (GLO) was Gifford Pinchot (1865-1946). He served beginning in the summer of 1897 as a special forestry agent, anticipating the role of rangers at a later date. Soon afterward, the GLO began to appoint superintendents in each state with forest reserves. This was followed, in 1898, by the appointment of supervisors and rangers to patrol the reserves.61

The expansion of the service corresponded to Fernow’s move to Cornell. Fernow’s successor would be the newly appointed Gifford Pinchot. A product of Phillips Exeter and Yale, Pinchot was attracted to forestry at an early age.62 Due in part to his father’s business connections, he attended the French National School of Forestry in Nancy. Upon his return, his father and he provided financial support to the Yale School of Forestry, and Gifford turned the family estate in Milford, Pennsylvania into an experimental “nursery” for the American forestry movement.63 Pinchot differed from some other foresters who tended to favor a commercial approach to forest management. Pinchot advocated for a national program, based as much on conservation concerns as on economic needs.64 Pinchot took over from Fernow as the head of the Division of Forestry in 1898. Balancing economic and commercial interests, Pinchot was generally uninterested in the creation of parks like Yellowstone, preferring a combination of productive forests and conservation for erosion control and water resources. He passed this approach onto his staff and to some degree his successors. Under Pinchot’s leadership, the division became the Bureau of Forestry in 1901. In 1905, the name changed to the United States Forest Service.65

59 USDA, United States Department of Agriculture, Forest Service, “Original Forest Reserves,” https://www.fs.usda.gov/detail/r3/learning/history-culture/?cid=FSBDEV3_021927, Accessed 2 October 2018. 60 Robert Bassman, “The 1897 Organic Act: A Historical Perspective,” Natural Resources Lawyer 7, 3 (Summer 1974), 503-520. 61 Williams, USDA Forest Service, 8-9. 62 “Gifford Pinchot (1865-1946),” Forest History Society, https://foresthistory.org/research-explore/us- forest-service-history/people/chiefs/gifford-pinchot-1865-1946/, Accessed 2 October 2018. 63 “Gifford Pinchot,” Department of the Interior, USGS, https://www.pwrc.usgs.gov/resshow/perry/bios/pinchotgifford.htm, Accessed 2 October 2018. 64 Ibid. 65 Williams, USDA Forest Service, 12-14. 11 Figure 9. Gifford Pinchot (1865-1946), American forester, ca.1909. Wikipedia Commons.

Under Pinchot, the Forest Service expanded and established a new level of professionalism. Candidates for positions were selected through civil service exams and political appointees became a thing of the past. Rangers were subject to new rules and regulations, and a new Use Book served to inform rangers and supervisors of the service’s rules.66 Day to day work consisted of mapping the national forests, providing trail access, administering sheep and cattle permits, policing poaching, and protecting the forests from fires. Collected fees helped pay for roads and maintenance, as well as funding the salaries of U.S. Forest Service employees. Much of the organization’s time was devoted to sorting out cases of land fraud—where speculators or settlers had established themselves on forest reserve lands—and permitting for timber extraction and animal grazing.67

Creation of the U.S. Forest Service coincided with United States expansion into the Caribbean and the Pacific. As part of the settlement of the Spanish-American War, Puerto Rico became a U.S. possession. Spanish administrators had established the beginnings of a local forestry regime, but after 1900 the U.S. Forest Service expanded government control over forests. In 1903, President Theodore Roosevelt designated the Luquillo Forest Reserve. This became the Luquillo National Forest in 1907. The Luquillo Forest

66 “1905 Use Book,” Forest History Society, https://foresthistory.org/research-explore/us-forest-service- history/u-s-forest-service-publications/general-publications/1905-use-book/, Accessed 2 October 2018; Gifford Pinchot, US Department of Agriculture, Forest Service, The Use of the National Forest Reserves: Regulations and Instructions, issued by the Secretary of Agriculture to take effect July 1, 1905 (Washington, D.C.: Forest History Society, 2002). 67 Williams, USDA Forest Service, 18-20. 12 Reserve was unusual in that it was the only reserve not established under the authority of the 1891 act; rather, it was created through an act of Congress to reserve “Crown lands” ceded by Spain to the United States following the treaty of 1898.68

Hawai‘i would have a similarly distinct development. Annexed by the United States in 1898, many of the former Kingdom and then Republic of Hawaii lands still fell under the category of “Government” or “Crown” property. These became known both individually and together as “Ceded Lands.” In 1900, under the Hawaiian Organic Act to establish the government of the Territory of Hawaii, these lands became officially the property of the U.S. government, with the Territorial government reserving the right to control and administer them.69 Some of this property would later be used by the military for bases and harbor facilities (including Pearl Harbor). Other lands would become the basis for the Hawaii National Park after its foundation in 1916. Still others would be used for the University of Hawai‘i and other public institutions. And yet others became forest reserves.

Hawaiian Lands and Forests

The Hawaiian Islands straddle a hotspot in the middle of the Pacific Ocean that opened up on the sea floor about 70 million years ago. The eight main islands of Hawai‘i date between roughly five million and 400,000 years before present.70 Maui is made up of two volcanoes; the volcano that composes the western portion of Maui, Mauna Kahalawai, has eroded to a set of peaks measuring approximately 5,000 feet (ft) or 1,700 m in elevation. Haleakalā, which has erupted within the last 10,000 years and is considered active, sits at over 10,000 ft (3,000 m) and measures fully five miles from the ocean floor to the summit.71

The Hawaiian Islands were originally devoid of plant and animal life. However, over millions of years, seeds, insects, and birds made their way to the islands, via wings, wind, and waves. Scientists estimate that approximately one plant was added to the Hawaiian Islands every ninety thousand years prior to human contact.72 Hawaiian plants and animals adapted quickly to their surroundings forming new varieties and separate species during their long occupation of the remote islands. Some of the first terrestrial organisms

68 Ibid., pp 16-17; John C. Gifford, Luquillo Forest Reserve, Porto Rico (Washington, D.C.: Government Printing Office, 1905). 69 Outlined in Thomas H. Creighton, The Lands of Hawaii: Their Use and Misuse (Honolulu: University of Hawaii Press, 1978). The legal status of ceded lands is now a subject of considerable debate among both scholars and activists. 70 David A. Clague and G. Brent Dalrymple, “Tectonics, Geochronology, and the Origin of the Hawaiian- Emperor Volcanic Chain,” in E. L. Winterer, D. M. Hussong, and R. W. Decker, eds., The Eastern Pacific Ocean and Hawaii, The Geology of North America, Volume N: The Eastern Pacific Ocean and Hawaii (Washington, D.C.: The Geological Society of America. 1989), 188-217. 71 Gordon Andrew Macdonald, Agatin Townsend Abbot, and Frank L. Peterson, Volcanoes in the Sea: The Geology of Hawaii (Honolulu: University of Hawaii Press, 1983). 72 Linda W. Cuddihy and Charles P. Stone, “Summary of Vegetation Alteration in the Hawaiian Islands,” in E. Alison Kay, A Natural History of the Hawaiian Islands: Selected Readings II (Honolulu: University of Hawaii Press, 1994), 467-470. 13 to colonize the volcanic islands were lichens and ferns.73 Their spores dispersed by winds, these early pioneers germinated on lava flows, then trapped dust and rain that contributed to soil production.74 The new surface attracted tiny seeds, also carried by air currents or by water. The estimate is that approximately a fourth of the plants arriving in Hawai‘i came by water.75

Birds contributed in turn to the dispersal of seeds and plants, carrying specially adapted plants caught in their feathers, stuck on their feet, or carried in their stomachs.76 By the time of the first human contact, the Hawaiian Islands possessed a striking range of plants, from ‘ōhai (Sesbania tomentosa) and pamakani (Viola chamissoniana) to hāhā (Lobelia spp.), with some estimates reaching as high as 6,000 separate species of algae, fungi, and flowering and other plants of which about 1,300 were endemic, found exclusively in the Hawaiian islands.77 The islands’ fauna was equally diverse, with as many as 900 endemic mollusks, 5,400 insect species, 300-plus arthropods, and over 800 other invertebrates. Hawai‘i also had nearly 150 species of endemic fish, up to 142 species of birds78, and two species of mammals: the ʻōpeʻapeʻa or Hawaiian hoary bat (Aeorestes semotus) and the ʻIlio holo I ka uaua or Hawaiian monk seal (Neomonachus schauinslandi ). In addition to endemic species, there were as many as 23,000 other indigenous species (arrived by wings, wind, and waves but also found elsewhere in the world), many well adapted by the time of human occupation.79

73 Togwell A. Jackson, “A Study of the Ecology of Pioneer Lichens, Mosses, and Algae on Recent Hawaiian Lava Flows,” Pacific Science 25, 1 (1971), 22-32. 74 Warren Lambert Wagner, Derral R. Herbst, S.H. Sohmer, Manual of the Flowering Plants of Hawai‘i, 2 vols. (Honolulu: University of Hawaii Press and Bishop Museum Press, 1999). 75 Sterling C. Keeley and Vicki A. Funk, “Origin and Evolution of Hawaiian Endemics: New patterns Revealed by Molecular Phylogenetic Studies,” in David Bramwell and Juli Caujape-Castells, The Biology of Island Floras (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2011), 57-88. 76 Bruce A. Bohm, Hawaii’s Native Plants (Honolulu: Mutual Publishing, 2009). 77 S. H. Sohmer and R. Gustafson, Plants and Flowers of Hawai‘i (Honolulu: University of Hawai‘i Press, 1987). 78 Chris Farmer, “Paradise for Some-but an Ongoing Extinction Crisis for Birds,” American Bird Conservancy, https://abcbirds.org/program/hawaii/, Accessed June 25, 2019. 79 Susan Scott, Plants and Animals of Hawai‘i (Honolulu: University of Hawai‘i Press, 1991). See Jun Y. Lim and Charles R. Marshall, “The True Tempo of Evolutionary Radiation and Decline on the Hawaiian Archipelago,” Nature 543, (30 March 2017), 710-713. 14 Figure 10. Satellite view of the Hawaiian Islands, 2003. Wikipedia Commons.

The first Polynesian voyagers, who arrived circa A.D. 1200, according to the latest research,80 brought a number of plants and animals with them. These included: breadfruit (‘ulu, Artocarpus altilis), taro (kalo, Colocasia esculenta), banana (mai‘a, Musa paradisiaca), sweet potato (‘uala, Ipomoea batatas), coconut palms (niu, Cocos nucifer) and sugarcane (kō, Saccharum officinarum).81 In addition to food plants, Hawaiians also brought plants useful for clothing and building materials, such as hau (Talipariti tiliaceum) and ti (ki, Cordyline fruticosa).82 Animal introductions were Polynesian dogs (Canis familiaris), chickens (Gallus gallus), and pigs (Sus scrofa)—all sources of food.83

The arrival of Polynesians significantly altered the landscape and the animal and plant populations of the Hawaiian Islands. Experienced agriculturalists, the new settlers cleared forests for agricultural terraces and altered the landscape through periodic burning and clearing, a practice known as swidden agriculture.84 Over a period of at least 600 years, the new human population replaced natural vegetation with irrigated planting beds, fed

80 Tim Reith, Carl Philipp Lipo, Terry Hunt, and Janet M. Wilmshurst, “The 13th Century Polynesian Colonization of Hawai‘i Island,” Journal of Archaeological Science 38, 10 (October 2011), 2740-2749. 81 W. Arthur Whistler, Plants of the Canoe People: An Ethnobotanical Voyage through Polynesia (Lawai, Kaua‘i: National Tropical Botanical Garden, 2009). 82 Te Rangi Hiroa (Peter H. Buck), Arts and Crafts of Hawaii, Section II, Houses, Bernice P. Bishop Museum Special Publications 45 (Reprinted, Honolulu: Bishop Museum Press,1964). 83 Charles P. Stone and Stephen J. Anderson, “Introduced Animals in Hawaii’s Natural Areas,” Proceedings of the Thirteenth Vertebrate Pest Conference, University of Nebraska-Lincoln (March 1988), Digital Commons, https://digitalcommons.unl.edu/cgi/viewcontent.cgi?article=1027&context=vpcthirteen, Accessed 3 March 2018. 84 Linda W. Cuddihy and Charles P. Stone, Alteration of Native Hawaiian Vegetation: Effects of Humans, Their Activities and Introductions (Honolulu: University of Hawaii Cooperative National Resources Unit, 1990), 17-29. 15 by streams and artificial water channels, known as ala wai, for the growing of the staple taro. Dry-land field systems covered large parts of Hawai‘i and Maui Islands, a complete transformation of original dry and mesic vegetation of the drier leeward slopes of both islands as well as much of the smaller islands of Ni‘ihau, Kaho‘olawe, and Lāna‘i. Shifting cultivation extended to an elevation of at least 1,500 ft (450 m) on all of the islands, transforming the vegetation cover of the islands long before Western contact.85

Figure 11. The Island of Hawai'i at the time of the first Western contact, 1778. John Webber, 1779. Note the abundant tree cover above the Hawaiian settlement. Wikipedia Commons.

The most dramatic changes were to lowland areas. Uncultivated areas experienced losses of vegetation through cutting for firewood and burning to encourage the growth of grasses, such as pili used for house construction. The upper forest areas were the source of trees for canoes and wild plant products, animals and feathers for decorative and ritual purposes. Only above the 2,500-foot level (760 m) was the vegetation largely untouched by Hawaiians, though even at these higher elevations the introduction of both new plant and animal species resulted in widespread change to original trees and undergrowth. (The only areas to escape unscathed were uninhabitable lava fields, steep escarpments, and remote coasts or small islands where humans rarely if ever ventured.)86

These changes had dramatic impacts on animal life as well. Zoologists Storrs L. Olson and Helen F. James identified 32 species of previously unidentified extinct species of birds from fossil sites on five islands, doubling the number of known endemic species.87 Land snails showed a similar loss in species variety in the Pre-Western contact period as well. Both of these changes in faunal composition were due in large part to the

85 Ibid., 27-31. 86 Cuddihy and Stone, “Summary of Vegetation Alteration in the Hawaiian Islands.” in E. Alison Kay, A Natural History of the Hawaiian Islands: Selected Readings II (Honolulu: University of Hawaii Press, 1994), 467-470. 87 Storrs L. Olson and Helen F. James, “Descriptions of Thirty-two New Species of Birds from the Hawaiian Islands: Part I. Non-Passeriformes and Part II. Passeriformes.” in Ornithological Monographs, Ed. Ned K. Johnson (Lawrence: American Ornithologists’ Union, 1991), 16 destruction of lowland forest habitats, especially on the drier, leeward sides of islands. In addition, the introduction of Polynesian rats (Rattus exulans) and other animals, notably pigs and chickens, also affected indigenous and endemic species. According to the fossil record, among the species lost were a native eagle (Haliaeetus sp.), two varieties of crows (C. impluviatus and C. viriosus), several species of owls (Grallistrix spp.), and, most famously, large flightless goose-like ducks known as moa-nalos (Thambetochen and Relatives).88 The latter had thrived on the islands upwards of 3.6 million years prior to their sudden destruction after the arrival of the Hawaiian Islands’ new human inhabitants.

Although Hawaiians did develop notably sustainable practices for maintaining dry and wet taro production, other impacts including the harvesting of forest products, introduction of feral animals, and further colonization of interior lands continued to increasingly affect native forests as the human population grew. However, these cumulative effects paled in comparison to the enormous impact of Western contact with the Hawaiian Islands.

Captain James Cook, the first documented European visitor, introduced the first goats to the Hawaiian Islands in 1778, leaving a ram and two ewes on both Ni‘ihau and Kaua‘; Cook evidently also left “a Boar and Sow pig of the English breed”.89 In 1793, Captain George Vancouver, a member of Cook’s third voyage, introduced cattle and sheep to the island of Hawai‘i as a gift to King Kamehameha; cattle were envisioned as future provisions for European ships.90 King Kamehameha placed a ten-year kapu on hunting cattle in order to encourage an increase in numbers.91 Between 1793 and 1811, additional stock was added, increasing the varieties and the number of cattle. With the loss of forest cover, free-ranging cattle, sheep, pigs, and goats ventured into higher altitudes, grazing where dryland and upland forests had once thrived. The introduction of exotic grasses, at first inadvertently and then deliberately, encouraged grazing to the point that by the 1840s much of the slopes of Hawai‘i’s valleys and mountains had become grazing areas for free-roaming livestock.92 Cattle, sheep, pigs, and goats also consumed other crops, and encroached on residences. Some dwellers added mud to their hale pili (grass houses) to discourage foraging animals and erected stonewalls and screens of prickly plants to protect their properties. The loss of forest cover resulted in pervasive encroachment by invasive weeds and grasses, most of them absent from the islands’ taxonomy in the Pre- Contact period. Sandbur (Cenchrus echinatus), Radiate Fingergrass (Chloris radiata), both from Central America and Pilipiliul (Chrysopogon aciculatus), probably from the Southeast Asia, and Hairy Crabgrass (Digitaria sanguinalis), a European grass, soon dominated the islands, replacing indigenous varieties of groundcovers.93

88 Ibid., Part I: 28-42, 62, 68-81; Part II: 12, 19. 89 E. Alison Kay, “Hawaiian Natural History: 1778-1900,” in E. Alison Kay, A Natural History of the Hawaiian Islands: Selected Readings II (Honolulu: University of Hawaii Press, 1994), 400-424. 90 Ibid., 400-405. 91 Ibid. 92 Ibid., 410-414. 93 L. D. Whitney, E. Y. Hosaka, and J. C. Ripperton, Grasses of the Hawaiian Ranges, Hawaii Agricultural Experiment Station, Bulletin 82 (Honolulu: Hawaii Agricultural Experiment Station, 1939). 17 In 1830, Kamehameha III lifted the kapu on the slaughter of wild cattle and goats.94 He later hired foreigners—Mexican-Spanish vaqueros—to teach Hawaiians the skills of herding and handling of cattle.95 By mid-century there were approximately 20,000 cattle on the island of Hawai‘i, of which more than half of them were free roaming.96 As early as the 1840s Hawai‘i residents began to notice the change in the environment. The Reverend Lorenzo Lyons writing in 1847 noted that, “two thirds of Waimea [Hawai‘i island] has been converted to government pasture.”97 Hawaiian farmers sought out areas near forests but were soon pushed aside, Lyons explained, by “roaming cattle and goats.” He also noted a change in the weather, with the gradual loss of mumuku winds (a strong wind of Kawaihae, Hawaii) blowing down the plains. “Cattle destroying the forest,” he surmised, “has changed the mumuku.”98 His son Curtis, a surveyor in the islands, noted in 1856 that the loss of forests had contributed to these changes and also to a diminishment in the frequency and duration of rain.99

Also contributing to loss of Hawaiian forests, by 1811, Hawai‘i was involved in a growing sandalwood (genus Santalum) trade, sending piculs (a shoulder-load or approximately 133 English pounds) of the aromatic wood to China—where it was prized for incense, medicine, and for carved objects—in exchange for cash, Chinese trade goods, arms and ammunition.100 Starting slowly in the late eighteenth century, the trade ”developed rapidly and throve from 1815 to 1826” .101 King Kamehameha I’s successors, Liholiho and Kauikeaouli, amassed enormous debts purchasing luxuries of every kind on sandalwood credit, forcing their subjects to deliver large quantities of sandalwood to pay back the royal debts.102

94 Ralph S. Kuykendall, The Hawaiian Kingdom, Volume 1, 1778-1854 (Honolulu: University of Hawaii Press, 1938), 318. 95 Ilima Loomis, Rough Riders: Hawaii’s Paniolo and Their Stories (Honolulu: Island Heritage Publishing, 2006). 96 Sandra S. Watson, “The Transformation of the Landscape of Waimea, Hawai‘i: Pre-Human Era to 1860,” MA thesis, University of Hawai‘i at Manoa, 2002, 55. 97 Cited in Kepa Maly and Bruce A. Wilcox, “A Short History of Cattle and Range Management in Hawai‘i,” Society for Range Management 22, 5 (October 2000), 21-23. 98 Ibid. 22. 99 Ibid. 100 Harold St. John, The History, Present Distribution, and Abundance of Sandalwood on Oahu, Hawaiian Islands: Hawaiian Plant Studies 14,” Pacific Science (January 1947), 5-7. 101 Ibid., 6. 102 Ibid., 7. 18 Figure 12. View of Honolulu, C. E. Bensell, 1821. Wikipedia Commons. Note the tree cover in the mountains behind the port town.

By 1830, Hawai‘i’s forests had been ravaged by overcutting.103 As early as 1819, King Kamehameha I put a kapu (prohibition) on cutting young sandalwood trees, indicating that the population was already at risk. Still, harvesters would go so far as to burn untouched forests in search of the aromatic trees, leaving erosion-prone soils behind.104 For many years, sandalwood was thought to be extinct in Hawai‘i, but it is now widely known that several species of sandalwood are still present in Hawaii, in limited populations.105 Because sandalwood is root-parasitic, meaning that it grows by intertwining its roots with those of certain other plants, the cutting of sandalwood may have caused damage to other native forest vegetation as well.106

The government of the Kingdom of Hawaii began to intercede in the late 1830s. King Kamehameha III promulgated a law in 1839 to protect the remaining sandalwood trees.107 Seven years later, the king signed a law declaring all forests to be the property of the government.108 With the Mahele, or land division, beginning in 1846, control over land-use became more difficult. Private owners gave little thought to conservation, resulting in even further loss of forests. To some degree it was fortunate that efforts such as a short-lived project on Maui to introduce commercial milling of native trees met

103 Ibid., 9. 104 Ibid., 18. 105 Mark D. Merlin, Lex A. J. Thomson, and Craig R. Elevitch, Santalum ellipticum, S. freycintnetianum, S. haleakalae, and S. paniculatum (Hawaiian sandalwood), (April 2006), 14. In Craig R. Elevitch (ed.), Species Profiles for Pacific Island Agroforestry, https://raskisimani.files.wordpress.com/2013/01/santalum-hawaiian-sandalwood.pdf. 106 Ibid., 2, 14. 107 Mark Melwin and Dan VanRavenswaay, “The History of Human Impact of Genus Santalum in Hawai‘i,” USDA Forest Service, Gen. Tech. Rep. PSW-122, 1990, 54. 108 Ibid. 19 failure, due to competition from imported lumber.109 Still, forests continued to deteriorate leading to an act by the legislature of the Kingdom of Hawaii “to authorize the Minister of the Interior to take possession of whatever land and water may be required for the use of the Honolulu Water Works.”110 Similar measures were proposed for other islands as well.

Figure 13. Honolulu Harbor, ca. 1850. Note already denuded mountains in the background. Paul Emmert, View of Honolulu, 1854. Hawai‘i State Archives.

