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Perspectives on Business and Economics Volume 33 Perspectives on Business and Economics

1-1-2015 The changing role of women in Haley Robinson

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Recommended Citation Robinson, Haley, "The changing role of women in Portugal" (2015). Perspectives on Business and Economics Volume 33. Paper 6. http://preserve.lehigh.edu/perspectives-v33/6

This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the Perspectives on Business and Economics at Lehigh Preserve. It has been accepted for inclusion in Perspectives on Business and Economics Volume 33 by an authorized administrator of Lehigh Preserve. For more information, please contact [email protected]. THE CHANGING ROLE OF WOMEN IN PORTUGAL Haley Robinson

Introduction pendent, there are obstacles preventing them from becoming fully equal to men within the The role that women play in Portugal’s labor market. Specifically, the large gender pay society and economy is currently undergoing gap (GPG) that persists in Portugal prevents a major change. Portuguese rates women from achieving full economic equality. are steadily declining; the crude marriage Although economic inequality presents a num- rate, or number of per 1,000 inhab- ber of dilemmas, it may also limit the econom- itants, was 3.3 percent as of 2012, one of the ic growth that Portugal can achieve. Previous lowest marriage rates in the European Union studies have shown that many countries have (EU) and nearly half of what it was in 2000 benefitted economically from female participa- (Eurostat, “Marriage and Divorce Statistics”). tion in the workforce.1 Considering the prob- Furthermore, the divorce rate was 2.4 percent lems Portugal has been facing, pursuing full as of 2012 (Eurostat, “Marriage and Divorce gender equality in the workplace has the po- Statistics”), one of the highest in the EU. As tential to greatly benefit its economy. of 2011, women accounted for 62.9 percent of single households, making women the majori- 1For example, the growing number of minority em- ty among singles living alone (Instituto Nacio- ployees, including women, in the United States between nal De Estadística). Overall, Portuguese wom- 1960 and 2008 accounted for 17 percent to 20 percent of en of the twenty-first century are beginning to the country’s economic growth during that time period live their lives more independently of men than (OECD, p. 26). Additionally, in 2012 researchers projected that if countries involved with the Organisation for Eco- they have in the past. nomic Co-operation and Development were to reach full Although Portuguese women are mak- gender equality by 2030, their GDP would increase by ap- ing major advances toward becoming inde- proximately 12 percent (OECD, p. 26). 49 In this article, I discuss existing gender educated than Portuguese men on average and inequality in the Portuguese workforce by are gaining a strong foothold in traditionally presenting the existing data on the GPG and male majors. discrimination in the workplace. Next, I ana- lyze what may have caused these inequalities, notably the influence of the Salazar regime, the Portuguese culture, and the lack of female Women are playing a more prominent involvement in politics. Finally, I offer sugges- role in the Portuguese labor force as well. tions on how Portugal may be able to alleviate Between 1988 and 2008, the percentage of fe- this inequality. These include adding to the ex- male employees in the Portuguese workforce isting legislation on gender equality, educating increased from 34.6 percent to 44.2 percent women on negotiation skills, and increasing (Carvalho). Cross-culturally, Portuguese wom- workplace flexibility. en fare better than women in other European countries as far as the female employment rate The Education of Women is concerned. Portugal’s low-educated women, having obtained no more than middle school Unlike previous generations who mostly education, have an employment rate of 57.6 assumed domestic roles within their house- percent (Tavora, p. 94). This is fairly high in holds, today more Portuguese women are pur- comparison to Spain (41.3 percent), Italy (33.8 suing tertiary, or university, educations and percent), and the EU-27 average (39.1 percent) joining the previously male-dominated work- (Tavora, p. 94). Similarly, Portugal’s overall force. While in most other European countries female employment rate is at 61.9 percent, men tend to have higher levels of education which is also higher than those of Spain (54.7 than women, this trend has been reversed in percent), Italy (47.9 percent), and the EU-27 Portugal. In 2010 women surpassed men in average (58.3 percent) (Tavora, p. 94). Addi- graduation rates in higher secondary, or high tionally, Portuguese women account for over school, education (Miguel do Carmo et al.) and 40 percent of all researchers in the science and accounted for the majority of university stu- technology fields, putting it above Spain, Italy, dents (Canço and Santos, p. 17). In terms of Norway, Ireland, and Finland in 2011 (Agência university-level education, the percentage of De Inovação, p. 1). Due to the increasing num- women who have completed higher education ber of women in the workforce, in addition to has increased from a mere 3 percent in 1988 their rising education levels, the number of to 17 percent in 2008 (Carvalho), an increase women in the workforce with college degrees of over 460 percent. Furthermore, as of 2008, has now surpassed that of men. As of 2008, 60.4 percent of students enrolled in univer- 16.7 percent of women in the workforce had a sities were female (Canço and Santos, p. 17). college degree compared with 11.8 percent of These increases have been so large that for the men (Carvalho). This represents a significant first time in Portuguese history, a larger per- increase from 1988, when only 2.5 percent of centage of women have obtained university de- female workers had university degrees com- grees than men. pared with 3.7 percent of men (Carvalho).2 Additionally, the number of women in tra- ditionally male-dominated areas of study is also surprisingly high. Women accounted for 64.7 2There have also been large increases in the use of percent of graduates in social sciences, business childcare services in Portugal. As of 2011, 35 percent of chil- dren between the ages of 0 and 3 years old were in childcare studies, and law and 56.5 percent of graduates in full-time, a 5 percentage-point increase over 2005 (Europe- sciences, mathematics, and informatics in 2010 an Union). As the ages of these children increased, the rates (Canço and Santos, p. 18). Even in majors that of childcare also went up; for example, during 2011, 81 per- had been traditionally male dominated (e.g., en- cent of children between the ages of 3 and 6 benefited from gineering), Portuguese women still accounted full-time childcare, an increase of 6 percentage points since 2005, which is highly significant because an increase in the for 28.1 percent of graduates (Canço and Santos, use of childcare provides additional evidence that women p. 17), over 10 percentage points higher than in are stepping out of the domestic stereotypes to which they the U.S. (St. Rose). Portuguese women are more were originally held (European Union). 50 Figure 1 Gender Pay Gap (%) by European Country in 2012