There was a growing public voice for conservation as well. One of the most outspoken critics of Hawai‘i’s deforestation was the German physician William Hillebrand (1821- 1886). Arriving in Hawai‘i in 1850, he soon became an influential member of Hawai‘i’s medical establishment and in 1865 was appointed to the King’s Privy Council. An avid botanist and horticulturalist, he became the corresponding secretary for the Royal Hawaiian Agricultural Society and began a regular campaign to reform the kingdom’s approaches to land management.111 His particular focus was on the damage caused to native forests by feral cattle and goats, as well as the general destruction of forest lands due to the commercial production of livestock.112 A champion not only of native forests, Hillebrand advocated as well for a careful selection of exotic trees—including specimens from Chile, California, Singapore, India, China, Java, and Tahiti he had personally collected—to replace those lost in the past.113 Beginning in 1856, he and other members had created the Royal Agricultural Society’s own agricultural plot, on land donated by the government.114 Hillebrand’s “chief recreation and delight” was the cultivation of his

109 Thomas R. Cox, “The Birth of Hawaiian Forestry: The Web of Influences,” Pacific Historical Review 61, 2 (May 1992), 169-192 (171-172). 110 Ibid., 176. 111 William T. Pope, "Dr. William Hillebrand, M.D., 1821-1886," The Hawaiian Annual 1919 (Honolulu, 1919), 53-60. 112 William Hillebrand, "Report to the Royal Hawaiian Agricultural Society," Transactions of the Royal Hawaiian Agricultural Society VI (1856), 19-28, 35-37. 113 Cox, “Birth of Hawaiian Forestry,” 174-75. 114 Ibid., 175 20 home garden in Honolulu, “full of its native and foreign plants”.115 While he left Hawai‘i by 1871, his Flora of the Hawaiian Islands was published posthumously by the Carl Winter University-Bookseller in Heidelberg in 1888.

Figure 14. “Forest Scenery, Puna” Frontispiece from William Hillebrand, Flora of the Hawaiian Islands (Heidelberg: Carl Winter, University-Bookseller, 1888). Originally published in Capt. C.E. Dutton’s paper “Hawaiian Volcanoes” (Fourth Annual Report of the United States Geological Survey, 1883).

Another important advocate was the botanist Horace Mann, Jr. (1844-1868), son of the famous New England educational reformer. A student of Harvard professors Louis Agassiz (1807-1873) and Asa Gray (1810-1888), Mann accompanied William Tufts Brigham (1841-1926), the later Curator of the Bishop Museum in Honolulu, on a “taxonomic exploration” of the Hawaiian Islands—where they identified over one hundred previously unrecorded plants. Mann’s visit, in time, formed the basis of his unfinished magnum opus, also called Flora of the Hawaiian Islands, later edited by William Tufts Brigham and published by the Essex Institute.116 Mann noted in particular that forest denudation had long been occurring on the peaks of Hawai‘i’s islands, emphasizing the effects were widespread, including the impacts on water in the

115 William Hillebrand, Flora of the Hawaiian Islands (Heidelberg: Carl Winter, University-Bookseller, 1888), XI. 116 Horace Mann, Jr., “Flora of the Hawaiian Islands,” Proceedings of the Essex Institute 5 (1867), 113-144, 161-192, 233-248; 6 (1871), 105-112. 21 islands.117 Other residents, including Ferdinand Clark and William E. Lane took similar positions; both decried unfenced grazing lands and advocated for replanting.118

A number of local residents continued to promote diversity as a means of replanting the islands’ forests. German immigrant Albert Jaeger, an employee of the firm of Allen & Robinson, had been trained as a forester in Europe before moving to Hawai‘i. Later appointed a commissioner for the Republic of Hawaii’s Bureau of Agriculture and Forestry, he continued to advocate for replanting upland areas.119Another supporter was James C. Bailey (1846-1891) of Wailuku, Maui, son of missionary Edward Bailey (1814- 1903) and, like his father, an avid horticulturalist.120 Bailey informed the Minister of Interior for the Kingdom that he had purchased land on the “slope of Haleakala for the express purpose of planting trees” and that he had secured specimen plants from the continental U.S. “to make a trial.” Among the seedlings were pine, hemlock, oak, birch, and chestnut.121

With growing recognition that there was a correlation between the islands’ water supply and forest resources, a sense of urgency entered into both government and private efforts to preserve forestlands. A water crisis in Honolulu in the 1870s led many residents to realize that something needed to be done in the highlands above the city. The government appropriated money for the construction of a new reservoir in the Nu‘uanu Valley in 1876. There was also an act for “The Protection and Preservation of Woods and Forests.” Increasingly, maintenance of watersheds became a significant interest, both in Honolulu and above other settlements. In the case of Honolulu, the government moved to acquire land in the upper reaches of the Nu‘uanu Valley. Cattle were also banned from the upland areas. 122

While maintaining the water supply for Honolulu and other settlements was important, the demands of agriculture were perhaps even more urgent. Up until mid-century, Hawai‘i’s agriculture had focused on supplying visiting ships with sweet potato and other foods and with providing beef for the many new settlers in California as a result of the 1849 Gold Rush. By the 1850s, the new agricultural crop of sugar had begun to dominate Hawai‘i’s commerce and politics. Initiated on the island of Lana‘i and successfully expanded to a major agricultural enterprise on Kaua‘i in the 1830s, sugar’s profits were spurred on by the American Civil War and then by the Reciprocity Treaty of 1876, which allowed the sale of Hawaiian sugar to the U.S. without paying a tariff. As a result, sugar

117 Cox, “Birth of Hawaiian Forestry,” 175 118 Cox, “Birth of Hawaiian Forestry,” 175-176; F L. C[lark], "Decadence of Hawaiian Forests," Hawaiian Almanac and Annual for 1875 (Honolulu, 1875), 20; W. E. Lane to Minister of Interior, Nov. 19, 1877, 1877-1883 correspondence, Hawai‘i State Archives. Both Clark and Lane were naturalized Hawaiian’scitizens. See Registry of Naturalized Citizens, https://www.hawaiiankingdom.org/index.shtml, Accessed 10 September 2018. 119 Dana Jaeger, Iwalamami Amelia Jaeger, Geneology.com, https://www.genealogy.com/forum/regional/states/topics/hi/189/, Accessed 12 September 2018. 120 David W. Forbes, Encounters with Paradise: Views of Hawaii and Its People, 1778-1941 (Honolulu: Honolulu Academy of the Arts, 1992), 86-87, 95, 160-161. 121 Cox, “Birth of Hawaiian Forestry,” 176. 122 Ibid., 176-77. 22 production became the mainstay of all of the inhabited Hawaiian Islands, leading to the accumulation of great riches for companies and individual owners and arguably undermining the sovereignty of the Hawaiian Kingdom.

Figure 15. By the 1870s Hawaii's sugar industry dominated the economy of the islands and underscored the need for secure water resources. Hawai‘i State Archives.

Many of the decrees and laws of late nineteenth century Hawai‘i were part of an overall effort to support and expand the islands’ sugar industry. New statutes required the removal of cattle and installation of fencing. A number of individual owners began to reconsider the uses of their lands, leading to the planting of the first imported Eucalyptus trees on Maui in 1870; an Australian native, Eucalyptus probably arrived in Hawai‘i via California, where the first Eucalyptus trees were propagated in 1853. From 1870 on the government encouraged the introduction of new non-native trees as a means to reestablish the forest cover. A series of other initiatives further emphasized protection. In 1880, domestic animals were prohibited from watershed areas contributing to domestic water supplies.123 A contemporaneous report from the Minister of Interior stated: “Let all the mauka lands be kapu, let the forests be protected, and not only protected, but have planted trees over the whole of our mauka lands.”124

In 1884, the government hired its first forest ranger, Jim Kukona.125 His territory extended from Mānoa to Kalihi and he was to report infractions and prohibit encroachments. In 1892, the government created a new agency, the Bureau of Agriculture

123 Ronald Cannarella, Technical Appendices, Hawaii Statewide Assessment of Forest Conditions and Trends: 2010 An Assessment of the State of our Aina (Honolulu: Department of Land and Natural Resources, 2010), Appendix F, 344. 124 Ibid. 125 Ibid, 345. 23 and Forestry and passed new legislation in support of the bureau.126 Among the acts was a law making it unlawful to cut any tree or shrub within 250 feet of any forest road and a second law exempting certain forest lands from taxes.127 Immediately, the Bureau of Agriculture and Forestry embarked upon a new campaign to control wild goats and cattle and to designate several new forest reserves.128

Civilian initiatives paralleled government efforts. Initiatives by Henry Perrine Baldwin (1842-1911)are an excellent case in point. The son of American Missionary Dwight Baldwin (1798-1886), Baldwin had joined the sugar farming business at an early age, working first with his brother David and then for Christopher H. Lewers, who owned a sugar plantation on Maui.129 The manager there was Samuel Thomas Alexander (1836- 1904) and he and Baldwin soon formed a partnership running a plantation in East Maui. The two young planters quickly realized that their crops could do better with more water, and they set about providing a 17-mile long irrigation ditch that siphoned water from the upper reaches of Haleakalā to their plantation and that of the Castle & Cooke company as well.130 By the 1880s, Alexander and Baldwin had enlarged their irrigation network and also their own land holdings. Their company invested in new sugar mills at Hamakuapoko and Pāʻia, greatly expanding the output of the company.131

In 1888, Baldwin formed a new venture, known as the Haleakala Ranch, consisting of 33,817 acres on the upper slopes of Haleakalā.132 Most of the land incorporated into Haleakala Ranch was previously held by Kamehameha I and his heirs, and granted to Kama‘ika‘aloa in 1848; Kama‘ika‘aloa’s heirs sold the land of Kalialinui to Haleakala Ranch in 1888.133 Baldwin hired W. F. Pogue and as his assistant, Louis Von Tempsky (1859-1922), to manage the cattle and lands. With prices falling on sugar and an increase in the tariff in 1889, Baldwin purchased additional land in Kauaʻi, constructing a new irrigation ditch there as well.134 Within a few years, his partnership with Alexander—who then resided in California—evolved into the multipronged business operation known as Alexander & Baldwin, or A&B (and finally incorporated under this name in 1900).135

126 Ibid. 127 Ibid. 128 Ibid. 129 Arthur D. Baldwin, A Memoir of Henry Perrine Baldwin (Cleveland: Privately Published, 1915), 27. 130 Ralph S. Kuykendall, The Hawaiian Kingdom, Twenty Critical Years Vol. 2, 1854-1874 (Honolulu: University of Hawaii Press, 1953), 144-245. 131 Arthur Lyman Dean, Alexander & Baldwin, Ltd. and the Predecessor Partnerships (Honolulu: Alexander & Baldwin, Ltd, 1950). 132 Haleakala Ranch, Haleakala Ranch History, https://haleakalaranch.com/about-haleakala- ranch/haleakala-ranch-history/, Accessed 3 September 2018. 133 Maly, Kepā and Onaona Maly, July 2006, He Mo‘olelo ‘Äina: The Waikamoi Preserve, ii-iii. 134 Baldwin, A Memoir of Henry Perrine Baldwin, 31. 135 Dean, Alexander & Baldwin, Ltd., 92. 24 Figure 16. Henry Perrine Baldwin (1842-1911). Wikipedia Commons.

Over the years immediately following his purchase of the ranch, Baldwin began to invest in a long-term management forestry scheme to improve the quantity of water resources. Initially planting approximately 10,000 trees on 7,000 fenced acres at the upper reaches of the Haleakala Ranch property, Baldwin established the first private forest reserve on Maui.136 Within a decade, his efforts had increased to include as many as 200,000 trees, many of them Eucalyptus, but also Casuarina, Grevillea and several varieties of Acacia.137 Hawai‘i’s forests were on the mend—at least those in Maui— but with an entirely new assembly of trees.

Following the controversial overthrow of the Kingdom of Hawaii on January 17th, 1893, the Provisional Government and then Republic of Hawaii was set up by the Committee of Safety, who had implemented the overthrow.138 The Provisional Government drafted a new constitution for the Republic of Hawaii, making certain that “the revolutionary leaders would retain control.”139 In terms of forestry management, the short-lived Republic of Hawaii essentially built upon the efforts of the Hawaiian Kingdom. The work

136 Haleakala Ranch Timeline, 2016, https://haleakalaranch.com/about-haleakala-ranch/haleakala-ranch- history/, Accessed 2 July 2019; and Maly, Kepā and Onaona Maly, July 2006, He Mo‘olelo ‘Äina: The Waikamoi Preserve, 128. 137 “Pasture or Trees? Graziers, Planters Pulled Territorial Government in Different Directions,” Environment Hawai‘i 13, 4 (October 2002), citing Bernard Brian Wellmon, The Parker Ranch: A History,” Ph. D. dissertation, Texas Christian University, 1969 https://www.environment-hawaii.org/?p=3129, Accessed 4 November 2018. 138 Ralph S. Kuykendall, Kingdom of Hawaii, The Kalakaua Dynasty, Vol. 3, 1874–1893, (Honolulu: University of Hawaii Press, 1938), 587-609. 139 Ibid., 649. 25 of the Bureau of Agriculture and Forestry continued under the Minister of the Interior of the Republic of Hawaii.140 In 1894, the bureau appointed Joseph Marsden to the post of Commissioner of Agriculture and Forestry; he immediately travelled to the Big Island to initiate a program of fencing – paid for by the plantation interests – to protect watersheds in Hamakua District.141 This bureau functioned for seven years, continuing the policy of encouraging private land owners to plant trees as had Baldwin and to enforce prior efforts to “protect forests of the outer islands from pests introduced on recent imports into Oahu”.142 Another important development during the time that the Republic of Hawaii governed the islands was the founding of the Hawaiian Sugar Planters’ Association (HSPA) in 1895, which established a three-man forestry committee and recommended legislation in support of protection of the forested watersheds that were so important to their sugar plantations.143

Forestry and the Territory of Hawaii

Hawai‘i became a territory of the United States on August 12, 1898. The Hawaiian Organic Act, creating the constitutional groundwork of a territorial government, was enacted on April 30, 1900.144 General provisions of the act included the establishment of Honolulu as the capital, the granting of U.S. citizenship to all citizens of the then Republic of Hawaii, and the abolishment and/or replacement of many of the former offices, ministries, and departments of the Republic and former Kingdom of Hawaii. It further provided for a bicameral legislature, set out broad rules for elections, and recognized the continuity of prior land ownership and most laws pertaining to internal governance.

The Bureau of Agriculture and Forestry came officially to an end on June 14, 1900. A newly conceived Commissioner of Agriculture and Forestry would then assume control over the older agency. On July 1, Wray Taylor was appointed Commissioner of Agriculture and Forestry with broad powers to oversee agricultural production animal husbandry, and the territory’s forests.145 David Mitchell Haughs was appointed the Chief Forester, following the nomenclature of the national government. He would later serve under Ralph. S. Hosmer as a Forestry Nurseryman.146

A report filed in September 1900 by the new territory’s Chief Forester provides insights into the direction of the territorial government’s forestry efforts. Describing a recent trip to Maui, Haughs explained that he had spent four days in the area of Haʻikū, where he examined “the young trees recently planted by the Hon. H. P. Baldwin consisting of

140 Ronald Cannarella, Technical Appendices, Hawaii Statewide Assessment of Forest Conditions and Trends: 2010 An Assessment of the State of our Aina (Honolulu: Department of Land and Natural Resources, 2010), Appendix F, 345. 141 Cox, “Birth of Hawaiian Forestry,” 184. 142 Ibid. 143 Ibid., 185. 144 Hawaiian Organic Act, Pub.L. 56–339, 31 Stat. 141, enacted April 30, 1900. 145 Commissioner of Agriculture and Forestry, Report of the Commissioner of Agriculture and Forestry for the Year Ending December 31st, 1900, (Honolulu: Hawaiian Gazette, Ltd., 1901), 1. 146 The Forester and Agriculturalist, Leopold G. Blackman, Ed. (Honolulu: Hawaiian Gazette, Ltd., 1908). 26 Eucalyptus, Casuarina, Grevillea robusta and several species of Acacia all of which were growing well.”147 He was impressed that Baldwin had planted and distributed approximately 200,000 trees and that he had fenced his stock at Haiku Ranch to prevent further deforestation. During his trip he had also visited Iao Valley in Mauna Kahalawai (the West Maui Mountains), commenting on the importance of preserving existing trees in order to protect the water supply for Wailuku town. “It is a well known fact,” he pointed out, “that forests restrain the destructive force of surface water and thereby give it a better chance to soak into and saturate the adjacent earth.” Haughs concluded that forests had numerous benefits beyond their contribution to the islands’ water supply, but that this alone underscored their “great necessity.”148

Unfortunately, other than private initiatives, the Territory of Hawaii was slow to take steps to support reforestation. The problem became increasingly evident the following year when a series of fires in July, August, and September of 1901 on the Hamakua Coast of island of Hawai‘i led to the loss of over 30,000 acres of forests.149 In response, the HSPA’s special committee on forests, headed by Lorrin A. Thurston, a prominent lawyer and politician—and a key player in the overthrow of the Hawaiian Monarchy eight years before—investigated and reported on the problem. Thurston’s committee conferred with Territorial Governor Sanford P. Dole (1844-1926), who included the special committee’s recommendations in his report to the Territorial Legislature in 1903.150

On April 25, 1903, the territorial legislature passed Act 44, Session Laws of Hawaii (SLH), which authorized the creation of the Board of Commissioners of Agriculture and Forestry in order to enhance the powers and overall effectiveness of the government’s efforts.151 Among its provisions was the Governor’s appointment of five members to the Board of Commissioners of Agriculture and Forestry.152

In keeping with many acts of the Territory of Hawaii the board’s purview was wide and its budget nearly non-existent. Board members served without compensation. Initially, only the Superintendent of Public Works had a salary. Other members could be reimbursed for expenses incurred while on official business and the Secretary could apply money to pay for stationary and stamps. In the area of forestry, the Board was to oversee the creation of maps and to research the “kinds of trees, plants and shrubs to plant in different localities.”153

147 Report, David Haughs, Chief Forester, to Wray Taylor, Commissioner of Agriculture and Forestry, 19 September 1900, GOV1-1, Forestry and Agriculture, Hawai‘i State Archives. 148 Ibid. 149 Commissioner of Agriculture and Forestry, Report of the Commissioner of Agriculture and Forestry for the Biennial Period Ending December 31st, 1902, (Honolulu: Gazette Print, 1903). 150 Cox, “Birth of Hawaiian Forestry,” 186-189. 151 Board of Commissioners of Agriculture and Forestry, 1903-1959, Typescript, Forestry and Agriculture, Hawai‘i State Archives. 152 An Act to Provide for the Encouragement and Protection of Agriculture, Horticulture and Forestry, Approved 25 April 1903, Laws of the Territory of Hawaii passed by the Legislature in 1903, 242-256. 153 Ibid., 244. 27 Figure 17. Tantalus, behind Honolulu, ca. 1900. Note the significant loss of forest. Hawai‘i State Archives.

Other responsibilities included the compilation and publication of statistics and other information on forestry, entomology, and agriculture more generally. They also were to develop rules and regulations to safeguard plants, see to the care of the forest reserves, and take steps to insure the protection of the water supply. A further responsibly included eradicating forest pests and blights and warding off future threats to forest health. A final responsibility was the introduction of new plant varieties and to create forest reserves. To accomplish these responsibilities, the law empowered the Board to hire a Superintendent of Forestry and a separate Superintendent of Entomology. Agricultural experimentation—including experimentation with new plant varieties—became a function of the Federal Agricultural Experiment Station.154

The Board also had responsibility for creating a permanent staff. Each district was to have one or more foresters in addition to the superintendent. There were also to be rangers and assistant rangers as required. The idea was that the forests become self- supporting, presumably through the production of forest products, such as lumber.155Rangers and foresters were to be empowered to enforce fencing laws and to kill animals if they wandered into the reserves.156

154 College of Tropical Agriculture and Human Resources, “History of the Hawaii Agricultural Experiment Station,” https://www.ctahr.hawaii.edu/Site/HistoryRes.aspx, Accessed 24 November 2018. 155 An Act to Provide for the Encouragement and Protection of Agriculture, Horticulture and Forestry, 247. 156 Ibid., 248. 28 VoL. Ill. JULY, 19()(;. No. 7.

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One of the most significant provisions was that for the creation of forest reserves. Each establishment required public hearings and required the consideration of vested rights, including rights to streams and other water. The law recognized that some forests would be on private lands and these were exempt from taxation. The board would also oversee the development of a “special forestry fund” to apply as it deemed fit. It also had responsibility for ensuring that imported plants were not harmful to existing flora and fauna and that all fruits, vegetables, shrubs, and other kinds of plant life be subjected to regular inspections, and in some instances quarantine. The law also included reference to fees, fines, and rights of appeal.157

Fulfilling the provisions of Act 44, Governor Dole appointed the first five members to the new Board of Commissioners of Agriculture and Forestry. These were: Walter M. Gifford, Alfred W. Carter (1867-1949), James A. Dole (1877-1958), Jacob F. Brown, and Lorrin A. Thurston, previously head of the special committee on forestry. All of the appointees were well-connected Hawai‘i businessmen. Gifford was a Vice-President of Wm. G. Irwin & Co., Ltd., Sugar Factors158 (and, incidentally, the author of a definitive

157 Ibid., 252-254. 158 Thoms. G. Thrum, ed., The Hawaiian Annual: The Recognized Book of Information About Hawaii (Honolulu: Thoms. G. Thrum, 1901). 29 catalog of Hawaiian postage stamps159); Alfred Carter was a lawyer and judge during the time of the Republic of Hawaii and at the time was manager of the Parker Ranch; Dole, a cousin of the territorial governor, was the young entrepreneur who only a few years earlier had introduced to Hawai‘i the first large-scale pineapple growing effort, later to expand into a national brand160; Jacob F. Brown was a Land Commissioner for the territory, responsible for the management of “Public Lands”161; and Lorrin Thurston, of course, was a prominent lawyer and politician and earlier supporter of forest reform. In addition to its statutory five members, the board also included Henry E. Cooper (1857- 1929), Superintendent of Public Works, an ex-officio member, who also served as the Board’s executive officer.162

The Board elected Lorrin Thurston as its first president; Henry Cooper became Secretary. Soon after, the Board created separate subcommittees, one dealing with forestry, another entomology, a third for finance, another for rules and regulations, and a final subcommittee for agriculture. The board also appointed advisory committees for recommendations. In 1904, the Board established a journal, The Hawaiian Forester and Agriculturalist, to keep both experts and the public apprised of the Board’s work.

Ralph S. Hosmer

Soon after its creation, the Board of Agriculture and Forestry took on its first fully professional forester, Ralph Sheldon Hosmer. Born in Deerfield, Massachusetts in 1874, the son of a Unitarian minister George Herbert Hosmer and his wife Julia West Sheldon, Hosmer was a protégé of Gifford Pinchot, the first head of the United States Forest Service. A horticultural enthusiast from a young age, he received his formal training at the Bussey Institution and at the Lawrence Scientific School, both part of Harvard University, studying under agricultural chemist Francis Humphreys Storer (1832-1914) there.163 He graduated with his first Harvard degree—a Bachelor’s in Agricultural Science—in 1894, taking a second bachelor’s degree in 1896.164

While completing the second of his Harvard degrees, he worked for a short time with the Massachusetts Horticultural Society, both on their grounds and in the Boston Library.165 He then worked with the Boston Metropolitan Parks System, where he was supervised by

159 Walter M. Gifford, Stamps of Hawaii (Sandwich Islands), (Honolulu: n.p., 1893). 160 Richard P. Brennan, Parker Ranch Hawaii: The Saga of a Ranch and a Dynasty (New York: Harper & Row, 1979), 129, 159; “Dole, James D.,” Men of Hawaii: Being a Biographical Reference Library, Complete and Authentic, of the Men of Note and Substantial Achievement in the Hawaiian Islands, Vol. II, Revised (Honolulu: Honolulu Star-Bulletin, 1921), edited by John William Siddall, 133. 161 An Act to Provide for the Encouragement and Protection of Agriculture, Horticulture and Forestry, 242- 256. 162 “Cooper, Henry E.,” Men of Hawaii, 109-110. 163 H. L., Shirley, “Ralph Sheldon Hosmer,” Journal of Forestry 55, 5 (May 1957), 380-381. 164 Elwood R. Maunder, “Oral History Interview with Ralph S. Hosmer, September 26, 1960,” Forest History Organization, https://foresthistory.org/wp-content/uploads/2016/12/HOSMER60.pdf, Accessed 24 October 2018. 165 Ibid. 30 Charles Eliot (1859-1897), the originator of Boston’s integrated urban park system.166 Eliot had a profound effect upon Hosmer, as he did with others. Not only was Eliot’s leadership for Boston’s parks important, but his theories helped lay the groundwork for parks such as the Sieur de Monts National Monument (now known as Acadia National Park) in Maine, created by presidential proclamation in 1916—the same year as Hawai‘i’s first national park.167

Figure 19. Ralph S. Hosmer, ca. 1957. Wikipedia Commons.

Hosmer began his government career in 1896, working for the Division of Soils in the U.S. Department of Agriculture under Luther N. Whitney.168 In July 1898, Dr. Bernard Fernow, for over a decade the department’s chief forester, resigned to become head of the New York State College of Forestry at Cornell. At the request of Fernow’s successor, Gifford Pinchot, Hosmer transferred to the department’s Division of Forestry (soon to be the Bureau of Forestry and then the Forest Service). There he joined Henry Graves and pioneering dendrologist George Bishop Sudworth (1864-1927) as the core of the division.169 Hosmer’s salary was modest, even by late nineteenth-century standards: $800.00 per annum. Pinchot soon increased this to $1000, though this was cut off whenever Hosmer had to travel, when he received a stipend of just $25.00 a month.170

In 1900, Hosmer would be one of the founding members of the Society of American Foresters.171 Hosmer joined with Pinchot, Graves, and Overton Price (1873-1914) to

166 Charles William Eliot, Charles Eliot, Landscape Architect (Amherst: University of Massachusetts Press, 1999). 167 Renamed Acadia National Park in 1929. 168 “Autobiography of and by Ralph S. Hosmer, 1953,” North Carolina State University, https://www.lib.ncsu.edu/specialcollections/forestry/schenck/series_vi/bios/Hosmer.html, Accessed 12 November 2018. 169 “George Bishop Sudworth,” Forest History Society,” https://foresthistory.org/research-explore/us-forest- service-history/people/scientists/george-bishop-sudworth/, Accessed 13 November 2018. 170 Maunder, “Oral History Interview with Ralph S. Hosmer.” 171 Ibid. 31 serve on the organizing committee to draw up the society’s rules and procedures.172 The new society subsequently met in Pinchot’s Washington, D.C. houses, beginning a series of presentations soon to be published in the society’s proceedings. Initially titled The Proceedings of the Society of American Foresters (begun in 1905), this later became the Journal of Forestry (beginning in 1917).

Taking a break from his government career, Hosmer completed a master’s degree in forestry from the newly created forestry program at Yale after two years of study in 1903. A degree in forestry was becoming an unspoken expectation for advancement in the field and he received the full support of his superiors (though he paid for the experience himself). Following receipt of his degree, he returned to his old job in Washington, D.C., and soon afterward was promoted to Chief of the Section of Forest Replacement.173 Working in tandem with his young colleague Frederick Schwartz (d. 1931), Hosmer traveled throughout the country, visiting forests in the Adirondacks, Maine, and California, among other sites. His experience in California introduced him to Eucalyptus species as a possible solution to reforestation.174

The society’s original membership was a who’s who of American forestry and conservation. They included: Alfred Akerman, the State Forester of Massachusetts; Charles Sidney Chapman (1880-1940), of the U.S. Bureau of Forestry; Edward Merriam Griffith (1872-1939), the Superintendent of Forests for the State of Wisconsin; Francis Garner Miller, Professor of Forestry at the University of Nebraska; Frederick Erskine Olmstead (1872-1925), son of Frederick Law Olmstead (1822-1903), the founder of America’s own school of landscape architecture; Joseph Trimble Rothrock (1839-1922), Professor of Botany at the University of Pennsylvania; Carl Alwin Schenck (1868-1955), the forester for George Washington Vanderbilt’s Biltmore Estate; and James William Toumey, of the Yale Forest School (1865-1932).175 Associate members included: William Henry Brewer (1828-1910), also at Yale; William Russell Dudley (1849-1911), at Stanford; Ethan Allen Hitchcock (1835-1909), Secretary of the Interior; and Morris Ketchum Jesup (1830-1908), with the American Museum of Natural History in New York.176 This was a tightknit and influential group of scholars, practitioners, and political figures, many with links to the country’s most prestigious universities—Yale, with its prominent forestry school, foremost among them.

172 Amanda Ross, “November 30, 1900: Society of American Foresters Founded,” https://foresthistory.org/november-19-1900-society-of-american-foresters-founded/, Accessed 16 September 2018. 173 Maunder, “Oral History Interview with Ralph S. Hosmer.” 174 “Autobiography of and by Ralph S. Hosmer.” 175 Ralph S. Hosmer, The Society of American Foresters: An Historical Summary (Washington: Society of American Foresters, 1940), reprinted from The Journal of Forestry November 1940. 176 Ibid. 32 Figure 20. Yale School of Forestry, 1904, a few years after Hosmer's graduation. Yale University Manuscripts and Archives Digital Images Datbase.

Hosmer was fortunate in his connections and the choice of his profession. The turn-of- the-century was a time of great expansion in forestry and conservation. Many states had just appointed their first state foresters. Universities were just beginning specialized programs. The forest industry was just emerging as an important component in the U.S. economy and forest industrialists were starting to understand the significance of rational approaches to forest management. Driven in large part by needs for forest products—with the industry’s production of lumber increasing to over 35 billion board feet in 1900, from just over 23 billion ten years before177—producers had begun to look increasingly to the Pacific Northwest as a new source of timber.178 Increases in paper production and the extraction of forest products for other purposes, including pitch production, charcoal, wood alcohol, and forage for livestock, all added to the importance of forestry at the turn of the century.179 A growing interest in new products, new tree varieties, and the sustainability of national forests all contributed to a new national conversation about the country’s forests, forest reserves, and their future.180

With a strong recommendation from his superiors at the Bureau of Forestry, the twenty- nine-year-old Hosmer was appointed Superintendent of Forestry for the Territory of Hawaii beginning January 1904. He served under the new territorial governor, George Robert Carter (1866-1933, governor from November 23, 1903 to August 15, 1907), a locally born banker and former O‘ahu member of the Hawaii Territorial Senate.

177 Gifford Pinchot, Forest Products of the United States 1907 (Washington, D.C.: Department of Commerce and Labor with Cooperation of the Department of Agriculture, Forest Service, 1909). 178 William G. Robbins, “The Social Context of Forestry: The Pacific Northwest in the Twentieth Century,” Western Historical Quarterly 16, 4 (October 1985), 413-427. 179 Pinchot, Forest Products of the United States. 180 Williams, The USDA Forest Service. 33 Following a meeting with President Theodore Roosevelt in 1901, Carter had returned to serve as Secretary of the Territory in 1902. He had numerous connections with Hawai‘i’s planter and merchant class as well as family links to politicians of the Kingdom Period, notably Gerrit P. Judd (1803-1873), his maternal grandfather. Carter had a strong investment in the success of Hawai‘i’s sugar plantations, serving on the boards of both C. Brewer and Alexander & Baldwin during his career. Like Hosmer, he was a Yale graduate.

Work of the Board

On April 27, 1904, or only a few weeks into Hosmer’s new position, Governor Carter requested that he “furnish me by the end of this week if possible with a brief statement giving you opinion as to the possibilities of forestry work in this Territory.”181 He suggested the report would be useful in dealing with Washington and that it could be limited to “a few hundred words.”182 Hosmer complied by April 30.

Figure 21. George R. Carter, Governor of the Territory of Hawaii, 1903-1907. The Independent 61 (1906), 1280.

“The proper management of forests on the several islands of the group,” Hosmer wrote, “is one of the largest problems facing the Territory of Hawaii.”183 He went on to emphasize the importance of forests for water and the importance of water for sugar cane, the islands’ primary industry. Noting the large amount of remaining forest cover, he extolled the value of “native forests.” Well adapted for the retention of moisture, they were also host to “dense masses of rich, tropical vegetation, which make nearly ideal conditions for retaining a large share of the heavy rainfall, and consequently preventing excessive run-off.”184 The immediate need, Hosmer suggested, was the creation of forest reserves on each main island and the establishment of a core group of professional onsite foresters. He also emphasized the need for fences to protect the reserves and the “extermination” of free-roaming goats and cattle. He further emphasized the need for new tree planting within the forest reserves, in keeping with practices of a few private individuals. He also noted the importance of experimentation with “exotic trees,” a process then underway. “If the general plan just outlined can be carried into effect,” he concluded, “the outlook for forestry in the Territory is a bright one.”185

Following a request for additional information, Hosmer filed a second supplementary report on June 30. In this he identified existing forest reserves on the islands of O‘ahu

181 Governor George Robert Carter, Letter to R. S. Hosmer 27 April 1904, Hawai‘i State Archives. 182 Ibid. 183 Ralph. S. Hosmer, Letter to Governor George Robert Carter, 30 April 1904, Hawai‘i State Archives. 184 Ibid. 185 Ibid. 34 and Hawai‘i, set aside by proclamation by Governor Carter.186 In further correspondence he emphasized the need for research and the creation of a library.187 In answer to a subsequent request for information on “sandal wood,” Hosmer explained that until further fieldwork was completed it was difficult to appraise the extent of existing specimens. He further noted that sandalwood existed along a relatively narrow band and that he doubted that sandalwood could be successfully exploited for commercial purposes.188

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Figure 22. Territory of Hawaii, I. P. Berthong, USGS, 1919. Hawai'i State Archives.

In October, Hosmer completed his step-by-step recommendations for improving forestry and expanding forests in Hawai‘i. Facing some pushback from the public, he emphasized the necessity for government oversight and leadership. First, Hosmer emphasized that well-managed forest reserves required the presence of “a trained man, a professional forester, whose duty is to care for the forest interests of the Territory.”189 Second, he explained, reserves were easier to manage from a central agency. Third, was the fact that most reserves were in private ownership and subject, therefore, to the “shifting opinions of various individuals.” He recognized, however, that some reserves might in time revert to private ownership and suggested that a clause be inserted into all agreements at the time of conversion of private lands to forest use. He further emphasized the need for a

186 Ralph S. Hosmer, Letter to the Honorable A. L. C. Atkinson, Acting Governor, 30 June 1904, Hawai‘i State Archives. 187 Letter, L. C. Terrell, Superintendent, Forest Bureau, to Ralph S. Hosmer, 10 May 1904, Hawai‘i State Archives. 188 Present Conditions and Outlook, Note by A. L. C. Atkinson, inserted in reply to T. G. Thrum, 6 October 1904, Hawai‘i State Archives. 189 Board of Agriculture and Forestry, Report of the Board of Agriculture and Forestry, Division of Forestry, October 1904 (Honolulu: Hawaiian Gazette, 1904), Hawai‘i State Archives. 35 permanent service, to be trained and equipped for the purpose of forest management. Finally, he emphasized that steps taken in Hawai‘i matched those on the continental U.S. and could benefit from advances (as well as possible future funding).190

In the following year, Hosmer and the Division of Forestry made considerable progress. By the summer of 1905, Hosmer could point to the newly identified and soon to be established 110,000-acre forest reserve in the Hilo District of Hawai‘i Island and pending reserves in Maui and Kaua‘i embracing 43,000 and 37,000 acres of forest land respectively.191 He also pointed to the cooperation of private owners, some of which had independently set aside lands for forest reserves. Notable among these were the Bishop Estate on the Hawai‘i Island, which had set aside some 20,700 acres, and C. Brewer & Co., also on Hawai‘i Island with 25,000 acres, the “Baldwin Interest” on Maui, and the Lihue Plantation Company on Kaua‘i.192 To further these initiatives, the Division of Forestry had begun to provide seedlings to private owners “at cost.” These included both “native and introduced” species, being propagated in the Government Nursery. “The nursery also provides,” Hosmer pointed out, “free of charge, ornamental and forest trees for use on school grounds and around public institutions.”193

190 Ibid. 191 Cox, “Birth of Hawaiian Forestry,” 189. 192 Report of the Board of Agriculture and Forestry, Division of Forestry, October 1904, Hawai‘i State Archives. 193 Ibid. 36 Figure 23. Hamakualoa-Koolau Forest Reserve, Proposal, Board of Agriculture and Forestry, July 1905. Hawai'i State Archives.

In August 1905, the territorial government made the first steps towards creating a government sanctioned forest reserve on Maui. The total proposed Koolau Forest Reserve was to include 42,969 acres, of which approximately 15,000 was already in government control, the remainder the property of H. P. Baldwin, who also held the water rights.194 Baldwin agreed to the proposal as long as the government “maintained its forest lands for forest purposes.” Shortly afterward the government approved the designation of the Hamakualoa-Koolau Forest Reserve and a second Maui reserve at Hāna. Similar steps were taken on other islands. A forest reserve for the District of Halele‘a, Kaua‘i was also approved and the following year, new reserves were designated on O‘ahu, including the extensive Ewa Forest Reserve, straddling the crest of the Ko‘olau Mountains.195

By August 1906, Hosmer could write proudly of a total of 229,619 acres of reserve land, contained in a total of eight official forest reserves. The Hilo District of Hawai‘i Island had 110,000 aces of reserved land; Halele‘a in Kaua‘i had 37,000 acres; Puna District in Kaua‘i, 9,935 acres; the ‘Ewa District of ‘Oahu, 28,550 acres; and the Kona District of

194 Report of the Committee of Forestry upon the Proposed Koolau Forest Reserve, Island of Maui, L. A. Thurston, Chairman, Committee on Forestry, Alfred W. Carter, Committee on Forestry, 2 August 1905; Minutes of a Public Meeting in regard to the Proposed Forest Reserve in the Districts of Koolau and Hamakualoa,, Island of Maui, August 23, 1905, Hawai‘i State Archives. 195 James W. Pratt, Report to Governor G. R. Carter, 8 February 1906, Hawai‘i State Archives. 37 Hawai‘i had a reserve of 665 acres.196 In 1907, under the authority of newly appointed Governor Walter F. Frear (1863-1948), the Division could claim a further 147,715 acres of which 120,926 acres were government land. This brought the total to thirteen reserves at 397,187 acres.197 Other new reserves were proposed as well. Among new proposals for that year was a new forest reserve at Makawao on the northwest slope of Haleakalā and a section of the Nāpali coast on Kaua‘i.198 Both were approved in 1908, as was a fourth Maui reserve in the Lahaina District.199

In April 1908, Governor Frear invited Hosmer to accompany him on a trip to Washington, D.C. as part of a territorial delegation to the state and territorial governors’ meeting to be held at the White House, where they met President Roosevelt.200 Also invited were W. O. Smith and Lorenzo Gartley, representing Hawai‘i’s business interests. Following their return in May, the governor appointed Hosmer chairman of a new Territorial Conservation Commission, a body intended to further the work of forestry protection.201 The following year, Secretary of the Interior James Rudolf Garfield (1865- 1950) visited the Hawaiian Islands. The son of former president James Garfield (1831- 1881) and a friend of former Board of Agriculture and Forestry President Lorrin A. Thurston’s from his college days in New York, Garfield inspected the work of the Board and also traveled to some of Thurston’s favorite natural sites, including Kīlauea Volcano and Haleakalā.202

196 Ralph S. Hosmer, Report to G. E. Carter, Governor, Territory of Hawaii, 18 August 1906, Hawai‘i State Archives.. 197 Ralph S. Hosmer, Forest Work in Hawaii, Report to the Governor, 22 July 1907, Hawai‘i State Archives. 198 Ralph S. Hosmer, Forest Reserve Hearing, Presentation, April 30, 1907, Governor’s Records; Board of Commissioners of Agriculture and Forestry, Resolution Relating to the Proposed Makawao Forest Reserve, July 29, 1907, Governor’s Records; Report by the Board of Agriculture and Forestry, June 3, 1908, Hawai‘i State Archives. 199 Report by the Board of Commissioners of Agriculture and Forestry, June 3, 1908, Hawai‘i State Archives. 200 The Hawaiian Star, April 3, 1908. 201 Ralph Sheldon Hosmer, “The Beginning Five Decades of Forestry in Hawaii,” Journal of Forestry 57, 2 (February 1959), 86. 202 Honolulu Evening Bulletin, June 8, 1909. See also Russell Apple, “History of Land Acquisition in Hawaii National Park to December 31, 1950,” Master’s thesis, University of Hawai‘i at Manoa. 38 Figure 24. Walter F. Frear, Governor of the Territory of Hawaii, 1907-1913. Library of Congress, Prints and Drawings Collection.

Garfield was enthused about Hawai‘i’s progress in the fields of forestry and conservation. He also saw the potential of Hawai‘i as a site of a future national park, an idea then still in its development phase.203 The Maui News reported that Garfield was particularly interested in the state of Hawaiian agriculture and land use, certainly the progress of the Board of Agriculture and Forestry.204 The Forestry Division’s report of June 30 explained that Garfield expressed concern as well about threats of pests to Hawai‘i’s forests and agriculture.205 In 1909, a Congressional delegation, greeted by former territorial senator (and later Honolulu mayor) John. C. Lane (1872-1958), visited the islands and expressed equal support for some kind of special protections for Hawai‘i’s natural and scenic wonders.206 Like Garfield, the delegation visited both Hawai‘i and Maui.207 Kansas delegate Charles F. Scott (1860-1938), a member of the House Agricultural Committee, was particularly interested in Agriculture and Forestry, and commented on the Forestry Division’s progress.208

Encouraged by Scott and other members of the Congressional delegation, Hosmer and the Forestry Division continued the work of expanding the forest reserves. In late 1909, the government approved additional reserves, including a 66,000-acre section on the upper slopes of Mauna Kea, a new section in Makawao known as the Waihou Spring

203 I. J. Castro, “A History of Hawaii National Park,” Typescript (Kilauea, Hawaii: Hawaii National Park, n.d.), 22. 204 The Maui News, June 20, 1908. 205 Report of the Board of Agriculture and Forestry June 30 1908, Hawai‘i State Archives. 206 Jadelyn J. Moniz Nakamura, Fire on the Rim: The Creation of Hawaii National Park, Occasional Paper 1 (Kīlauea, Hawai‘i: Hawaii Volcanoes National Park, n.d.), 10. 207 The Maui News, September 25, 1909. 208 Pacific Commercial Advertiser, August 21, 1909. The delegation departed on September 18, 1909: Pacific Commercial Advertiser, September 18, 1909. 39 Reserve, and a further addition to the reserves in the Kona and Puna Districts of Hawai‘i Island.209 By the middle of 1909 there were fully sixteen reserves, totaling 444,116 acres of land, 273,912 of which were government lands, the rest in private ownership.210 By the following year the total was 545,764 acres, 357,180 of which were government land.211 This was approximately 12 percent of the total land area of the Hawaiian Islands, representing an enormous commitment of both public and private lands over the six years the forestry law had been in effect.212

The year 1910 marked something of a watershed for the work of the Board of Commissioners for Agriculture and Forestry and its Forestry Division. The Territory of Hawaii had reached its twelfth year of existence, ten from the time of the passage of the Organic Act. While the U.S. presence was clearly resented by many Native Hawaiians— and opposed by some notable European and North American residents as well, including Charles Reed Bishop (1822-1915), the founder of Hawai‘i’s largest financial institution, the Bishop Bank213—the territorial government had presided over a decade of unprecedented economic growth for the islands. This had included enormous capital investment in Honolulu and other towns and settlements; the dramatic expansion of the agricultural sector, especially the sugar and new pineapple industries; large military expenditures, including the building of bases throughout much of O‘ahu and especially, the long-awaited development of Pearl Harbor, beginning in 1905.214

The first decade of the twentieth century had also seen a rise in tourism in the islands, marked by the increase in the numbers of passengers traveling on the Matson Navigation Co.’s ships, and reflected in the construction of new hotels, such as the 1901 Moana, in Waikīkī. Due to the end of tariffs—since Hawai‘i was a U.S. territory—agricultural companies, such as Castle & Cooke, Alexander & Baldwin, C. Brewer & Co., American Factors (now Amfac) and Theo H. Davies & Co.—a grouping known as “the big five”— expanded their operations.215 James Dole’s pineapple operation, begun only in 1901, underwrote the construction of a new impressive cannery at the edge of Honolulu’s harbor only six years later.216 Hawai‘i’s connection to the U.S.’s new acquisitions in the Caribbean and the Pacific resulted in an infusion of labor; whereas earlier plantation

209 Paul W. Isenberg, Acting President and Executive Officer, Board of Commissioners of Agriculture and Forestry, May 13, 1909, Governor’s Records, Hawai‘i State Archives. 210 Forest Reserves – Territory of Hawaii, Arranged in Chronological Order, Corrected to June 30, 1908, Governor’s Records, Hawai‘i State Archives. 211 Board of Commissioners of Agriculture and Forestry for the Year Ending June 30, 1909, Governor’s Records, Hawai‘i State Archives. 212 The total acreage for the Hawaiian Islands is estimated at 4,123,000 acres. See Farmland Information, Center, Hawaii Statistics, 2012 National Resources Inventory, https://www.farmlandinfo.org/statistics/hawaii, Accessed 3 October 2018. 213 Harold W. Kent, Charles Reed Bishop: Man of Hawaii (Honolulu: Kamehameha Schools Press, 1958). 214 Gavin Daws, Shoal of Time: A History of the Hawaiian Islands (Honolulu: University of Hawaii Press, 1974). 215 Best described in Carol MacLennan, Sovereign Sugar: Industry and Environment in Hawai‘i (Honolulu: University of Hawai‘i Press, 2014). 216 Duane P. Bartholomew, Richard A. Hawkins and Johnny A. Lopez, “Hawaii Pineapple: The Rise and Fall of an Industry,” American Society for Horticultural Science 47, 10 (October 2012), 1390-1398. 40 workers came from China and then Japan, the newest wave came from places as remote as Puerto Rico and the Philippines.217

Figure 25. Pineapple growing in Hawai‘i, Vintage Post card, ca. 1910. Agriculture was the mainstay of Hawaii's economy for much of the first part of the twentieth century. Hawai‘i State Archives.

This was a period of unabashed “Republicanism” in the islands. The governors were staunch supporters of the Republican Party (an important reason for their selection), as were most local political appointees. Club rosters typically cited members’ political affiliations as “Republican.”218 Investors expected government to be “business-friendly.” The government itself was ruled by strict rules of accountability and transparency. Departments and agencies listed their expenses in published documents, down to costs of postage and stationary. Board members nearly always served gratis. There were certainly inside deals and unfair practices, but the overall tone of government was one of progressive conservatism—or conservative progressivism—in keeping with the ideals of the Republican Party’s standard bearer for much of the decade, Theodore Roosevelt (1858-1919, President from 1901-1909).

It is remarkable in this context to recognize how much the forestry division had accomplished. Staffing was lean and—with the exception of Hosmer, who served as Superintendent—salaries were extremely modest. A report of June 1910 for the entire Board of Agriculture and Forestry listed the Secretary and Stenographer (each receiving $100 a month) as having a combined annual salary of $2,275; the Librarian, who also served as the editor of the Board’s journal, received $1,878.30; manual help, including three employees, came to $1,144.50. The Division of Forestry had a combined workforce

217 Edward D. Beechert, Working in Hawaii: A Labor History (Honolulu: University of Hawaii Press, 1985). 218 Charlotte Curtis and Carl T. Gossett, Jr., “Where Aristocrats Do the Hula and Vote Republican; Land and Commerce Screens from Japan New England Heritage Attended Punahou Cousins Society Plumeria and Orchids,” New York Times, November 27, 1966, http://select.nytimes.com/gst/abstract.html?res=F10710FE3D59157A8EDDAE0A94D9415B868AF1D3, Accessed 13 January 2013. For a broader perspective, A. Grove Day, Hawaii and Its People, Revised edition (Honolulu: Mutual Publishing, 1968). 41 in the neighborhood of twenty employees. The Nurseryman and Ranger, together with an unspecified number of Laborers and Seed Collectors at three different stations, had combined salaries totaling $5,268.95. At the time, Hosmer’s annual salary was $3,000, roughly the equivalent of $76,500 today. The total personnel budget for the Board of Commissioner of Agriculture and Forestry in 1910 was $28,227.39, or, again, about $720,000 in today’s money.219 Since the land for the reserves was either government land or donated private lands, the total cost of the forestry division’s work—which was only about one-third of the entire Board’s budget—was reasonable indeed.

Forest Products in Hawai‘i

A primary consideration of management in the newly established U.S. Forest Service had always been an anticipated outflow of forest products, mainly lumber but also other commercially viable goods. Built into the Forest Service’s founding document was the provision that forests must also “furnish a continuous supply of timber for the use and necessities of citizens of the United States.”220 The potential commercial value of Hawai‘i’s forests had always been a factor as well; the harvesting of sandalwood (Santalum spp.) in the early nineteenth century had been, in fact, a mainstay of the islands’ economy prior to the rise of the whaling industry. One entrepreneur on Maui had begun milling koa (Acacia koa) and ʻōhiʻa (Metrosideros polymorpha) in the middle of the nineteenth century and was optimistic about the lumber industry’s future potential.221 But despite his effort and that of a few other residents, Hawai‘i’s timber industry was unable to compete with the relatively cheap and well-performing Douglas fir (Pseudotsuga menziesii) and redwood (Sequoia sempervirens) available from the Pacific Northwest.222

During the time of the Hawaiian kingdom a number of local boosters attempted to create a market for Hawaiian hardwoods, mostly for furniture or cabinet work. Australian immigrant Thomas G. Thrum (1842-1932), publisher of Thrum’s Hawaiian Annual and Almanac from 1875, created an exhibition of 105 Hawaiian woods, representing both indigenous and imported species for use in promoting Hawaiian products. In 1893, the collection formed part of the Hawaiian display at the Columbian Exposition in Chicago in 1893.223 Among the species promoted were koa (Acacia koa), koaia (Acacia koaia), kou (Cordia subcordata), milo (Thespesia populnea), kamani (Calophyllum inophyllum), kaiula (Alphitonia ponderosa), and ʻōhiʻa (Metrosideros polymorpha) in several varieties. Used by Hawaiians for canoes, houses, bowls, and other implements, Thrum suggested most Hawaiian woods would serve best for the manufacture of furniture and other fine

219 Board of Agriculture and Forestry, Report of the Board of Agriculture and Forestry for June 1910 (Honolulu: Territory of Hawaii, 1910). 220 US Forest Service, A Historical Perspective, https://www.fs.fed.us/forestmanagement/aboutus/histperspective.shtml, Accessed 6 August 2018. 221 Cox, “Birth of Hawaiian Forestry,”171-72; T. Metcalf, "Report on Saw Mills," Transactions of the Royal Hawaiian Agricultural Society IV (1854), 144-145. 222 There had been sawmills at least as early as the 1830s. On the West Coast-Hawaii lumber trade, see Thomas R. Cox, Mills and Markets: A History of the Pacific Coast Lumber Industry (Seattle: University of Washington Press, 1974), 80-82. 223 “Indigenous Hawaiian Woods,” The Hawaiian Gazette, July 14, 1891. 42 products, though ʻōhiʻa had potential uses ranging from house and fence posts to flooring.224

These efforts continued into the twentieth century as well. A newspaper article in 1900 described then Governor Dole’s interest in reviving Hawai‘i’s sandalwood and koa forests.225 The following year Forester David Haughs pointed to Australian Blackwood (Acacia melanoxylon) as a possible substitute for koa.226 The Hilo Tribune noted in 1902 that koa was in great demand by furniture makers, noting that the Maunakea Lumber Co. had shipped “a cargo of 1535 pieces” to Honolulu to be transshipped to San Francisco.227 The Maui News announced in 1905 that many continental cabinet members sought out fine-grained Hawaiian hardwoods and predicted a growing interest and demand. By “reforesting our bare plains and hill sides with the more valuable of these wood [sic] would result at the end of the next twenty years in adding millions to our natural resources, as well as increasing greatly the annual rainfall.”228

While both indigenous and introduced species offered promise for future production, other plants offered additional opportunities. Several ranchers and farmers experimented with the production of rubber and the growing of rubber trees. Hugh Howell, of Nāhiku, Maui, recognizing a growing need for rubber tires, began an experimental plot of rubber trees. The operation was a partial success and the Nāhiku Rubber Plantation was registered in 1905.229 Within a few years five companies were operating in the vicinity of Nāhiku, with additional cultivation elsewhere on Maui and also on O‘ahu, Kaua‘i, and the island of Hawai‘i. Estimates by 1910 were that at least 5,600 aces were planted in rubber trees.230

Upon Hosmer’s return from his meeting in Washington in 1908, one of his immediate charges as newly appointed head of the Territorial Conservation Commission was to compile statistics on the amount of lumber and other forest products generated annually in the territory. He was also charged with further experimenting with new varieties of “lumber-producing conifers from the Pacific Coast, planting them at altitudes corresponding as nearly as possible with their natural habitat.”231 Hosmer had begun to consider the possibilities of commercial lumber production early in his time in Hawai‘i. In an early report to Governor Carter in 1904, he had emphasized that “While the forest reserves are created primarily for the protection of the important watersheds, they may, without detriment to this end, be made to serve other useful purposes as well.”232

224 Ibid. 225 Honolulu Evening Bulletin, August 21, 1900. 226 The Hawaiian Star, October 12, 1901. 227 Hilo Tribune, July 25, 1902. 228 The Maui News, January 21, 1905. 229 Ho‘okuleana, Peter T. Young, 2017, http://totakeresponsibility.blogspot.com/2014/02/nahiku-rubber- company.html, Accessed 2 August 2018. 230 Ibid. 231 Pacific Commercial Advertiser, August 21, 1908. 232 Ralph S. Hosmer, Board of Agriculture and Forestry, Report to Governor George R. Carter, October 21, 1904, Governors’ Records, Hawai‘i State Archives. 43 Skeptical of the potential for sandalwood, Hosmer nonetheless held out hope for other species as having commercial potential.233

In 1906, Hosmer had provided a brief report on the prospects for the koa lumber industry and on the newly recognized potential for rubber production. “Koa,” he explained, “is the best of the native Hawaiian timbers; it is a heavy, hard cabinet wood, beautiful in grain and susceptible of high polish.”234 He cited the establishment of the Hawaiian Mahogany Company, Ltd. as a helpful sign of a growing industry.235 The same year, he wrote “The prospects for raising rubber on a commercial scale and at a profit…. have grown more and more bright.” A parallel development was the milling of ʻōhiʻa. In 1907, he applauded a recent order from California for 13,000 railway ties from Hawai‘i Island to be used “both for ties and piling.”236 He pointed to the production of coconut oil, copra, and coir as other promising possibilities.237

A key issue, Hosmer surmised, was to better understand conditions under which commercial forest products might best thrive. “The increasing number of applications from corporations and individuals for advice and assistance in tree planting,” he noted, pointed to the need for a more systematic approach than simply sending agents “to examine the locality proposed to be planted.”238 Another crucial problem was the threat of blight. In 1908, Weston Brain, an employee in the Experiment Station of the Hawaii Sugar Planters Association’ (HSPA) wrote to J. W. Waldron of the Board of Agriculture and Forestry’s Sub-Committee on Pathology & Physiology about a blight affecting the forests of Maui in particular. First noticed in 1906, the disease affected “practically every variety of tree, shrub and herbaceous plant” wherever it occurred.239 Although Brice could not identify a source, he speculated that the pathogen was a long present fungus, probably a variety present in Hawai‘i soils for a long time.

The Division of Forestry had committed to the maintenance of a nursery from an early period. Beginning in 1906, the division began to publish a circular advising property owners and interested citizens on ways to plant and maintain trees. Staff members met with owners and interested organizations upon request and visited sites and met with the public when asked.240 The division also maintained a collection of seedlings, which they provided to interested parties at cost. To carry out the work of propagation and distribution, Hosmer had expanded the work of the division’s Honolulu nursery to include substations at Kalāheo, Kaua‘i and at Hilo, Hawai‘i. Cooperation with several

233 Board of Agriculture and Forestry, Report of the Board of Commissioners of Agriculture and Forestry for 1904, October 6, 1904, Hawai‘i State Archives. 234 Ralph S. Hosmer, Report to G. R. Carter, Governor of the Territory of Hawaii, August 31, 1906, Hawai‘i State Archives. 235 See Evening Bulletin, September 29, 1905. 236 Ralph S. Hosmer, Forest Work in Hawaii, Report to the Governor, 22 July 1907, Hawai‘i State Archives. 237 Ibid. 238 Ibid. 239 Weston Brain, Letter to J. W. Waldron, August 28, 1908, Hawai‘i State Archives. 240 Ralph S. Hosmer, Board of Agriculture and Forestry, Report to G. R. Carter, Governor of the Territory of Hawaii, August 8, 1906, Hawai‘i State Archives. 44 ranches and sugar plantations led to an additional six distribution stations throughout the islands.241

As early as 1907, Hosmer emphasized the division’s initiative in introducing “seeds of trees and shrubs of economic value” into the territory. These were planted wherever individuals thought they might thrive; what was lacking, Hosmer emphasized, “was systematic observation.” The division’s staff had begun a more straightforward approach, planting specimens “on the several islands under varying conditions of elevation, exposure and soil [and] in places where careful record can be kept of their success or failure.”242 A report published in 1910 credited the government’s nursery with the sale of 41,000 seeding boxes, 5,900 transplanted trees and other plants in boxes and a further 12,110 distributed in pots. The division also gave away 23,500 seedling boxes, 20,745 transplanted specimens, and 12,223 potted plants, for a total of 56,010 trees and other plants. The Hilo and Kalāheo nurseries, as well as the more informally organized rancher and planter substations, distributed another 27,495 seedlings and other plants.243 The total number for the year from the government nurseries alone came to over 184,000.244 A further estimated 500,000 trees annually came from other sources.245

Following many years of informal participation since the first Arbor Day in 1872, the Territory of Hawaii joined in officially in 1905 when Governor Carter declared November 3 to be Hawai‘i’s official “Arbor Day.” Subsequent Arbor Days were set at the second Friday of November annually.246 Devoted to planting trees and shrubs on school grounds, the first year saw ninety-five of the territory’s 154 public schools participating, with an additional infusion of enthusiasm coming from private schools and private citizens.247 The government nursery distributed 3,554 trees and also collected a fund of $770 to award prizes in subsequent years for the best maintained trees and shrubs. By 1908 the nursery was distributing far in excess of the first year’s donated trees, bringing the total to 41,777 in 1909.248 Overseen by government nurseryman David Haughs, the first head of the territory’s forestry division, the nursery also gave trees to the Army and Navy for their new posts and batteries on O‘ahu. The division also issued a handbook on the planting and care of trees, printed in both English and Hawaiian.249

241 Statement Covering the Work of the Division of Forestry July 1, 1909 to June 30, 1910. Ralph Hosmer, Hawai‘i State Archives. 242 Ralph S. Hosmer, Forest Work in Hawaii, Report to the Governor, 22 July 1907, Hawai‘i State Archives. 243 Report of the Government Nursery June 30, 1910, Hawai‘i State Archives. 244 Ibid. 245 Ralph S. Hosmer, Statement Covering the Work of the Division of Forestry July 1, 1909 to June 30, 1910, Hawai‘i State Archives. 246 Ibid. 247 Arbor Day Hawaii, History of Arbor Day in Hawaii, https://www.arbordayhawaii.org/history-of-arbor- day-in-hawaii/, Accessed 2 October 2018. 248 Report of the Government Nursery June 30, 1910, Hawai‘i State Archives. 249 Ibid. 45 Experimental Forestry

Throughout the first decade of its existence, much of the work of selection and distribution of trees by the forestry division had followed something of a scattershot approach, despite Hosmer’s concern for more systematic experimentation. Toward the end of June 1908, however, Hosmer wrote that the U.S. Forest Service had set aside $2,000 “for forest experimental work at the higher elevations,” the project to be overseen by the Superintendent of the Division of Forestry (himself).250 By exchange, purchase, and gift the division received thirty-three consignments, ranging from one to over one hundred packages, of seeds, cuttings, and growing plants from throughout the country— though most from the Pacific Northwest. These were in turn propagated at the experimental garden in Makiki Valley on the island of O‘ahu for later distribution elsewhere in the territory.251

The division soon after received a consignment of temperate-zone trees, both conifers and broadleaf species, for planting on the upper reaches of Haleakalā and Mauna Kea.252 This would be the origin of the experimental forests that are now within the bounds of Haleakalā National Park, along with those on Mauna Kea. The purpose of the experiment was, in Hosmer’s own words, “to try at elevations from six to ten thousand feet valuable timber trees from the temperate zone, primarily conifers, with the expectation that some among those tested will be found to be adapted for local use.” In the long term, Hosmer wrote, “It is hoped that eventually, as a result of this experimental planting, a forest can be established on the now unproductive upper slopes of these two mountains.”253

At Haleakalā, Hosmer had the assistance and cooperation of rancher and sugar-grower Henry (Harry) P. Baldwin, on whose lands the experiments occurred. The work was funded in 1908 and continued into the next year, with much of the planting occurring in the winter and spring of 1909.

250 Board of Commissioners of Agriculture and Forestry, Report of the Board of Commissioners of Agriculture and Forestry, June 30, 1908, Hawai‘i State Archives. 251 Ibid. 252 Ibid. 253 Fifth Report of the Board of Commissioners of Agriculture and Forestry of the Territory of Hawaii for the Year Ending December 31, 1908, Honolulu p. 26, https://babel.hathitrust.org/cgi/pt?id=hvd.32044103119400;view=1up;seq=5 46 Figure 26. Paniolo workers at Haleakala Ranch, ca. 1909. Photo demonstrates the barren slopes of Haleakalā. Von Tempsky photo collection, Courtesy Rob Ratkowski.

Figure 27. Paniolo riders at Haleakala Ranch, ca. 1910. Haleakala Ranch, https://haleakalaranch.com/haleakala-ranch-gallery/.

47 Throughout this time, Hosmer worked closely with Louis Von Tempsky, the manager of Haleakala Ranch in the planning and development of his experimental plots. Von Tempsky, a native of Glasgow, Scotland, had spent his formative years in New Zealand, moving to Hawai‘i in 1880, where he soon found employment as a ranch hand.254 A naturalized Hawaiian citizen, he went on to acquire land of his own, becoming a member of the House of Nobles in 1890. Henry P. Baldwin hired him in 1899 to manage his extensive holdings, a job that brought him into the orbit of active “reforesters.” Beginning in January 1900, Von Tempsky estimated that with Baldwin’s support, he had overseen the planting of some 140,000 trees, of which some 138,380 were still thriving as of 1911. The total acreage was 236 acres, with additional trees planted as windbreaks along fence lines and roads. The cost per tree came to 4 ½ cents, including purchase of the seeds, “nursey work,” plantings, hoeing, and fencing.255

In 1907, Von Tempsky, with the advice of Hosmer, had begun a four-acre experiment at Haleakala Ranch. Dividing his plantings into two plots, one of three acres and a second of one acre, Von Tempsky, had used two different planting methods, one of regular farrows and a second using a traditional Hawaiian pickaxe or kipikua. The trees were various species of Eucalyptus, including E. amygdalina (now classified as Eucalyptus salicifolia), E. botryoides, E. corymbosa (now classified as Corymbia gummifera), E. corynocalyx (now classified as E. cladocalyx), E. leucoxylon, E. paniculata, and E. rudis, provided by the Australian Forestry Service.256 The total cost was $165.30, or $48.97 per acre. Von Tempsky was impressed with the first year’s results and speculated that the trees, some of which (E rudis.) had reached sixteen feet in height in a two-year period, had great promise for use as fence posts and railway ties, as they were used in Australia.257

Figure 28. Louis Von Tempsky, ca. 1910. https://www.hicattle.org/paniolo-hall-of fame/inductees/louis-von-tempsky.

254 Paniolo Hall of Fame, Louis Von Tempsky, 2018, https://www.hicattle.org/paniolo-hall-of- fame/inductees/louis-von-tempsky, Accessed 30 September 2018. 255 L. Von Tempsky, Haleakala Ranch Co. Letter to Ralph S. Hosmer, Superintendent of Forestry, January 19, 1911, Haleakalā National Park Archives. 256 The Hawaiian Forester and Agriculturalist 5, 12 (December 1908), 349-350. 257 Ibid. 48 Writing later to Hosmer (in 1911), Von Tempsky recounted the numbers of trees planted at the ranch over the previous four years. The planting areas ranged from 2,000 ft above sea level to just over 6,000 ft. Overall, Von Tempsky had planted 16,444 trees (about 375 trees to the acre) over an area of 44 acres, as well as along fence lines; “the trees planted on the mountain were principally intended for shelter purposes for stock.”258 Foremost of among the trees were various species of Eucalyptus, including E. botryoides, E. corynocalyx (now classified as E. cladocalyx), E. crebra, E. gunnii, E. leucoxylon, E. rhilaris (current classification unknown), E. polyanthema (now classified as E. polyanthemos), E. rostrata (now classified as Eucalyptus camaldulensis), E. saligna, and Cryptomeria japonica (sugi or Japanese cedar). They were planted, he explained, in v- shaped formations, with the strongest varieties at the edge to form windbreaks for the more fragile varieties, such as C. japonica. At the 2,800-foot level, the trees performed well, and in some plots seemed to encourage the growth of dormant native koa (Acacia koa) trees. He noted further that the experimental plantings at the 6,300-foot level on the Kula side of the ranch, “mauka of the forest line” suffered from the prevalent dry weather of the previous two years. Consisting of about 300 trees of like species, he speculated that over time these “should form in the future an interesting subject for comparison.259

Figure 29. "At Ukalili"— (from left) T. Anderson, Ralph S. Hosmer, Louis Von Tempsky, and W. T. Brigham on Haleakalā, June 1909, Bishop Museum Archives.

258 Von Tempsky letter to Hosmer, January 10, 1911, Haleakalā National Park Archives. 259 Ibid. 49 Hosmer’s Plantings at Haleakalā

Hosmer’s own project in 1909 and then in 1911 followed the approach set in motion by Von Tempsky. His first project was limited to two plots on Haleakalā, one at 6,500 ft above sea level (asl) and a second at 7,000 ft asl, and four more on Mauna Kea. Speaking before the annual meeting of the HSPA on November 11, 1908, Hosmer explained that over the past year he had begun to plan a series of experimental plots, using the $2,000 grant from the “Federal Forest Service.” “The object of these experiments is to try some of the conifers—pines, spruces and firs—of the temperate zone at elevations above the native Hawaiian forests, with the expectation of obtaining data that will lead eventually the clothing of these now barren mountain slopes with a forest of valuable trees.”260 The following year, in June 1909, he reported that the experiment was proceeding and plots had been started at Mauna Kea and Haleakalā. Both W. L. Hall of the U.S. Forest Service and E.M. Griffin from the Wisconsin service agreed with the thrust of this work. The plots were currently being enclosed and “planted up” at several plots on both mountains “at varying elevations and having different conditions of aspect and exposure.”261

In late June 1909, Hosmer traveled again to Maui, ascending the slopes of Haleakalā in the company of Von Tempsky. Examining the open grassland above the forest on the windward slopes, Hosmer noted that the ranch had constructed a drylaid stone-walled enclosure there for cattle and suggested that the stone-walled “paddock” area might be held as a “forest reserve, to be eventually got under forest cover.”262 This likely became the third experimental area after additional funding was available in 1910. He probably chose possible sites for an additional study area at a higher elevation during this visit as well.

In August 1909, Hosmer voyaged to Seattle with other Hawai‘i delegates, including Mrs. Augustus. F. Knudsen, head of Hawai‘i’s Arbor Day initiative,263 to attend the Alaska- Yukon-Pacific Exposition.264 As the chief Hawai‘i representative, Hosmer spoke twice on the work of his division and gave a general address before the National Conservation Congress, which met during the exposition. Following the conference, Hosmer testified before a U.S. Senate Committee on Arid Lands, addressing Senators Thomas A. Carter of Montana, Thomas H. Paynter of Kentucky, and Francis E. Warren of Wyoming about the problems facing Hawai‘i. He had a chance further to meet with the local U.S. Forest Service office to discuss a possible project on the study of eucalyptus. The plan was for a Forest Service expert to come to Hawai‘i later in the year.265

In December 1909, Hosmer wrote enthusiastically about the progress with the Mauna Kea and Haleakalā plantings.266 On November 26, he reported a shipment of 1,000 trees

260 The Hawaiian Forester and Agriculturalist 5, 12 (December 1908), 358. 261 The Hawaiian Forester and Agriculturalist 6, 6 (June 1909), 231. 262 The Hawaiian Forester and Agriculturalist 6, 6 (June 1909: 261. 263 American Monthly Magazine 36 (January-June 1910), 51. 264 The Hawaiian Forester and Agriculturalist 6, 7 (July 1909), 263. 265 The Hawaiian Forester and Agriculturalist 6, 10 (October 1909), 408-409. 266 The Hawaiian Forester and Agriculturalist 6,12 (December 1909), 467-68 50 of each of four varieties of conifers had arrived from the U.S. Forest Service nurseries near San Bernardino, California. These included Jeffrey Pine (Pinus jeffreyi), Coulter Pine (Pinus coulteri), Incense Cedar (Calocedrus decurrens), and Deodar Cedar (Cedrus deodara).267 “The trees,” he announced, “were immediately transshipped in equal lots for planting respectively, on the upper slopes of Mauna Kea and Haleakala.” “The tree came through in excellent condition,” he explained further, “and as they were forwarded without delay to the planting stations, it is expected they will do well.”268In January 1910, he reported that additional seed lots of pine, fir, and spruce from California and other western states, had arrived.269 And by April, he identified at least fifty species of mainland trees—both conifers and broadleaf varieties—were in the process of preparation for replanting at Mauna Kea and Haleakalā.270

In October 1910, the Division of Forestry received another $1000 grant to aid the work on experimental plots at high altitudes.271 Asked by a board member in December how the work was proceeding, Hosmer explained that his botanist and nurseryman Joseph Francis Charles Rock (1884-1962), employed at the division’s experiment station in Honolulu, had just returned from Haleakalā where he noted that the experimental plots had “shown that a very encouraging proportion of the seeds sown last March had germinated and were growing.”272 He agreed too with another board member that California redwood might well be another tree to consider for reforestation.273 It is possible that Rock planted seedlings in the two additional experimental plots at Haleakalā at the time—or at least assisted in their selection. According to C. J. Kraebel, Assistant Superintendent, writing in 1922, the last of the experimental plots at Haleakalā and Mauna Kea were sown in August 1911.274 Figure 30. The summit of Haleakalā. University of Hawai‘i, Hamilton Library, 1995- 622, H-00002- 17b.

267 Ibid. 268 Ibid. 269 The Hawaiian Forester and Agriculturalist 7, 1 (January 1910), 51. 270 The Hawaiian Forester and Agriculturalist 7, 4 (April 1910), 110. 271 The Hawaiian Forester and Agriculturalist 7, 10 (October 1910), 341. 272 The Hawaiian Forester and Agriculturalist 7, 12 (December 1910), 480-486. 273 Ibid. 274 C. J. Kraebel, “Report on Experimental Forest Planting at High Altitudes of Maui and Hawaii,” The Hawaiian Forester and Agriculturalist 19, 7 (1922), 151-158. 51 In September 1911, Hosmer traveled to Maui to examine the results of his first experiment. “In Plot I, near Puu Nianiau, elevation 6000 [6,500?] feet,” he explained, “there was very encouraging showing, both of the seedlings set out and of seed sown in seed spots.”275 “In Plot II, further toward Kula, elevation 7000 feet,” he continued, “the showing was not so good, many of the seedlings planted last spring having died.”276He completed his trip by scattering additional seed on both plots, hoping for better results the next year.

The results were even poorer at Mauna Kea. A trip that August had shown little success at four plots selected there. Trees in the lowest elevation plot, at 7,000 ft, had done marginally better, comparable, in fact, to the 7,000 ft elevation plot at Haleakalā. The other three higher elevation Mauna Kea sites, however, had performed very poorly. Since results for the conifers were negative, he decided to plant a box of Eucalyptus robusta— 54 trees in all—instead.277

Records kept by the Division of Forestry and consulted in 1921 by Hosmer’s eventual successor, Charles S. Judd, provide a definite picture of Hosmer’s original Haleakalā plantings. Hosmer had first planted two plots, at levels 6,500 and 7,000 ft, followed by two plots at 8,000 and 9,000 ft. These became known as Plots I, II, III, and IV. The lowest elevation plot (Plot I) was on the northwest slope, at the 6,500-foot level (what is now known as Hosmer Grove). Plots II, III and IV followed the trail to the summit at 10,000 feet.278 Each of the plots occupied upper slopes of denuded lands—according to the requirements of the experiment “without any forest growth or incapable of being used to advantage for any form of agriculture.”279 The sequence of the work was to plant seedlings as they arrived from mainland nurseries, to in turn establish local nurseries, and to direct some seed to each experimental area. To help with the Haleakalā plantings, a secondary nursery was established at Ukulele, Maui, at an elevation of 4,800 ft.

In all, approximately 16,000 coniferous seedlings and transplants were part of the experiment. Some failed almost immediately due to harsh conditions. Others seemed to thrive. The plots at Haleakalā were reportedly fenced.280 Plots III and IV at Haleakalā also relied on the dry-laid stone walls previously built by Haleakala Ranch to protect the seedlings from grazing animals. Each of the plots included both coniferous and broadleaved trees, including numerous Eucalyptus species.

In all, the plantings included 49 species of conifers and 37 species of broadleaf trees, for a total of 86 species. As Hosmer had explained, the conifers included fir, cypress, pine, juniper, and redwood. Fir included Abies concolor (white fir), a fir tree in the pine family common to the Cascade Range in Oregon; Abies grandis (grand fir), another fir from the Pacific Northwest; Abies lasiocarpa (subalpine fir), found in the Rockies and in Western

275 The Hawaiian Forester and Agriculturalist 8, 10 (October 1911), 304. 276 Ibid. 277 The Hawaiian Forester and Agriculturalist 8, 10 (October 1911), 299. 278 The plots have been mapped and recorded with modern GPS, and the lowest plot (Plot I) is now understood to be located at 6,800 ft elevation. Plot III is now understood to be located at 8,500 ft elevation. 279 Kraebel, “Report on Experimental Forest Planting,” 152. 280 Kraebel, “Report on Experimental Forest Planting,” 151. 52 Canada; Abies menziesii (Douglas fir, now classified as Pseudotsuga menziesii); Abies mertensiana (mountain hemlock, now classified as Tsuga mertensiana); and Abies pectinata (silver fir, now classified as Abies alba), from Europe. Cedars included Cedrus deodara (deodar cedar), a species common to the Himalayas; Libocedrus decurrens (incense cedar, now classified as Calocedrus decurrens), a species native to western North America; Chamaecyparis lawsoniana (Lawson cedar) and Chamaecyparis obtusa (hinoki false cypress). One species of Casuarina was planted, C. quadrivalvis (drooping she-oak, now classified as Allocasuarina verticillata), a long-needled evergreen from Australia known commonly in Hawai‘i as ironwood. Among cypresses were Cupressus arizonica (Arizona cypress, now classified as Callitropsis arizonica); Cryptomeria japonica (sugi); Cupressus macrocarpa (Monterey cypress, now classified as Callitropsis macrocarpa), and Cupressus torulosa (Himalayan cypress), from Arizona, Japan, California, and Bhutan, respectively. The single juniper was Juniperus virginiana (eastern red cedar). Spruce included Picea canadensis (white spruce, now classified as Picea glauca); Picea engelmanni (Engelmann spruce); Picea excelsa (Norway spruce, now classified as Picea abies); Picea nordmanniana (Nordmann fir, now classified as Abies nordmanniana); Picea parryyana (silver spruce, now classified as Picea pungens); and Picea sitchensis (coast spruce). Among pines were Pinus austriaca (black spruce, now classified as Picea mariana); Pinus canariensis (Canary Island pine); Pinus contorta (lodgepole pine); Pinus coulteri (Coulter pine); Pinus densiflora (tanyosho pine); Pinus divaricata (scrub pine, now classified as Pinus banksiana); Pinus flexilis (limber pine); Pinus insularis (Pinus torreyana var. insularis); Pinus jeffreyi (Jeffrey’s pine); Pinus lambertiana (sugar pine); Pinus massoniana (southern red pine); Pinus monticola (western white pine); Pinus palustris (longleaf pine); Pinus ponderosa (ponderosa pine); Pinus radiata (Monterey pine); Pinus resinosa (red pine); Pinus sabiniana (California foothill pine); Pinus strobus (eastern white pine); Pinus sylvestris (Scots pine); and Pinus taeda (loblolly pine). Other conifers included Sequoia sempervirens (redwood) and Sequoia washingtoniana, better known as Sequoia giganteum (giant sequoia, now classified as Sequoiadendron giganteum). There was also Taxodium distichum (bald cypress) and Thuja plicata (western red cedar). Finally there was a larch, Larix europea (European larch, now classified as Larix decidua).281

Broadleaf trees had a comparable range of types. There were Acacia melanoxylon (Australian blackwood); Acer campestre (field maple); Acer macrophyllum (Oregon maple); and Acer platanoides (Norway maple). Other trees included Buxus sempervirens (boxwood); Fagus ferruginea (American beech, now classified as Fagus grandifolia); Fraxinus americana (white ash); Fraxinus viridis (green ash); Gleditisia triacanthos (honeylocust); Grevillea robusta (silky oak); Ilex opaca (American holly); Nyssa multiflora (black gum, now classified as Nyssa sylvatica); Platanus occidentalis (sycamore), Syncarpia laurifolia (turpentine tree, now classified as Syncarpia glomulifera), and Ulmus campestre (smoothleaf elm, now classified as Ulmus minor). Among the longest names were those of Liquidambar styraciflua (sweet gum) and Liriodendron tulipifera (poplar). Tilia americana (basswood) and Sophora japonica (Japanese pagoda tree, now classified as Styphnolobium japonicum) were also present, as were Robinia pseudoacacia (locust) and Quercus rubra (red oak). Finally, there were

281 [C. J. Kraebel] Trees Growing in 1921, Manuscript, Haleakalā National Park Archives. 53 sixteen species of Eucalyptus, most originating in Australia. These included many of the same species that Von Temspky had planted. The full list included; E. amygdalina (black peppermint, now classified as Eucalyptus salicifolia); E. botryoides (southern mahogany); E. citriodora (lemonscented gum, now classified as Corymbia cistriodora), E. cornuta (yate); E. corymbosa (red bloodwood, now classified as Corymbia gummifera); E. corynocalyx (sugar gum, now classified as E. cladocalyx); E. delegatensis (alpine-ash); E. diversicolor (karri), E. globulus (bluegum eucalyptus); E. macrorhynca (red stringybark, now classified as E. macrorhyncha), E. obliqua (messmate); E. pilularis (blackbutt eucalyptus), E. robusta (robust eucaplytus), E. rostrata (river redgum, now classified as E. camaldulensis), E. rudis (desert gum), and E. siderophoia (northern gray ironbark, now classified as E. siderophloia).282

In addition to Rock, Hosmer had been assisted in his planting experiments by Louis Margolin (d. 1914) from the U.S. Forest Service. Margolin was stationed with District Five of the Forest Service, located in San Francisco, where he had begun to develop a reputation as a solid and practical researcher.283 At the time of their meeting, he had just completed work on his monograph Yield from Eucalyptus Plantations in California.284 Hosmer and he met in August 1909 when Hosmer had traveled to the Alaska-Yukon- Pacific Exposition in Seattle. Margolin, a New Yorker, had graduated from Harvard and had a second degree in forestry from Cornell.285 He had worked out of the San Francisco office for several years and had already developed an expertise in the study of eucalypts. He traveled, with the support of both the territory and the U.S. Forest Service, to Hawai‘i on November 29.286

Margolin began his work examining stands of Eucalyptus in Nu‘uanu Valley and on Tantalus, high elevations overlooking Honolulu town. The principal questions were to determine growth rates and to measure and assess felled trees to determine their potential for the production of lumber.287 The trees on Tantalus had, for the most part, been planted prior to the creation of the territory’s Department of Forestry; Hosmer emphasized that Margolin’s work would help future planting schemes and provide evidence for the better spacing of seeds or saplings.288 In early December 1909, Hosmer and Margolin traveled to Maui and Hawai‘i to examine Eucalyptus groves there. Margolin took measurements of existing trees and calibrated the circumference of felled trees with the plan of developing tables “that can be used in estimating volume and yield.”289 Optimistic that the wood could serve a useful purpose, Hosmer noted that 150 trees taken out of Tantalus were being sawn by the Oahu Railway & Land Co. for use as ties and posts.290 March

282 Ibid. 283 Louis Margolin, “Mill Scale Studies,” Journal of Forestry, 4, 1 (March 1906), 5-7. 284 Louis Margolin, Yield from Eucalyptus Plantations in California (California State Board of Forestry Bulletin 1 (Sacramento: SPO, 1910). 285 “Louis Margolin Missing,” New York Times, June 27, 1914. 286 The Hawaiian Forester and Agriculturalist 6, 11 (November 1909), 433. 287 The Hawaiian Forester and Agriculturalist 6, 12 (December 1909), 467. 288 Ibid. 289 The Hawaiian Forester and Agriculturalist 7, 1 (January 1910), 17. 290 Ibid. 54 1910 saw Margolin back on Maui conducting additional studies.291 In April he was in Kaua‘i.292

Margolin returned to San Francisco on May 8, 1910. He completed his writing over the remainder of the year, providing the text for the Hawaii Department of Forestry’s first bulletin, Eucalyptus Culture in Hawaii, published in 1911.293 The work gave credit to Hosmer, Henry S. Graves of the U.S. Forest Service, as well as noting assistance from David Haughs, David Kapihe, the longtime forester in Honolulu, Walter McBryde, in charge of the department’s nursery in Kaua‘i, and Joseph Rock, “Botanical Assistant” in Honolulu.

Discussing topics ranging from the need for a local lumber industry to the history of planting in Hawai‘i, Margolin’s study touches upon climate, the past uses of Eucalyptus, steps toward establishing a Eucalyptus plantation, nursery methods, land clearing, fertilizing and irrigating. He also sets out projected growth and yields and potential returns for investors. While never addressing the new experimental plots on Haleakalā or Mauna Kea in his descriptions of his fieldwork, he notes that several groves of Eucalyptus on the west slope of Haleakalā, at an elevation between 6,000 and 6,500 ft were “doing very well, notably the peppermint gum (E. amyygdalina), the blue gum (E. globulus), the mountain ash (E. siberi), and the broad-leaved ironbark (E. siderophloia).” Trees planted above 6,500 ft, he opined, would have difficulty growing. At 7,000 or 8,500 ft “the temperature would be too low for proper growth.”294

Complementing Margolin’s work in the field was the ongoing studies of plants in the nurseries by the divisions’s chief specialist during this period, Rock. A native of Vienna, Austria, Rock had spent much of his childhood in Egypt, subsequently traveling on his own throughout Europe. In 1905, he emigrated to the U.S., first to New York and then to Hawai‘i, in 1907. His first job was at the Mills Institute, a Honolulu school emphasizing vocational education for Hawaiian boys.295 Taking a leave in1908, he soon-after obtained a post with the Division of Forestry. Rock developed the division’s herbarium and provided Hosmer and others with both plantings and catalogs to aid in their work.

291 The Hawaiian Forester and Agriculturalist 7, 4 (April 1910), 110. 292 Ibid. 293 Louis Margolin, Eucalyptus Culture in Hawaii, Division of Forestry Bulletin 1, (Honolulu: Territory of Hawaii, Board of Agriculture and Forestry in Cooperation with the Forest Service, United States Department of Agriculture, 1911). 294 Ibid., 6. 295 Later to become Mid-Pacific Institute, following its merger with Kawaiaha‘o Girls’ Seminary in 1908. 55 1-'I

• ./-~. ' ~

Figure 31. Plate from Joseph Francis Rock's Ornamental Plants of Hawaii, 1917. University of Hawai‘i, Hamilton Library.

As of 1910 Rock is listed as a Botanical Assistant in the division’s directory.296 In October that year he traveled to Haleakalā to assist in Hosmer’s trial plantings. Working mostly at the division’s nursery in Honolulu, in September 1911, he left for a fulltime job with the new College of Hawaii, the predecessor of the University of Hawai‘i. During his time with the division, Rock built up a collection of trees and shrubs for use in all kinds of planting conditions. These formed the basis for many of the trees distributed by the division, including those given on Arbor Day. In the spring and summer of 1911—just before his move to the college—he made additional trips to Maui and Hawai‘i Island, collecting specimens for the herbarium—and possibly assisting with experimental Plots III and IV at Haleakalā . He would remain on as a “Consulting Botanist” to the division after taking his job with the new university.297 Rock would go on to publish some of the earliest and most important manuals of native Hawaiian plants.298

296 The Hawaiian Forester and Agriculturalist 7, 1 (January 1910), 1. 297 The Hawaiian Forester and Agriculturalist 9, 8 (August 1912), 224. 298 J.F. Rock, The Indigenous Trees of the Hawaiian Islands (Lawai:1974; originally published under private patronage in 1913). 56 Margolin and Rock both made significant contributions to the Division of Forestry’s work under Hosmer. Margolin’s report did much to put the division’s efforts on a solid footing. Retreating from the time-honored practice of simply “seeing what would grow,” his Eucalyptus study showed the future direction of forest management and cooperation between government and the private sector. Rock is credited with propagating and testing plants used in Hosmer’s Haleakalā and Mauna Kea plots.

The government continued its sponsorship of both experiments and active planning throughout the years 1911 to 1914. There were additional reserves added to the territory’s list, including the Ka‘u and West Maui Forests in 1911.299 By June 30, 1911 Hosmer could point to 631,956 acres in forest reserves, of which 69 percent was estimated as public land.300 He was also proud of the increasing interest in planting. He pointed to new developments on O‘ahu and several hundred acres of new plantings in Kohala, Hawai‘i. He noted too that sugar plantations and ranches had taken leadership in this effort, emphasizing that over 750,000 trees had been planted throughout the territory in 1910 and 1911. Particular praise was given to Margolin’s work and to the accomplishments of the herbarium. Similar lists of accomplishments were listed for 1912 and 1913. On April 12, 1912 Hosmer wrote that the experimental plots on Haleakalā and Mauna Kea were still underway, assisted by the U.S. Forest Service, which provided money for fencing and planting.301 (In all, Hosmer completed six progress reports on the plots to the District Forester in San Francisco. They were dated April 5, 1911, June 2, 1911, February 28, 1912, March 24, 1913, and April 1, 1913).302 In 1913, he could point to new division circulars on Instructions for Propagating Forest, Shade and Ornamental Trees, by David Haughs, and A List of Hawaiian Names of Plants, produced by Joseph F. Rock.303

Hosmer’s work in Hawai‘i ended in 1914, when he took a position at the College of Agriculture at Cornell. There he replaced Walter Mulford (1877-1955), another pioneering forester who had resigned his post to move to the University of California at Berkeley.304 Hosmer had spent over ten years in Hawai‘i, accomplishing a great deal in furthering the aims of modern forestry and laying the groundwork for sustainable forest resources. He had failed in his effort to create a viable commercial industry—such as timber production—as was common in many parts of the continental U.S. On the other hand, Hosmer had made great achievements in reducing soil erosion and in repopulating the upland forests—although often with exotic trees. Some of these introduced species, such as Grevillea robusta and Eucalyptus species, would remain as part of Hawai‘i’s repertoire of long-familiar trees.

299 Extracts from Minutes of the Forest Reserve Hearings January 28, 1911, Hawai‘i State Archives. 300 Report of the Division of Forestry, June 30, 1911, Hawai‘i State Archives. 301 Ralph S. Hosmer, Letter to the Board of Commissioners, April 10, 1912, Hawai‘i State Archives. 302 Kraebel, “Report on Experimental Forest Planting.” 303 David Haughs, Instructions for Propagating Forest, Shade and Ornamental Trees, Circular 2(Honolulu: Board of Agriculture and Forestry, 1912); Joseph Rock, A List of Hawaiian Names of Plants, Botanical Bulletin 2 (Honolulu: Board of Agriculture and Forestry, 1913). 304 Mulford taught forestry at Cornell and continued in this area the University of California, where he was successively Chief of the Division of Forestry, Chairman of the Department of Forestry, and Dean of the School of Forestry. See Paul Casamajor, ed., Forestry at the University of California (Berkeley: California Alumni Foresters), 33-46. 57 Hosmer married longtime friend Jessi Nash Irwin of Newtown, Massachusetts, on December 30, 1913.305 He spent the remainder of his life and career in Ithaca, New York heading up the Department of Forestry at the New York State Agricultural College.306 In addition to his 1908 publication on Forestry in Hawaii, Hosmer would write at least ten books and monographs on forestry and history. He also wrote a synopsis of his six-month visit to Europe during a leave (1922) and a study of his wife’s family history.307 In 1950, he recounted his over thirty-year career at Cornell in Forestry at Cornell: A Retrospect of Proposals, Developments and Accomplishments in Teaching the Profession of Forestry at Cornell University. The teacher of generations of trained foresters and forest scientists, he had left an indelible mark on the Hawaiian Islands.

The Hawaii National Park

The protection of native (and introduced) forests would take an important step forward with the creation of the Hawaii National Park in 1916, just two years after Hosmer’s departure for Cornell. The park was in large part the brainchild of Hawai‘i entrepreneur, lawyer, politician, and promoter Lorrin Thurston, the onetime advisor to the HSPA and first president of the Board of Commissioners of Agriculture and Forestry under the new territorial government in 1903. Thurston had long been interested in the scenic beauty of Hawai‘i and for years had made excursions to the dramatic volcano at Kīlauea and to Haleakalā.308

The grandson of two of Hawai‘i’s first missionaries, Thurston had a particular passion for Haleakalā. As a teenager on Maui he hiked frequently to the summit, later guiding tourists up to the summit.309 Fluent in Hawaiian and employing Hawaiian oral histories, Thurston estimated the date of the last eruption of Haleakalā. He also made frequent trips to Kīlauea to witness its continuing flows of lava.310 Married to Margaret Clarissa Shipman, the daughter of a Hilo missionary William Cornelius Shipman (1824-1861) and sister of businessman William Herbert Shipman, he immediately saw the potential of both places for tourism. In 1891, he purchased Volcano House, near the edge of the

305 Ralph Hosmer, Wikiwand, https://www.wikiwand.com/en/Ralph_Hosmer, Accessed 3 July 2018. Harvard College, Records of the Class of 1896 (Norwood, Massachusetts: For the Class, 1916), 79. 306 Ralph S. Hosmer, Forestry in Hawaii: Why the Practice of Forestry is an Economic Necessity in the Hawaiian Islands (Honolulu: Board of Agriculture and Forestry,1908); idem, The Beginning Five Decades of Forestry in Hawaii (Washington, D.C.: n.p.,1959; reprinted from the Journal of Forestry 57, 2 (February 1959)). 307 “Autobiography of and by Ralph S. Hosmer.” 308 Castro, “A History of Hawaii National Park;” A. Grove Day, A Biogeographical Dictionary: History Makers of Hawaii (Honolulu: Mutual Publishing, 1984), 121; Darlene E. Kelley, “Lorrin Andrews Thurston (1858–1931),” Historical Collections of Hawaii, US Gen Web Archives, http://files.usgwarchives.net/hi/statewide/newspapers/importan77nnw.txt, Accessed 25 October 2018; and Jadelyn J. Moniz Nakamura, Fire on the Rim, 9. 309 Castro, “A History of Hawaii National Park,” 20. 310Andrew Ferrell, ed., Writings of Lorrin A. Thurston (Honolulu: Advertiser Publishing Co., 1936); Castro, History of Hawaii National Park, 7; Moniz Nakamura, Fire on the Rim, 9. 58 Kīlauea Caldera and expanded the small hostelry into a multiroom hotel.311 To help publicize Hawai‘i attractions, he commissioned a cyclorama of Kīlauea for the 1893 World’s Columbian Exposition, an exhibit displayed as well at the California International Exposition the following year.312

In 1898, Thurston purchased Honolulu’s principal newspaper, the Pacific Commercial Advertiser, later the Honolulu Advertiser.313 Head of the Hawai‘i Promotion Committee, the progenitor of the Hawai‘i Visitors and Convention Bureau, he worked closely with the Inter-Island Steam Navigation Company to create an excursion business from Honolulu to his hotel at Kīlauea.314 Although he sold his interest in Volcano House to hotelier George Lycurgus (1858–1960) in 1904, Thurston nonetheless continued to promote Kīlauea and Haleakalā, along with Hawai‘i’s other natural sites.315

In 1907, Thurston hosted a Congressional delegation—consisting of 50 Congressional Representatives and their wives, all paid for by the territorial government—introducing them to Haleakalā and Kīlauea.316 The following year, Secretary of the Interior James Garfield visited the Hawaiian Islands as Thurston’s guest. Thurston lobbied a second Congressional delegation in 1909, hosting their visit to Kīlauea. Continually pressuring both Congress and the territorial legislature, Thurston convinced Governor Frear of the idea of a national park, possibly spanning Maui and Hawai‘i.317 In 1911, the governor submitted the draft of a proposed bill for a “Kilauea National Park.”318

In 1914, the Hawai‘i park proposal obtained the support of Stephen T. Mather (1867– 1930), a combined industrialist and conservationist and one of the chief advocates for national parks. Strong backing from Prince Jonah Kūhiō Kalanianaʻole Piʻikoi (1871– 1922), Hawai‘i’s delegate to Congress, brought Thurston’s dream closer to reality. Following passage of the bill in spring 1916, on August 1, 1916, President Woodrow Wilson officially signed the act creating the Hawaii National Park, an entity to

311 “Incorporation of the Volcano House,” Daily Commercial Pacific Advertiser (Honolulu), March 5, 1891, 2; “The Volcano House Born,” Daily Pacific Commercial Advertiser (Honolulu), November 14, 1891, 2; Gunder E. Olson, The Story of Volcano House (Hilo: Hawaii Tribune-Herald, 1941); and Kent Warshauer, “The Evolution of the Volcano House, Part 1,” Volcano Gazette (January/February 2000), 10. 312 Ralph S. Kuykendall, Kingdom of Hawaii, The Kalakaua Dynasty, Vol. 3, 1874–1893, (Honolulu: University of Hawaii Press, 1938), 115; and Moniz Nakamura, Fire on the Rim, 10. 313 Day, Biogeographical Dictionary, 122; and George Chaplin, Presstime in Paradise: The Life and Times of the Honolulu Advertiser, 1856–1995 (Honolulu: University of Hawai‘i Press, 1998), 129. 314 Castro, “History of Hawaii National Park,” 7; and Frances Jackson, Administrative History of Hawaii Volcanoes National Park, Haleakala National Park (Honolulu: National Park Service1972), 22. 315 Harry Miller Blickhahn, Uncle George of Kilauea: The Story of George Lycurgus (Kilauea: Hawaii National Park and Volcano House, 1961); and Castro, “History of Hawaii National Park,” 15–17. 316 Castro, “History of Hawaii National Park,” 21; Moniz Nakamura, Fire on the Rim, 10. 317 Apple, “History of Land Acquisition,” 17–18; Castro, “History of Hawaii National Park,” 25; and Moniz Nakamura, Fire on the Rim, 11. 318 Castro, “History of Hawaii National Park,” 29. 59 encompass both Kīlauea and Haleakalā.319 Hawai‘i’s new park would be the thirteenth in the new system and the first in a US territory.320

As written into the original law, the new park was to include three parcels of land: 35,865 acres of land around Kīlauea; 17,920 acres of land at the summit of Mauna Loa, with a strip of land connecting the two sufficient for a roadway; and 21,159 acres on Haleakalā.321 Much of this land, however, remained in private hands—including about 12,195 acres of the Kīlauea section belonging to the Bishop Estate and the entirety of the Haleakalā section of the park belonging to Haleakala Ranch. 322

TERRITORY OF HA V\T '. A.

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Figure 32. Hawaii National Park, with insert showing the "Pit-Crater District." Library of Congress (#195458pu).

319 H.R. Hearing before the Committee on Public Lands, House of Representatives, 64th Congress, A Bill to Establish a National Park in the Territory of Hawaii, Hawai‘i State Archives; Castro, “History of Hawaii National Park,” 30; and Apple, “History of Land Acquisition,” 28. 320 Robert Shankland, Steve Mather of the National Parks (New York: Knopf, 1970); William C. Everhart, The National Park Service (New York: Praeger Publishers, 1972); and Horace M. Albright and Marian Albright Schenck, Creating the National Park Service: The Missing Years (Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 1999), chap. 4. 321 Map Showing Tracks Proposed for Volcano National Park, Island of Hawaii, 1911, Hawai‘i State Archives; Hearing before the Committee on the Territories on H.R. 13699, February 19, 1919, Hawai‘i State Archives; Carey & Co., Hawaii Volcanoes and Haleakala National Parks (San Francisco: For the National Park Service, 2002), 8; Apple, “History of Land Acquisition,” 28; and Moniz Nakamura, Fire on the Rim, 3. 322 T. A. Jaggar, Report on Bill H. R. 9525, January 20, 1920, p1, Hawai‘i State Archives; Nash Castro, “The Land of Pele: A Historical Sketch of Hawaii National Park,” Volume 5, Hawaii Nature Notes (Hilo: Hilo Tribune-Herald, 1953), 57; Moniz Nakamura, Fire on the Rim, 12–15; Kepa Maly and Onaoana Maly, He Wahi Mo'olelo No Keauhou A Me Na Wahi Pana Ma Laila: A Collection of Traditions, Historical Accounts and Kama'aina Recollections of Keauhou and Its Storied Places; With Notes from Adjoining Lands in Ka'u and Puna, Island of Hawai‘i (Hilo: Kumu Pono Associates, LLC, 2005). 60 In 1922, Hawaii National Park had its first superintendent, Albert O. Burkland, a former engineer with the U.S. Geological Survey.323 The following year, Thomas R. Boles replaced him. With an initial appropriation of $10,000 for fiscal year 1922 (approximately $150,000 in today’s dollars), Burkland would begin the actual work of making the park accessible to the public. 324 Up until this time, the park had depended upon the territorial government for support. This had included building a road around the edge of Kīlauea caldera, a trail along the present Chain of Craters Road, and a third trail across the caldera floor, all using prison labor.325

Haleakalā received far less attention than its sister branch. In part, this was because it lacked the existing infrastructure of Kīlauea and was far more difficult for visitors to reach. Boles made his first trip to Maui in 1924, nearly two years after his arrival in the park. Meeting with local business leaders and residents from nearby communities, he concluded that a major infusion of capital was needed to build a road to the summit—at that time accessible only by horseback.326 In 1925, the survey for a highway to the summit of Haleakalā was complete. With help from the Maui Chamber of Commerce, the National Park Service (NPS) also added an extension to the existing rest house located below the summit at Kalahaku, expanding occupancy to 60 visitors (each assigned a single bunk). Substantial development of Haleakalā as a national park would not happen until 1935, with the completion of the highway to the summit. It was only after the highway’s completion that the NPS established an administrative presence at the site.327

The park’s early managers had a strong interest in and respect for Hawaiian traditions. The mountain of Haleakalā, or “The House of the Sun,” where, according to ancient Hawaiian tradition the demigod Maui lassoed the sun to extend the day, was recognized for both its association with the Native Hawaiian population and for its stark beauty. At Kīlauea, the Hawaiian demigod Pele had a continuing presence, invoked by the park’s managers and resident hotelkeepers as part of the lore of the volcano and embraced as a symbol of the volcano’s special powers.328 The sheer majesty of both sections, combined with the romantic appeal of Native Hawaiian culture provided incentives for visitors. Just as beaches would come to define Hawai‘i as a tropical paradise in the mid to late twentieth century, it was the attraction of nature’s majesty that most drew Hawai‘i’s earliest visitors.

323 Castro, “History of Hawaii National Park,” 31; and Jackson, Administrative History, 103–4. 324 CPI calculator, https://www.minneapolisfed.org/, Accessed June 11, 2019. 325 Moniz Nakamura, Fire on the Rim, 9, 14–15; Castro, “Land of Pele,” 55; and Jackson, Administrative History, 104. 326 Dawn E. Duensing, Historic American Engineering Record for Haleakala Highway (Washington, D.C.: U.S. Department of the Interior, Historic American Engineering Record, 1999), 24. 327 Carey & Co., Hawaii Volcanoes and Haleakala National Parks, 9. 328 William Hyde Rice, Hawaiian Legends, Bulletin 3 (Honolulu: Bernice P. Bishop Museum, 1923). 61 Figure 33. Stable associated with the rest house at Kalahaku on Haleakalā, date unknown. Record Group 79, Box 25, National Archives San Francisco (San Bruno).

The Hawaii National Park also embraced a striking collection of flora and fauna, a collection not fully appreciated in the early years of the park. With elevations ranging from sea level to over 13,000 feet—the height of Mauna Loa—the park embraced lush tropical rain forests, arid deserts, and truly uninhabitable sulfur banks. There were many rare species of both endemic and native plants, such as the famous Haleakalā silversword (‘āhinahina, Argyroxiphium sandwicense ssp. macrocephalum) a flowering plant that once nearly covered the mountain’s upper elevations.329 There was a rare bat, and numerous species of endemic songbirds. The nēnē, once a staple on the menu of Kīlauea’s Volcano House, had become an endangered species by the early decades of the twentieth century, as had the Hawaiian petrel (‘ua‘u) and hawk (‘io).330 Park officials were aware of the fragility of Hawai‘i’s environment, particularly the rare species of plants and birds hugging the upper reaches of Haleakalā. Attention in early days, however, focused little on environmental management, as we would understand it today. Unmanned until 1935, the Haleakalā section remained essentially a remote site for visitors, with only a handful ascending the summit in any given month.

Given the NPS stated mission in its Organic Act of 1916 - “to conserve the scenery and the natural and historic objects and the wild life therein and to provide for the enjoyment of the same in such manner and by such means as will leave them unimpaired for the enjoyment of future generations,” - the NPS paid little notice of the three experimental

329 “Haleakala Silverswords,” Haleakala National Park, Hawaii, National park Service, U.S. Department of the Interior, http://www.nps.gov/hale/naturescience/silversword.htm, Accessed 13 April 2018; Wagner, Herbst and Sohner, Manual of Flowering Plants of Hawai‘i. 330 C. F. Perry, “Appendix A: Hawaii Volcanoes National Park Resource Overview,” in Hay Smith, L., F. L. Klasner, S. H. Stephens, and G. H. Dicus, Pacific Island Network Vital Signs Monitoring Plan, Natural Resource Report NPS/PACN/NRR—2006/003 National Park Service, Fort Collins, Colorado, 2006, http://science.nature.nps.gov/im/units/pacn/monitoring/plan/PACN_MP_AppendixA_HAVO.pdf, Accessed 3 July 2018. 62 plots within the park’s still anticipated boundaries.331 (The fourth plot lies just outside the park on the northwestern slope of Haleakala Ranch.) The territory’s forest division, nonetheless, retained an interest in the progress of Hosmer’s experiments. Charles S. Judd (d. 1939), Hosmer’s successor as Superintendent of Forestry in 1914, made multiple trips to Haleakalā – first in 1917 and then in October, 1921 - to examine the condition of the four plots.332 Judd, a descendent of one of Hawai‘i’s most notable foreign families— his grandfather was Gerrit P. Judd (1803-1873), missionary and physician and later adviser to Kamehameha III—had, like Hosmer, graduated from the Yale School of Forestry (in 1907). He was, however, skeptical of the potential of Hawai‘i’s forests to provide the basis for a local lumber industry, preferring to accept that the principal purpose of the territory’s forest reserves was to protect the water supply for both large and small-scale agriculture.333 “Our forests,” he explained soon after taking on the position, “are more valuable, not for the timber they produce, but for the beneficial influence which they exert on a far more valuable product—water.”334 The results of his examination probably gave further proof of this assertion.

Writing shortly after his visit, Judd explained that he had visited the plots at the 6,500, 7,000, 8,000, and 9000-foot levels. Accompanied by Assistant Superintendent Charles J. Kraebel (1889-1969), the two made a careful study of remaining trees, measuring circumferences and heights as well as noting species and varieties. According to the University of Michigan-trained Kraebel, the fourth plot (Plot I, 6,500 ft), at the lowest level “was the most successful, both in the rate of growth and in the number of trees established.”335 Judd noted further that the pine, cedar, fir, and spruce trees “show good promise of success, the Coulter pine of California having attained a maximum height of 17 feet and a breast height diameter of 7½ inches in eleven years.” Next in order of promising growth were the eastern white pine, incense cedar, and Scotch pine “and almost all are already bearing cones.”336

331 The National Park Service Organic Act (Pub.L. 64–235, H.R. 15522, 39 Stat. 535, enacted August 25, 1916. 332 C. J. Kraebel, “Report on Experimental Forest Planting at High Altitudes of Maui and Hawaii,” The Hawaiian Forester and Agriculturalist 19, 7 (1922), 151. 333 William V. Frame and Robert H. Horwitz, Public Land Policy in Hawaii: The Multiple Use Approach, Legislative Reference Bureau, Report No. 1, University of Hawaii, 1965, Rev. 1969, p. 12; Yale Forest School News 7, 3 (July 1, 1919). 334 Report of the Board Biennial Period ending Dec 31, 1916, p. 23. 335 The Hawaiian Forester and Agriculturalist 18, 12 (December 1921), 265. 336 Ibid. 63 Figure 34. Group of Coulter pines (Pinus coulteri) at the 6,500-foot level. Photograph taken in 1921 during the Judd and Kraebel survey. The Hawaiian Forester and Agriculturalist 19, 7 (July 1922), 151-157.

A year later, Kraebel produced a “Report on Experimental Forest Planting at High Altitudes of Maui and Hawaii.” Citing Hosmer’s reports, he noted that the object of the former superintendent’s effort had been “to introduce into the forest flora of the Territory of Hawaii valuable timber tree from the temperate zone with the idea of ultimately turning to economic account, through timber production, the upper slopes of the higher mountains of the Territory.”337 The Haleakalā sites were, as Judd had noted the previous year, at 7,000, 8,000, and 9,000-foot levels. The fourth site (Plot I), at the 6,500-foot level, “is near a hill called Puu Nianiau,” on the northwest slope of the mountain.338 Using Hosmer’s planting list Kraebel identified trees that had succeeded and those that “were absolute failures.”339 Of the 86 species on Hosmer’s original planting list, he estimated that nineteen “proved more or less successful.” Of 49 conifers, 15 had established themselves. Of the 37 species of hardwoods, only four species had survived, all of them Australian species (i.e. Eucalyptus).340 Put another way, of the approximately 16,000 seedlings and transplants set out by Hosmer in 1909 to 1911, a total of 743 remained, or 4.6 per cent.

“Many of the species tried were palpably unsuited to the sites,” he explained, “[A] considerable number of plants were poorly planted; rodents and livestock destroyed entire groups; severe and untimely droughts took a heavy toll of tender seedlings; unskilled labor and lack of trained supervision were responsible for still more loss, etc. etc.”341 Perhaps only the Coulter pine, located at the 7,000 and 8,000 foot level, he concluded, showed any promise for the future. The final count of surviving specimens

337 The Hawaiian Forester and Agriculturalist 19, 7 (July 1922), 151-157. 338 Ibid., 152. 339 Ibid., 153. 340 Ibid., 157. 341 Ibid. 154. 64 tells the story best: Plot I, at the lowest elevation, had 384 surviving trees; Plot II had 68 remaining; Plot III 40; and Plot IV had only 14 living trees.

Figure 35. White pine at the 6,500-foot level. Photograph taken during the Judd and Kraebel survey in 1921. The Hawaiian Forester and Agriculturalist 19, 7 (July 1922), 151-157.

Kraebel’s report is the last formal study of the Haleakalā experimental plantings, from a forest resources point of view. The territorial forestry division, under Judd’s leadership and then Kraebel’s and that of T. C. Zschokke (Forest Officer in Hawai‘i from 1924- 1928)342 in the 1930s, shifted away from the idea of developing a forest products industry and concentrated on what it had done best—the acquisition of forest reserves. In 1931, as he approached retirement, Judd noted proudly that fully 1,021,314 acres were in forest reserves, representing “exactly 25 percent of the total land area of the Territory.”343

In April 1945, “a small group of politicians in the Territorial Legislature” attempted to condemn a large tract of land within Haleakala Ranch and bordering the park, “from Puu Nianiau on through Koolau Gap,”344 The politicians within the Territorial Legislature claimed that the land was needed in order to be planted in “exotics” to preserve the watershed that had been severely damaged by feral ungulates (goats, pigs, and cattle), and increase the water supply to the Olinda reservoir. Haleakala Ranch, on the other hand, was upset that the native flora was to be uprooted in order for the exotic trees to be

342 JSTOR Global Plants, https://plants.jstor.org/stable/10.5555/al.ap.person.bm000058701, Accessed 10 June, 2019. 343 The Hawaiian Forester and Agriculturalist 29, 3 (March 1932), 363. 344 Superintendent’s Monthly Reports, April 1945. 65 planted, and was concerned over long-term effects to the neighboring Haleakalā National Park. Haleakala Ranch suggested instead, that the tract of land be incorporated into the park, with the ranch retaining the water rights. Park Ranger Hjort was to submit a report “at some future date.” The report was not located, but follow up entries in the Superintendent Reports indicate that the land was indeed turned over to the Territory of Hawaii, for a period of 25 years.

In September 1945 it was reported that Colin G. Lennox, President of the Territorial Board of Agriculture and Forestry, “visited the park this month and explained what was to become of the land taken over from Haleakala Ranch for a period of 25 years.”345 Lennox stated that the land just below the park boundary was to be “planted to coniferous trees in order to increase the watershed area that supplies the Olinda reservoir.”346 In October, similar news was reported in the Superintendent’s Report:

A sizeable block of land on the northern Haleakala slopes adjoining the park boundary east of the Haleakala road has been withdrawn from the Haleakala ranch for a period of 25 years and is to be planted to forest by the Board of Agriculture and Forestry. This is to be done in an effort to increase the water supply.347

Former State Forester with the Department of Land and Natural Resources, Robert “Bob” Hobdy reported that the block of land referred to in the Superintendent’s Reports composed 800 acres and that the “plantation was installed in 1946.”348 Today, this area is referred to as the Lennox Plantation. Pat Biley, former Invasive Plant Specialist with The Nature Conservancy, which today manages a large conservation easement on Haleakala Ranch that includes the Lennox Plantation, reported that among the species planted on the Lennox Plantation were the following: Pinus patula, P. radiata, P. pinaster, P. taeda, P. contorta, C. japonica, Thuja species, Sequoia sempervirens, and Cupressus species.349 As predicted by the ranch back in 1945, today the park regularly controls certain invasive pines that have escaped (and continue to escape) from this plantation into the park’s native shrubland, including P. patula, P. radiata, and P. pinaster.

In 1947, Maui Associate Forester Walter W. Holt re-visited all four of Hosmer’s plots, recording species lists and number of species for each of the four plots. Holt reported his findings in a series of letters to Territorial Forester William Crosby.350 Holt noticed discrepancies between Kraebel’s 1921 report and the trees that were growing in 1947. For example, Holt found Libocedrus decurrens and Pinus sylvestris at Plot IV at 9,000 ft, whereas Kraebel had only reported the presence of Eucalyptus.351 Holt also reported on the poor growth of C. japonica (Sugi pine). Later in 1980, Roger G. Skolmen, Principal

345 Superintendent’s Monthly Reports, September 1945. 346 Ibid. 347 Superintendent’s Monthly Reports, October 1945. 348 Pat Biley, email communication, November 11, 2011. 349 Ibid. 350 Letter from William Crosby to Walter Holt, April 15 1947; Letter from Walter Holt to William Crosby, April 25, 1947; Letter from Walter Holt to William Crosby, May 15 1947. 351 Letter from Walter Holt to William Crosby, April 25 1947. 66 Silviculturist for the U.S. Forest Service in Honolulu, published a manuscript summarizing all of the Plantings on the Forest Reserves of Hawaii from 1910-1960.352 The numbers in Skolmen’s report match the numbers reported by Judd and Kraebel for Hosmer’s experimental plantings at what was to become Haleakalā National Park.

Growth of the Park

The fate of the three experimental forest sites inside the park boundaries of the Haleakalā section of Hawaii National Park was not at all certain in these early days. Up until 1927, when a land swap was arranged between the Territory of Hawaii and Haleakala Ranch, responsibility for maintenance of the Haleakalā section remained with the Maui Chamber of Commerce, which managed the trails and the rest house at Kalahaku. In 1928, the Territory of Hawaii deeded the former Haleakala Ranch lands to the federal government, and having finally secured title to the park lands, the NPS was able to budget funds for park improvements. The first project was the highway to the summit, with construction beginning in 1933—a project supported as well by the Territory of Hawaii, which had paid the cost of the road from Kahului to the park boundary.353

With the Territorial approach road completed in 1933, it would be another two years for the NPS to complete the remaining section within the park boundaries. On February 23, 1935 the last winding section leading to the park was complete; on opening day a crowd of 1,639 people—including representatives from the Maui Chamber of Commerce and Arthur A. Green, Secretary of the Territory of Hawaii—traveled to the terminus of the park road, just below the summit for the opening ceremony.354 The last section of road to the Summit observatory would not be completed until August 1941.355

352 Richard G. Skolmen, Plantings on the Forest Reserves of Hawaii from 1910-1960, Honolulu: Institute of Pacific Islands Forestry, Pacific Southwest Forest and Range Experiment Station, U.S. Forest Service (1980). 353 “Development,” Hawaii Nature Notes: The Publication of the Naturalist Division, Hawaii National Park and the Hawaii Natural History Association 5, 2 (1953), http://www.nps.gov/history/history/online_books/hawaii-notes/vol5-2k.htm, Accessed 5 March 2018. 354 Merle S. Sager, Associate Architect, Report to the Chief Architect through the Superintendent of Hawaii National Park, February 20 to March 20, 1935, Haleakalā National Park Archives; Jackson, Administrative History, 42; Mason Architects, Inc. State Highway 378 (Haleakala Highway) Historic Evaluation, Report for KC Environmental, November 8, 2012, 14-18; Dawn Duensing, “Haleakalā Highway: Bringing the Road to Maui,” The Journal of Pacific History 44, 3 (December 2009), 303-324. 355 Superintendent’s Monthly Reports, August 1941. 67 Figure 36. Opening ceremonies for the new road to the summit of Haleakalā, February 23, 1935. Library of Congress (#195542).

Facilities for visitors at Haleakalā would remain primitive for many years. In 1925, the Maui Chamber of Commerce had added two dormitories, an observation room and water tank to the existing rest house at Kalahaku. However, the chamber’s committee for maintenance had a difficult time keeping up with repairs; shortly after completion of the improvements, vandals broke up part of the building for firewood.356 With the NPS finally assuming control of the park’s facilities, the Maui Chamber of Commerce became a booster organization, no longer bearing responsibly for maintenance of the area. The rest house soon closed, since visitors could now reach the park in a few hours, not the days once required to travel there by foot or horseback. From 1935 on, the NPS concentrated on improving roads and trails and making the site generally more accessible for visitors.357

Many of the improvements at both sections of the Hawaii National Park came as a result of increased federal funding during the economically hard-pressed 1930s. Paramount among these was the Civilian Conservation Corps, or CCC. Begun in 1933 as part of the Emergency Conservation Work Program, the CCC evolved during the period between 1934 and 1940—the program ended in 1943 as the war absorbed the national attention— as a key element in the construction and rehabilitation of NPS lands and properties.358 Work ranged from soil erosion prevention programs to insect control to road and trail construction. CCC workers also constructed many park facilities, including housing, shelters and overlooks. In Hawai‘i, the CCC contributed to reforestation projects, construction at military bases and the creation of the territory’s own parks and recreation

356 “The House of the Sun,” Hawaii Nature Notes: The Publication of the Naturalist Division, Hawaii National Park and the Hawaii Natural History Association 5, 2 (1953), http://www.nps.gov/history/history/online_books/hawaii-notes/vol5-2k.htm, Accessed 16 June 2018. 357 Jackson, Administrative History, HALE 13-14. 358 John C. Paige, The Civilian Conservation Corps and the National Park Service, 1933-1942: An Administrative History (Washington, DC: U.S. Department of the Interior, National Park Service, 1985). 68 areas. 359

The CCC program began in Hawai‘i National Park in January 1934. Administration of the park’s program was the responsibility of the governor’s office and the park superintendent, then Edward G. Wingate (1898-1972). The immediate objectives were completion of the Haleakalā park road and resumption of work on the Halemaumau-Bird Park road at Kīlauea.360 However, Wingate quickly developed a list of other projects and proposed a 200-man camp at Kīlauea and a second unit at Haleakalā. Recruitment began almost immediately and by the late spring, the park had its first contingent of CCC workers at Kīlauea.361

Figure 37. The new road cut increased visitation to Haleakalā enormously. Haleakalā National Park (HALE), Archives, Accession #HALE-84; G-3; 35-15.

In 1935, the NPS established a CCC camp on Haleakalā. Initially housed in the Kalahaku rest house, CCC workers soon spread into adjacent tents, soon afterward moving to temporary camps within the crater. Eventually, the workers moved to a more substantial facility, including two wood barracks and other structures, near the park headquarters area. There they worked on a residence for what was to be the park’s first ranger, along with supporting structures, such as water tanks and a garage. At Haleakalā, the CCC also worked on trails, notably Halemau‘u Trail, and helped to build four cabins in the crater.362

359 Jackson, Administrative History, 144-46. 360 Carey & Co., Hawaii Volcanoes and Haleakala National Parks, 20. 361 Jackson, Administrative History, 144-46. 362 Edward Wingate, Report to Arno Cammerer, June 1940, Superintendent’s Monthly Report, November 1940. 69 The new road transformed Maui’s Hawaii National Park Haleakalā section. A trickle of visitors soon numbered in the thousands, a number that increased as well as a result of the military buildup in the territory prior to the war.363 In January 1938, ranger Frank Hjort at Haleakalā reported 1,605 visitors compared to 1,465 in January 1937.364 By the end of the year, the monthly figure was 1,985.365 By September 1939, the annual count for Haleakalā had reached 26,940, compared to 22,605 the previous year.366 With the approximately twenty-five CCC providing the labor, Ranger-in-Charge Hjort oversaw removal of wild goats and removal of “exotic” plants during the first five years of the section’s public opening.367 This apparently excluded the trees in Maui’s forestry experiment.

Increased visitation required different types of facilities. In addition to the visitor center, the park needed toilets, tables and benches, and open areas for picnicking and relaxation. The Division of Forestry’s experimental plots provided one of the few sheltered places, with Plot I, near Pu‘u Nianiau at the northwest corner of the park, being the best candidate. Neither the NPS Superintendents’ reports nor reports of the Division of Forestry provide any insight into specific uses of the lower experimental plot—by this point a relatively mature grove of trees. Trees fourteen to eighteen feet tall in 1921 were now at thirty to forty feet. We also know that campers were now visiting Maui for overnight stays. One report in 1938 recorded that “Kaimuki Boy Scouts” had visited the “Valley Island.” Following a demonstration of scouting skills in Wailuku, “Under the guidance of Harold Stein, Maui scout executive, the Honolulu scouts went on a two day trip into Haleakala crater.”368

Throughout the late 1930s and early 1940s, the National Park Service had little capacity to change the environment at Haleakalā. The time-consuming work of trail construction and the completion of the new summit road had opened the park up to a new population of visitors and brought new challenges as well. The aim of these projects was to broaden the appeal of Haleakalā and make the remote site more accessible. But the park’s function was also to educate and to provide a special experience of nature—returning to ideals extolled in the nineteenth century by visionaries such as George Perkins Marsh, who saw the conservation of nature as a moral and indeed sacred obligation. The expectation of park administrators was that the natural beauty of the park be preserved and that its native flora take primacy in both practice and interpretation.

Informed by a longstanding regard for Hawai‘i’s indigenous and endemic flora, Ranger- in-Charge Hjort and other park service administrators were—though perhaps only dimly aware of it—at the cutting edge of a new movement within the National Parks to value heritage plants over introduced species and varieties. Throughout the 1930s, Hjort and his

363 Superintendent’s Monthly Reports, 1938-1940. 364 Superintendent’s Monthly Reports, January 1938. 365 Superintendent’s Monthly Reports, November 1938. 366 Superintendent’s Monthly Reports, September 1939. 367 Edward G. Wingate, Memorandum to the Director, June 13, 1940, National Park Service Collection, National Archives San Bruno. 368 Honolulu Star-Bulletin, August 26, 1938. 70 superiors extolled the value of native plants. At Haleakalā it was the silversword that enjoyed pride of place. But other plants found in Hawai‘i prior to the impact of the West were also gaining recognition for their unique characteristics. Although they were kindred agencies with similar missions, the NPS differed significantly from its sister organization, the Forest Service. The Forest Service employees embraced “sustainability” as a principle but were not at heart “preservationists” as were the NPS employees.

Edward Wingate, the Hawaii National Park superintendent from 1933 to the end of the war was a particular champion of native plants. Arriving in Hawai‘i from Washington, D.C., Wingate had quickly embraced both the people and the native flora of the Hawaiian Islands. Aware of the damage caused by the removal of forests in the East—he got his initial training surveying the forests of his home state of North Carolina as part of the U.S. Geological Survey—Wingate was aware of the fragile relationship between plants and their environment. 369 At Kīlauea, he had addressed the preservation of the native ʻōhiʻa, recognizing its importance to the ecology of the volcanic uplands of the park, including its birds and other wildlife. He had respect as well for the native population and its traditions, hiring Hawaiians as rangers and maintenance workers and encouraging his employees to study Hawaiian language. To Wingate and his staff, conservation was about the protection of a place and its native people—and, in the parks, the preservation of a place untouched by the modern world.370

369 “Administration,” Nature Notes: The Publication of the Naturalist Division, Hawaii National Park and the Hawaii Natural History Association 5, 2 (November 1953), http://www.nps.gov/history/history/online_books/hawaii-notes/vol5-2j.htm, Accessed September 12, 2018. 370 William Chapman, Hawai‘i, the Military, and the National Park: World War II and Its Impacts on Culture and the Environment, Report for the National Park Service the American Society for Environmental History (Honolulu: National Park Service, 2014), 158-170. 71 Figure 38. Silversword in bloom, Haleakalā. University Archives and Manuscript Division, OURD 248, University of Hawai‘i at Mānoa.

Not surprisingly, the staff at Haleakalā shared broadly in this sentiment. In December 1939, Ranger Howard A. Powers informed Wingate that a recent shipment of koa seedlings had just arrived in the park.371 He later wrote to the Territorial Division of Forestry about information on sandalwood trees.372 (Someone had cut down and removed one of the parks’ largest sandalwood trees in October 1937.373) Powers also acquired copies of Margolin’s study of Eucalyptus and Rock’s list of Hawaiian plants and a second list that former Division of Forestry Superintendent Judd had prepared in 1921.374

No one on the park staff appears to have set his sights on the planting areas created by the territorial forestry division nearly thirty years before. The late 1930s and early 1940s presented other challenges. With the runup to war in the late 1930s (and prior to 1941), the small staff at Haleakalā had first to deal with the increasing number of visitors. The

371 Powers to E. G. Wingate, December 23, 1939; Memorandum, Wingate December 6, 1939, Haleakalā National Park Archives. 372 Powers to McGuire February1, 1941, Haleakalā National Park Archives. 373 J. A. Peck. Letter to E. G. Wingate, October 30, 1937, Hawai‘i Volcanoes National Park Archives. 374 Thomas R. L. McGuire, Assistant Forester, Letter to Howard A. Powers, January 30, 1941; C. S. Judd. Extract from the Hawaiian Forester and Agriculturalist Kilauea National Park Trees, December 1921, Haleakalā National Park Archives. 72 park closed during the war’s first months in 1941, but reopened early in 1943. 375 During the war, the new park was clearly on the list of must-see sites for the many military personnel and civilian workers.376 By the middle of the war, the number of monthly visitors jumped from around a thousand or more, in the prewar days, to as many as 5,000 during the war. Park staff and CCC employees patrolled the roads and gates, arresting inebriated sailors and soldiers or those caught hunting on park lands, and— paradoxically—continued with the feral animal eradication program.377

Toward the war’s end, the park at Haleakalā became a place of rest and relaxation for troops, as they prepared for demobilization. Staff showed films and gave talks to hospitalized troops in nearby Makawao.378 Many soldiers and sailors, coming as individuals or as part of organized groups, toured the park. Some were caught with silverswords, others had minor accidents, but most were well behaved.379 In September 1945, there was a final spike in visitor numbers. As Ranger-in-Charge Hjort noted “Several convoys of Marines desiring to see the park before being shipped home caused the military figures to be larger this month than last.”380

While the Pu‘unianiau area of the park had been used by the U.S. Army as a base camp from 1941-1946, the Army returned the Pu‘u Nianiau area to the Park Service in 1946. In 1947, Robert “Boy” von Tempsky, a concessionaire at the park, opened one of the Army base camp buildings as the Haleakalā Mountain Lodge.381 The concession operation offered saddle and pack trips through the crater, as well as bus transportation from docks, landing fields and hotels in Maui. The name of the facility was later changed to the Silversword Inn under new managers in 1958 and closed in 1961. 382

“Hosmer Grove”

Haleakalā would return to its focus on conservation and recreation in the postwar years. Throughout the late 1940s and early 1950s, annual visitor numbers at the park climbed steadily in pace with Hawai‘i’s growing number of tourists. Boy Scout and Girl Scout troops, 4-H clubs, church groups, and young people in the YWCA and YMCA programs all made trips to the volcano, putting a strain on park resources and facilities. By 1946, plans for properly paving the Haleakalā Road—up to then a gravel track for most of its distance—were underway. Acting superintendent Benjamin F. Moomaw pressed too for the removal of lines and poles left by the military during the war years.383 By 1949, the park had paved 10.5 miles of road.384 The following year, the Territory of Hawaii

375 Superintendent’s Monthly Reports, January 1943. 376 “Island of Maui Offers Travelers Many Attractions,” The Honolulu Advertiser, July 27, 1934. 377 Superintendent’s Monthly Reports, January 1943. 378 Superintendent’s Monthly Reports, January 1945. 379 Superintendent’s Monthly Reports, January 1945; Superintendent’s Monthly Reports, September 1945. 380 Frank J. Hjort, Memorandum for Superintendent, October 3, 1945, Superintendent’s Monthly Reports, September 1945. 381 Superintendent’s Monthly Reports, July 1947 and August 1947. 382 Jill Engledow, Haleakala: A History of the Maui Mountain (Wailuku: Maui Island Press, 2012), 83. 383 Superintendent’s Monthly Reports, November 1946. The poles were finally removed in July 1950. 384 Superintendent’s Monthly Reports, August 1949. 73 completed their part by grading and widening the approach road below the park entrance.385 There was work as well on park facilities: a new garage in 1950; “filling, leveling, sodding, installation” of rest areas and walkways.386 None of these changes were premature. Visitor figures for August 1950 were 7,087, compared to 4,550 in the same month the previous year.387

Haleakalā was not alone in its growing popularity. The postwar period was a time of expansion for the national parks. Access to transportation, both automobiles and cheaper airplane flights, meant that people could travel, both to nearby parks and to remote areas such as Hawai‘i. Between 1945 and 1960 Grand Teton (1950), the U.S. Virgin Islands (1956), and Petrified Forest (1958) were among the parks added to the National Park Service’s roll. There were also new historical parks in Philadelphia, Boston, and at several sites in New York and a burst of recreational areas, following the initial creation of the Cape Hatteras National Seashore in 1937. Coulee Dam, Washington (1946), Shadow Mountain, Colorado (1952) and Glen Canyon, Arizona (1958) all joined the system as new reservoir-related parks.388

The Hawaii National Park would increasingly follow the national trends, catering to a growing number of tourists and also to a post war population with access to cars and buses and with increased leisure time. The Superintendents’ Reports of the early 1950s document a consistent pattern of road and trail construction, as well as new facilities for staff and equipment.

Although they varied greatly depending on the season and spiked and dropped for a variety of reasons, the overall visitor numbers generally increased throughout this time. For example, in the summer of 1951, the park experienced new levels of visitation: 3,290 against 3,049 the previous May.389 The Haleakalā silversword bloom in June further bolstered visitor numbers.390 To improve the scenic value of the park, park maintenance workers finally removed the last of the old US Army powerlines.391

The years 1952 through 1956 saw more improvements. The approach road improvements were completed in November 1952392; work on a master plan (first proposed in July 1952) began in May 1953, with revisions in November of the same year; new facilities, including a new headquarters administration building, storehouse and two staff residences, were under proposal in by the end of that year.393 In May 1954, work was completed on the Silversword Access Road and Parking Area at Kalahaku Overlook. There was also a new comfort station installed at the Haleakala Observatory (now called

385 Superintendent’s Monthly Reports, November 1950. 386 Superintendent’s Monthly Reports, September and October 1950. 387 Superintendent’s Monthly Reports, August 1950. 388 Harper’s Ferry Center [Janet McDonnell, Editor), The National Parks: Shaping the System, revised edition (Washington, D.C.: National Park Service, 1991). 389 Superintendent’s Monthly Reports, May 1951. 390 Superintendent’s Monthly Reports, June 1951. 391 Superintendent’s Monthly Reports, July 1951. 392 Superintendent’s Monthly Reports, November 1952. 393 Superintendent’s Monthly Reports, May 1953; November 1953. 74 Haleakalā Visitor Center).394 December of 1954 saw completion of paving and center striping for the principal access road.395 There were also improvements to exhibits and signs throughout this period.

Different public interest organizations, notably the Maui Chamber of Commerce, were key agents in efforts to improve facilities, roads and trails. Beginning in 1951, several local boosters revived the earlier Hui Ahinahina Society (Silversword Society) to provide additional funding for the support of park initiatives.396 Designed to complement the Hui O ‘Pele Society on the Island of Hawai‘i, the organization’s aim was to allow the park to circumvent federal procurement procedures and allow for more ready funds for specific interventions, such as signs and rest areas. This process would have important implications for the Hosmer Grove Campground a few years later.

One of the new priorities during the early 1950s was the expansion of facilities to fill an increasing need for visitor accommodation. Reflective of the longstanding effort at the Kīlauea section of Hawaii National Park to provide both camping and picnic areas—by 1951 there were four separate campgrounds and two designated picnic areas at the Big Island site— Haleakalā instituted a new campaign for a camping and picnicking area in 1952.397 In April 1953, a proposal for a campground and picnic area was added to the Master Plan for the park; a landscape architect named Alfred C. Kuehl visited the park in May of 1953 to survey potential locations for a campground, including locations at the summit (Pu‘u Kolekole or Red Hill), headquarters, and Pu‘u Nianiau. The grove of experimental trees planted by Hosmer in 1909 at the 6,800 ft elevation was ultimately chosen for the campground and picnic area.398 The first concept drawing for the campground and picnic area at the Hosmer plot is dated to August 1953, and labeled with the name “Pine Trees Campground.” Based on the drawing, it appears that the campground was designed to be within the grove of introduced trees.399 In September 1954, a concept was proposed to install a campground at the 8,500 ft experimental plot, with an access road from the main park road, but this idea never came to fruition.400

Aimed at the less adventurous tourist, the Pine Trees Campground and picnic area was the target of a new road, known as Route 29, in June of 1954.401 In July, Ranger James Lindsay explained: “The last week of the month saw the beginning of the new spur from Route No. 7 [main park road] which will run to the ‘pine trees’ area, a half mile from the Lodge in the eastern direction.”402 The Lodge referred to the existing Haleakala Mountain Lodge. In August, work was complete on the road.403 A year later, Assistant Superintendent Eugene Barton reported on flood damage to the new “Pine Tree Road”

394 Superintendent’s Monthly Reports, May 1954. 395 Superintendent’s Monthly Reports, December 1954. 396 “Haleakala Visitors To Form Club,” Maui News, July 25 1951. 397 Master Plan development Outline. Introduction. February 1952.P. 4/ Haleakalā Archives 398 Superintendent’s Monthly report May and June, 1953. 399 Master Development Plan. 1953. Map is located in brick building. 400 Superintendent’s Monthly report September, 1954. 401 Superintendent’s Monthly Reports, June 1954. 402 Superintendent’s Monthly Reports, July 1954. 403 Superintendent’s Monthly Reports, August 1954. 75 (as it had come to be called).404 In October, he could report that the repair work was done.405

Figure 39. 1953 Pine Trees Campground drawing, Haleakalā National Park Archives.

Referred to by park officials variously as “the new campground road” and the “new picnic area,” the new facilities at what was once Ralph Hosmer’s experimental forestry “Plot I” brought one of the 1909-1911 forestry experiments into a new era.

Shortly after completion of plans for the new campground and picnic area the local booster organization, Hui Ahinahina Society at its August 29, 1954 annual meeting (held at Haleakala Mountain Lodge) unanimously passed a resolution put forward by Lennox, the outgoing President of the Territorial Board of Agriculture and Forestry, that the area be officially named the “Ralph S. Hosmer Grove,” in honor of the Territory of Hawaii’s first professional forester.406 Writing in September 1954 to “Miss Fumie Shamazu, Sect’ry, Hui Ahinahina,” Lennox explained that Ralph S. Hosmer was indeed the “‘father of forestry’ in the Territory of Hawaii.” He explained further that Hosmer had received recognition as the sixth holder of the Sir William Schlich Medal, presented to him by the Society of American Foresters in 1950.407

404 Superintendent’s Monthly Reports, June 1955. 405 Superintendent’s Monthly Reports, September 1955. 406 Colin G. Lennox, Letter to Miss Fumie Shimazu, September 2, 1954, Haleakalā National Park Archives. Lennox, born in 1905, was President of the Board of Agriculture and Forestry from 1943 to 1953. 407 Schlich was an English forester known for his efforts to advance forestry education. He served for many years in India and established the Oxford School of Forestry in 1905. See https://www.eforester.org/Main/Community/Awards/Sir_William_Schlich_Memorial_Award.aspx, Accessed 3 December 2018. 76 Figure 40. Haleakala Mountain Lodge dining room and lounge, 1947, Haleakalā National Park Archives, HALE-84 G-2.

On December 15, 1954 Conrad Wirth (1889-1993), Director of the National Park Service, wrote informing Hosmer that the grove now designated as a camping and picnic area would hereby be designated as the “Ralph S. Hosmer Grove.”408 “I heartily endorse this proposal,” Wirth explained. “We feel that this may, in some small measure, give recognition to the fine work of the ‘Father of Forestry in the Territory of Hawaii.’”409 Hosmer replied five days later that the mark of recognition gave him “unquestioned satisfaction. For it attests the successful outcome of a forestry experiment in which, for almost fifty years, I have maintained a continuing interest.” He went on to explain that the purpose of the plot had been “to determine if coniferous timber trees of certain mainland species, could be made to grow and thrive at the higher elevations on the high mountains in Hawaii.” The experiment, he concluded had been a success!

For a short while there was some confusion over what was being recognized. Hosmer thought at first that it was for his foresight in promoting high-altitude conifer plantings.410 Wirth had corrected this by emphasizing that the award was for his contributions overall, not simply for the forestry experiment at Haleakalā.411 Hosmer emphasized this in a letter to Lennox on January 6, 1955.412 Graciously, Hosmer backed off from the suggestion that his recognition be solely for his experimental work; he appreciated equally the credit for

408 Conrad L. Wirth, Letter to Prof. Ralph S. Hosmer, December 15, 1954. US Department of Interior Archives, Copy Haleakalā National Park Archives. 409 Ibid. 410 Ralph S. Hosmer, Memo to Colin G. Lennox, January 4, 1955, Haleakalā National Park Archives. 411 Conard L. Wirth, Letter to Ralph S. Hosmer, January 4, 1955, Copy, US Department of the Interior, Second copy, Haleakalā National Park Archives. 412 Ralph S. Hosmer, Memo to Colin G. Lennox, January 6, 1955, Haleakalā National Park Archives. 77 his overall work in Hawai‘i, asking Lennox and Wirth to “forget my ‘Dreams’ of coniferous forests.”413 On January 6th, 1955, he wrote further to Wirth reclarifying his position.414

The Honolulu Advertiser noted the honor on December 22, 1954, in a short notice published in the local section.415A longer article describing both the original purpose of the grove and Hosmer’s contributions to Hawai‘i forestry appeared on December 25.416 The first notice in park records appears to be in November, the following year, when Eugene J. Barton, Assistant Superintendent at the Haleakalā section explained that “Picnic ground clearing and removal of eucalyptus reproduction making a thicket of the Hosmer Grove were jobs worked on by Barton and Lindsay respectively.”417 A correction to the report seems to suggest the original name Pine Tree Camp had been typed over with the new name.

In 1955, NPS director Conrad L. Wirth (1889-1993) inaugurated a new ten-year program to improve the parks and their facilities and make them more accessible to the U.S. public. With an emphasis on recreation and education, the “Mission 66” program called for visitor centers, new exhibitions, audio-visual aids, and more campgrounds and picnic areas.418 By the end of the decade, 56 visitor centers were already under construction, with many more to follow.419 Conceived as a contribution to the National Park Service’s fiftieth anniversary, “Mission 66” marked a significant shift in the National Park Service’s approach to wilderness conservation. No longer the domain of adventurous travelers or those with money enough to travel long distances, the parks were in the process of becoming recreational areas for nearby residents and popular tourist destinations for the masses. Although the park improvement work and initial Master Development Plan at Haleakalā throughout the late 1940s and early 1950s preceded the formal Mission 66 program, it reflected the same demands and intentions. Furthermore, Mission 66 informed the design of the facilities at Haleakalā National Park, including at Hosmer Grove.

The Development of Hosmer Grove

Construction for the campground, also known as Proposed Construction Project M-28 and estimated to cost $4,000, started on February 24, 1958.420 By Mid-March, a pit toilet had been erected, and was complete except for painting. It is possible that this early pit toilet was designed after a standard Mission 66 era pit toilet design, which was located in

413 Ralph S. Hosmer, Memo to Colin G. Lennox, January 6, 1955, Haleakalā National Park Archives. 414 Ralph S. Hosmer, Letter to Conrad L. Wirth, January 8, 1955, Haleakalā National Park Archives. 415 Honolulu Star-Bulletin, December 22, 1954. 416 “Park Name Honors Ralph S. Hosmer, Pioneer Forester,” Honolulu Advertiser, December 25, 1954. 417 Superintendent’s Reports, November 1955, Filed December 4, 1955. 418 Ethan Carr, Mission 66: Modernism and the National Park Dilemma (Amherst: University of Massachusetts Press, 2007). 419 Ibid. 420 Superintendent’s Monthly report, March 1958 78 the Haleakalā park archives.421 In addition, a water line and 70 feet of service lines in the lower section of the campground had been installed.422 The site for the shelter building was cleared, concrete foundation and floor slab were placed, and three supporting posts erected on the front of the building. A trail to the pit toilet, and a bridge over the gully leading to the pit toilet was completed. Finally, certain “designated trees” were removed and the area was cleaned up.423 By April 25th, 1958 the Pine Tree Campground project was complete.424 The final campground design is reflected in a drawing located in the Haleakalā National Park Archives dated to 1960.

5000 GAi. W~TER TAHICS"l. ~o PICNIC \~

E~ l!ITING >U,TUQE Tll6.IL TO PARIC 'h"' i PIT:!!_urs __; \ \

I-IOSM!;Q iovi; CAMPGl20UND ; ) ( \ // \ ----_/ I .,,,,-- ...__/ / Figure 41. Detail from 1960 drawing of Haleakalā National Park Minor Developed Areas Master Plan, Haleakalā National Park Archives.

Later in October, Ranger Lindsay erected directional and informational signage at the Hosmer Grove Campground and Picnic area.425 A visitor register and interpretive panel was installed as well. Visitor comments in the register indicated “a real appreciation of the entire Hosmer Grove development”.426 Later in April, 1959, Park Naturalist Carpenter located a ¼-mile of proposed nature trail for the Hosmer Grove Campground. Work was slated to get started in the fall, but appears to have been fast-tracked.427 By May, 1959, the Hosmer Grove Nature Trail was becoming a reality, with brush and fallen trees having been cleared, rocks removed, two foot-bridges installed, and the path leveled. Labels for plants were under preparation and the plastic signs were to be routed in Kilauea.428

421 Haleakalā National Park archives, Panelized pit toilet design used at Dinosaur National Monument, Dec 3 1953. 422 Ibid. 423 Ibid. 424 Superintendent’s Monthly report, May 1958 425 Superintendent’s Monthly report, October 1958 426 Ibid. 427 Superintendent’s Monthly report, April 1959 428 Superintendent’s Monthly report, May 1959 79 In 1959, Hui Ahinahina presented the park with $200 to pay the cost of interpretive signs, fifty of which were to be erected at the “Ralph Hosmer Grove campground and picnic grounds in the park.”429 A brochure prepared in 1961—coinciding with the creation of an independent Haleakalā National Park—noted three cabins “within the crater for visitor use,” and also mentioned accommodations available at the Silversword Inn, operated as a concession by the park (the formerly named Haleakala Mountain Lodge). Hosmer Grove— “a plantation of pines, cedars, and eucalyptuses”—is singled out for its interesting trail: “Native and introduced plants are labeled along this trail. Picnic tables have been placed here for your use.”430 The same year, an article in the Honolulu Star- Bulletin called out “the Hosmer Grove camp and picnic area, a favorite spot for family outings.” The area, the article explained, was “equipped with a pavilion with portable barbeque pits, ample parking space, running water and rest rooms, benches and tables.” Especially noteworthy was “a half-mile nature trail with trees and shrubs conveniently labeled.”431

DOSHER GROVE NATURE TRAIL GUIDE

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Figure 42: Hosmer Grove Nature Trail Guide, illustration dated to 1958, Haleakalā National Park Archives.

429 Honolulu Star-Bulletin, December 26, 1959. A guidebook of this time has 50 separate entries. An undated list in the Haleakalā National Park Archives indicates 41 different signs. 430 National Park Service, Haleakala National Park, Brochure (Haleakalā, Maui: Haleakala National Park,1961). 431 Honolulu Star-Bulletin, May 14,1961. 80 HALEAKALA NATIONAL PARK HAWAIIA ISLA D

0 1Cli.U ltt Mil($

A.. Chff , __.. - ~:::.1er Cone -- Pave

Figure 43. Haleakala National Park brochure, 1961. Hosmer Grove is indicated at the upper left of the map. Haleakalā National Park Archives.

A number of photographs held in park archives give a good idea of the area’s use in this period. Those from the early 1960s show a relatively unaltered landscape, with a simple earthen trail. As with today, the area just outside the grove included a grassy area, with spaces for tents and barbecue pits. A trash can embellished with stones was located at the center of the camping area. There were at least three picnic tables; photos from 1961 and 1962 show standard Mission 66 era-designed picnic tables at the campground and just outside of the shelter.432433 All but one of the historic Mission 66 picnic tables have since been replaced. A single sign, nailed to a tree, identified the site.

432 Photo HALE-84 G-2 62-46 and Photo HALE-84 J-1 61-7b, Haleakalā National Park archives. 433 Plan for Prefabricated picnic table design used at Lake Mead National Recreation Area, 9-17-57, Haleakalā National Park archives. 81 Figure 44: Photo of Lahaina Methodist Church Group camped at Hosmer Grove campground, 1961. Photographer Robert Carpenter, Chief Park Naturalist. Haleakalā National Park Archives, Negative No. 61-7, b.

Figure 45: Photo of Hosmer Grove picnic shelter, 1962. Haleakalā National Park Archives, Negative No. 62-46.

82 A revised 1965 brochure gave more space to “camping and picnicking facilities … maintained at Hosmer Grove” as did a new guide put out by the park in 1967.434 But despite the accommodations for campers, actual overnight visitor numbers were low: in 1965, the park reported that “Hosmer Grove campsite...had only 81 overnight campers last year, even though it is free and accessible by car.”435 However, within a few years that figure was changing. In 1969, with over 9,800 visitors to the park in October alone, fifty campers stayed at Hosmer Grove, a number that put annual use into the hundreds.436 By 1973, the Honolulu Star-Bulletin reported that the park was limiting the numbers of nightly campers.437

Figure 46. Hosmer Grove directional sign, May 1964. Robert Zink, photographer. Haleakalā National Park Archives, Negative No. 64-12, m.

In 1969, photographs show a group of Boy Scouts working on clearing shrubs and trees along the Hosmer Grove trail. Ralph Harris, the park’s Chief Naturalist, supervised the work. Photographs in early 1971 show little change to the area, beyond the provision of log barriers in the parking area (which had been paved by then). A protected map, measuring about 4 by 6 feet, was in place by the summer of 1971. This showed the nature trail through Hosmer Grove and identified several birds and flowers visitors were likely to encounter.

In the fall of 1971, the NPS put forward plans for the expansion of the park that would include additional campground space at Hosmer Grove.438 This proposal was met with

434 National Park Service, Haleakala National Park, Brochure (Haleakalā, Maui: Haleakala National Park,1965); National Park Service, Haleakala National Park, Brochure (Haleakalā, Maui: Haleakala National Park,1967). 435 Honolulu Star-Bulletin, July 13, 1965. 436 Honolulu Star-Bulletin, November 7, 1969. 437 Honolulu Star-Bulletin, May 9, 1973. 438 Honolulu Star-Bulletin, December 14, 1971. 83 resistance by a number of local residents, who focused primarily on the impact to the water resources originating within the park. Eugene Barton, a retired assistant superintendent of Hawaii National Park responsible for the Haleakalā section, stated that an expanded Hosmer Grove Campground would “possibly pollute the Waikamoi source and the Kula water system.” There was talk as well of relocating the campground to the old Army Signal Corps area and the site of the former Silversword Inn that had been removed. The Maui County Board of Water Supply had expressed similar objections.439 In the end the park settled on limiting the number of campers to twenty-five per night rather than expanding the camp ground.440

Figure 47. Boy Scouts clearing the nature trail, 1969. Ralph Harris, photographer. Haleakalā National Park Archives, Negative No. 69-06b.

By the late 1970s, Hosmer Grove was a long-accepted presence in the park. It was a regular feature of hiking programs sponsored by park rangers and remained a popular camping ground and picnic area—both for visitors and park personnel, who frequently ate their lunches there.441 Artist-in-Residence Bruce McGrew (1938-1999) used the area as a teaching facility in the summer of 1976, introducing local painters and others to the beauty of the spot.442 Concerns by park leadership and visitors related mostly to the area’s maintenance. Park Naturalist Beth Sheekey writing to NPS Liaison Officer

439 Honolulu Advertiser, December 15, 1971. 440 Honolulu Advertiser, May 23, 1973. 441 Honolulu Advertiser, June 16, 1979. 442 McGrew, a well-known landscape artist, came to the park in the summer of 1971, conducting workshops for Maui residents and visitors. Kathleen Allen, See Bruce E. McGrew, Tucson Citizen, August 13, 1999, http://tucsoncitizen.com/morgue2/1999/08/13/69927-obituary/, Accessed 4 November 2018. 84 Macdonald Heebner complained of “visitors going off the trail and trampling the vegetation.” Hikers also tended to cut off bits of plants as souvenirs.443

Figure 48. Hosmer Grove Nature Trail Sign, September 1971. Haleakalā National Park Archives, Negative No. 71-2.

Figure 49. Hosmer Grove, ca. 1972, L. Guth, photographer. Haleakalā National Park Archives, Negative No. 1972-73.

443 Beth Sheekey, Memorandum to Macdonald Heebner, November 6, 1978, Haleakalā National Park Archives. 85 In 1976, as part of a major park initiative to exclude feral ungulates from the park, and with the help of the Sierra Club, a fence was installed along the northern boundary of Hosmer Grove, extending all the way to the western edge of Ko‘olau Gap.444 In 1982, the park developed a new interpretive plan to better introduce visitors to the unique features of the one-time experimental forestry plot. Labeled “Hosmer’s Experimental Forest,” the plan called for a wayside exhibition panel, featuring the story of Hosmer’s time in Hawai‘i and his ambitions to promote forest resources. Interestingly, the new interpretation celebrated the diversity of the remaining trees within the experimental plot. These included examples of temperate zone trees, the marker explained, “from North America, Europe, Asia, Japan, and Australia.”445 Taking visitors on the quarter-mile loop, the exhibit showed the contrast between Hosmer’s early plantings and the grove as it had evolved over the past seventy years. Key plot identifiers were seventeen varieties of pine, cedar, and spruce and two of Eucalyptus. Another exhibit also stressed the importance of native plants in Hawai‘i, explaining their decline due to commercial agriculture and ranching. A further exhibit board was devoted to native birds.

In 1989 the park faced a major infestation of feral rabbits in the area within and surrounding Hosmer Grove. A fence was installed to contain the rabbits and the rabbits were eventually eradicated by resource management staff led by Lloyd L. Loope, a research scientist with the park, concerned about threats to native Hawaiian vegetation in the shrubland.446

Hosmer Grove would continue with periodic tree removal and maintenance as one of Haleakalā’s special places. The plot’s trees are now much larger than they were a generation ago. The Eucalyptus have perhaps been the most difficult to manage. They grow quickly and having been naturalized, they have strayed from their original planting areas. There is debate over the identification of certain species within the grove, ie; Pinus contorta. Some species have thrived, while others have not. Generally, the lower elevation plots are healthier, though other factors unique to each species also affected survival of the trees.

444 Ron Nagata, personal communication, December 20, 2017. 445 Haleakala NP Wayside Exhibit Plan, 12/82, Haleakalā National Park Archives. 446 Lloyd L. Loope, Development of a Strategy to Prevent Establishment of a Large Feral Rabbit Population on Maui, December 3, 1990, p.1. Haleakalā National Park Archives. 86 Figure 50. Bruce McGrew, Watercolor of Hosmer Grove, 1976. Haleakalā National Park Archives.

In the early to mid-1990s, efforts were made to install accessible facilities at Hosmer Grove. Accessible toilets were installed in 1991, 1998 and 1999 and the campground was made more accessible in 1995.447 In 1998, the park added a spur trail off of the trail through Hosmer Grove, meant to guide visitors through the existing native subalpine “scrubland ecosystem” adjacent to the grove, and provide a contrast to the introduced forest.448 In 2000, the original portable fire grills were replaced with permanent grills at the campground and picnic shelter.449 In 2003, the road and campground parking lot were re-paved and a parking lot was added to the road to serve as parking for hikers using the Supply Trail; the road is now referred to as Hosmer Spur Road.450 There have been periodic changes as well to the interpretive plan. The present signs date to the early 2000s, when a fresh effort was made to identify the remaining trees. The existing wildlife panels are also of relatively recent origin. The park has an ongoing interpretive program, with park rangers guiding student groups and visitors on a nature hike through Hosmer Grove, focusing on biodiversity, native plants and animals of Haleakalā National Park, and the introduced trees.

The trail is subject to erosion and flooding and requires continuing interventions to stabilize it. According to Ervan Gouveia, former NPS maintenance worker, around 1981 a seasonal worker named Edward “Eddie” Grasa - who later became NPS Foreman for roads and trails at Haleakalā - installed 2 culverts and asphalt on the trail near the pit

447 Superintendent Annual Reports, 1991, 1995, 1998 and 1999. 448 1986 Haleakala National Park Environmental Assessment for the Hosmer Grove Nature Trail – Scrubland Addition. 449 Superintendent Annual Report, 1999-2000. 450 Superintendent Annual Report, 2002-2003. 87 toilet.451 According to former trail crew worker, and later Maintenance Supervisor Peter Kafka, in the early1990s, park trail crew used local rock and logs to install rock check steps and log steps in the area around the the bird overlook where the trail was eroding.452 The trail crew removed some hazard trees at the campground, and at some point stone fruit trees growing by the fence were removed.453 The trail crew also perpetually dealt with social trails by placing brush to block visitors from using them.454 Again according to Gouveia, in 1998 or 1999, the original bridge crossing the gulch was washed out by a big rain event, and was subsequently re-built using the same kind of materials and in the same method as the original bridge.455 Two large logs from Hosmer Grove were laid across the stream and buried like the original bridge, with wooden cross bars laid across, and packed with soil.456 Around that same time, when the NPS found out that Gouveia could weld, he was asked to weld the metal railings that were installed at the bird overlook.457 Gouveia also related that there was a tradition at the time to provide firewood to the campers at Hosmer Grove campground, who would burn the wood at the fire rings throughout the campground. Gouveia and another NPS maintenance worker would spend many hours hauling fallen wood from Hosmer Grove to the pull-out parking lot along Hosmer Grove road near the entrance to the Waikamoi Reserve, splitting the wood, and then transporting it back to the campers at Hosmer Grove. After 10 years or so of this tradition, the NPS deemed that it would no longer provide firewood to the campers at Hosmer Grove.458

According to trail crew worker Dirk Begeman, in 2006 rock check steps were installed near the existing asphalt area in order to mitigate erosion.459 Circa 2007, recycled plastic lumber was used to install railings along the trail, and circa 2008-2010, downed Eucalyptus and cedar trees were used to build additional railings.460 Apart from the few rock steps and railings, no structures have been installed along the trail in the 2000s; trail crew work has instead focused on brushing the trail and cleaning out the existing waterbars.461

As recently as 2018, park workers have cut Eucalyptus species, P. jeffreyi P. coulteri, and other trees to remove hazard trees around the campground and trail. Eucaplytus robusta that invade the native shrubland from Hosmer Grove are controlled by park staff. P. patula. P. radiata, and P. pinaster that have invaded the park shrubland from the Lennox Plantation and from seed dispersal caused by the 2008 Polipoli Spring State Recreation Area Fire about 6 miles south of the park, are regularly controlled throughout the park.462

451 Ervan Gouveia, personal communication, June 14, 2019. 452 Peter Kafka, personal communication, June 13, 2019. 453 Ibid. 454 Ibid. 455 Ervan Gouveia, personal communication, June 14, 2019. 456 Ibid; examination of the bridge shows that 5 logs are laid side by side across the gulch. 457 Ibid. 458 Ibid. 459 Dirk Begeman, personal communication, June 11, 2019. 460 Ibid. 461 Ibid. 462 Steve Robertson, personal communication, May 7, 2019. 88 In 2018, the park installed two telescoping binoculars for bird viewing and replaced the three existing concrete benches along the trail with NPS standard recycled plastic benches funded in part by the “Fund for People in Parks”.463

Conclusions

Hosmer Grove would continue—and continues to this day—as a picnic, recreation, and camping area within the park. The trees are now much more mature and certain trees that pose a hazard have required periodic control. Not only are the trees more mature, they are significantly taller! The stands of exotic pines, spruce, and other conifers, along with the truly towering Eucalyptus have radically changed the appearance of the planting area from the time of its creation as an experimental forestry plot. Following a tradition dating to the first tree identification signs installed in 1959, there are still labels for the trees and display panels alerting visitors to the grove’s rich birdlife. Park Service naturalists retain a strong interest in the history and variety of trees within the grove and have periodically mapped and otherwise identified existing specimen trees and their offspring.

Hosmer Grove still serves as a place of repose and education for park visitors and NPS personnel. Both visitors and park workers still enjoy visiting the site, taking a short walk, and having their lunches in a protected and scenic grove. Bird watchers regularly visit the site, recording glimpses of both native and exotic birds, many of which are not accessible to visitors elsewhere within the park.

Figure 51. Hosmer Grove nature trail, February 2018. William Chapman, photographer.

463 Ibid. 89 Hosmer Grove now faces a new future based in part to NPS policy and in part to changing public values. Since the 1960s, the NPS has tended to give emphasis to native over introduced species. In 1964, following up on recommendations first broached in 1941, the NPS published a report calling for a radical reappraisal of the service’s mission and a fresh commitment to the protection of the country’s historic and natural resources.464 Entitled Parks for America, A Survey of Parks and Related Resources in the Fifty States and a Preliminary Plan, this report gave strong voice to the idea of the park administrators better addressing the unique environments of the places under their control. It also emphasized the importance of proper treatment and maintenance of parks, as well as better identifying threats to native species.465

Figure 52. Plot III at 8,500 feet, February 2018. William Chapman, photographer.

A parallel report by a committee headed by noted naturalist Aldo Starker Leopold (1913- 1983), issued in 1963, further defined the service’s approach to management.466 Drawing upon a then growing understanding among scientists about the relationships among animal and plant forms—what is now commonly known as ecology—Leopold set out a

464 US Department of the Interior, Parks for America, A Survey of Parks and Related Resources in the Fifty States and a Preliminary Plan (Washington, D.C.: U.S. Department of the Interior, 1964). 465 Ibid. 466 Kiki Leigh Rydell, “A Public Face for Science: A Starker Leopold and the Leopold Report,” George Wright Forum, George Wright Society, Historical Perspectives on Science and Management in Yellowstone Park, 15, 4 (1998), 50-62, http://www.georgewright.org/154rydell.pdf, Accessed 23 October 2018. 90 new set of recommendations for wildlife and ecosystem management.467 For Leopold and other advisors to the NPS, the aim was to protect the natural character of the park and to recreate as closely as possible “the conditions that prevailed when the area [under the parks’ control] was first visited by white men.”468 Questionable today given present knowledge of the profound role humans have had in shaping the environment, Leopold’s advice set in place policies that would govern the NPS’s approach to management for several decades. Nature would be celebrated unconditionally; human interventions, other than by native peoples, were essentially intrusive.469

Over the past fifty years both experts and the general public have increasingly embraced the ideal of preserving and protecting native fauna and flora. An aspect of the mid twentieth-century environmental movement, championship of “native plants” has been fueled as well by the Native Hawaiian community and also by a general respect for both Native Hawaiian culture and the islands’ natural environment. In this context, recognition of early forestry efforts during the beginnings of Hawai‘i’s territorial period finds few advocates. Species in special favor are endemic plants and animals and the “canoe plants”—those introduced by Polynesian voyagers (many of them agricultural in nature). Certainly, many introduced plant species are valued by gardeners, arborists, landscape architects, and others; and they still comprise the backbone of commercial agriculture in the state.

Since at least the 1970s with the founding of the state Natural Area Reserves, the State of Hawai‘i has taken a more active role in protecting native species—and preventing the further introduction of invasive species through the creation of a Hawaii Invasive Species Council (HISC) and subsidiary Island Invasive Species Committees (ISCs).470 The efforts of these organizations, along with initiatives of the University of Hawai‘i and other institutions—as well as the federal government—have led to increased awareness among the public and youth especially of the value of our native species. Given this climate it is hardly surprising that preservation of a plot of introduced trees dating to the early twentieth century would attract few advocates. Nevertheless, Hosmer Grove and the thousands of acres of forest introduced to Hawai‘i a hundred years ago represent an important period in Hawai‘i’s history as well as something of beauty within the park and elsewhere in the state. However much pioneers such as Hosmer might seem to have been insensitive in the judgement of people today, their work helped preserve Hawai‘i’s water resources and underscored the viability of the islands as a place of continued human habitation.

467 For the original report, see A.S. Leopold, S.A. Cain, C.M. Cottam, I.N. Gabrielson, and T.L. Kimball, “Wildlife Management in the National Parks,” Transactions of the North American Wildlife and Natural Resources Conference 28 (1963), 28-45. 468 Cited in David M. Graber, “Rationalizing Management of Natural Areas in National Parks,” George Wright Forum, George Wright Society, (Autumn 1983), 47-56. 469 See Richard West Sellers, Preserving Nature in the National Parks: A History (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1999); and Philip Burnham, Indian Country, God's Country: Native Americans and the National Parks (Washington, D.C.: Island Press, 2000). 470 Hawaii Invasive Species Council, https://dlnr.hawaii.gov/hisc/about/, Accessed 2 January 2019. 91 Hosmer Grove is a curious remnant of that important period. Now a mature forest at the edge of Haleakalā’s vast volcanic landscape, Hosmer Grove still serves as a tranquil retreat—a place of repose and recreation for visitors, local residents and for park service personnel. The site tells part of the story of forestry in the Hawaiian Islands as well as the story of the park itself. How to manage the resource will be a future challenge for park officials.

92 Sources and Bibliography

Archival Sources

This report required consultation in several archives. These included: the Hawai‘i State Archives; the Haleakalā National Park Archives; the National Archives San Bruno; and the Hawai‘i Volcanoes National Park Archives. Citations are included in the notes. A special thank you to the archivists at each site.

Newspaper and Journal Sources

The following newspapers and journals were consulted: The Hawaiian Forester and Agriculturalist; The Hawaiian Star; Honolulu Evening Bulletin; The Maui News; The Pacific Commercial Advertiser; The Daily Commercial Pacific Advertiser; The Hawaiian Gazette; The Hilo Tribune; The American Monthly Magazine; Yale Forest School News; The Honolulu Advertiser; The Honolulu Star-Bulletin. Specific references to notices and short articles are in the notes.

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