*Provisional data. †Estimated. Data unavailable for Turkey and Greece. Source: Data from Eurostat, Gender Pay Gap in Unadjusted Form [Data file].

Inequality in the Workforce: Labor for example, the GPG was 22 percent in 2013. Market Discrimination As shown in Figure 1, Portugal’s GPG is slight- ly below the EU’s median GPG of 16.5 percent Despite these advancements by women (Eurostat, Gender Pay Gap in Unadjusted Form in education and the workforce, many Portu- [Data file]). guese women face various hurdles that make Comparing Portugal’s overall GPG to that achieving economic equality with men diffi- in other countries, however, is misleading. De- cult, namely labor market discrimination. La- spite the overall Portuguese GPG being below bor market discrimination, or treating workers average, the more educated Portuguese work- differently due to characteristics unrelated to ers are, the larger this pay gap is. For example, job performance, is problematic because it in 2008, men who had completed higher educa- can influence the hiring, promoting, and pay tion obtained 32 percent higher earnings than practices of various institutions (Hyclak et al., women with the same education. Surprisingly, p. 355). For the purpose of this article, I analyze this gap has increased by 5 percentage points labor market discrimination against women by since 1988 (Carvalho). This makes the GPG looking at the GPG in certain fields. The GPG among Portuguese workers who have complet- is defined as the overall difference in earnings ed higher education nearly twice that of the between men and women determined as a per- EU average. In contrast, in 2014, the U.S. GPG centage relative to an average man’s earnings. for workers who obtained higher education is I use GPG values that do not adjust for individ- 23 percent, making it only 1 percentage point ual characteristics because they give an overall higher than the national average (Corbett).3 depiction of gender earning differences. As of 2012 Portugal’s unadjusted GPG was 3 about 15 percent (Eurostat, Gender Pay Gap in While some may argue that the Portuguese pay gap is due to Portuguese women being overqualified for their Unadjusted Form [Data file]). At the aggregate jobs, this is not the case. Research by Mendes in 1988 has level, this pay gap is not as high as those seen shown that to advance in their careers women need higher in many other countries. In the United States, educational credentials than do men (Amåncio, p. 186). 51 Figure 2 Gender Pay Gap (%) by Educational Attainment

Source: Data from Carvahlo and from Corbett.

Many argue that the GPG is a result of as seen in Figure 3, Portugal’s GPG has been women exiting the workforce to have children, steadily increasing over time, unlike the rela- which then causes them to have less experi- tively constant EU-27 average. ence than men when they later reenter the Some argue that the use of the overall workforce. This lack of experience causes them unadjusted GPG may be misleading because it to earn lower pay. Therefore, to show that the does not take into account additional nondis- GPG is an adequate way to measure labor mar- criminatory factors (such as education, work ket discrimination, one must look at the GPG experience, and job segregation5) that may of young individuals entering the workforce, contribute to this gap. If women were to have prior to having children. Unfortunately, Por- significantly less work experience, for example, tugal also does not fare well in terms of its the current GPG statistics may merely reflect GPG when age is taken into account. Even the natural pay differences that occur when the youngest female age group earns signifi- individuals are less experienced in their field cantly less than men in comparison to other rather than discrimination itself. Similarly, countries. According to the unadjusted GPG in women gravitating toward lower-paying jobs 2012, Portuguese women under the age of 25 by choice could also be largely affecting the earn, on average, 9.1 percent less than men, current GPG statistics. In order to show that which puts the average GPG of this genera- the GPG is truly a reflection of labor market tion significantly above many other European discrimination, one must control for all of countries, including Spain (6.1 percent), Italy these factors. While it is extremely difficult to (6.6 percent), France (−6.7 percent),4 the Unit- control for these factors, it can be confirmed ed Kingdom (5.7 percent), and Ireland (1.6 that education levels are not a major factor for percent) (Eurostat, Gender Pay Gap in Unad- the GPG, because, as discussed previously, Por- justed Form By Age [Data file]). Furthermore, tuguese women are remaining in school longer

4In France, women under the age of 25 actually earn 5Job segregation refers to the tendency for men and more than men. women to gravitate toward different types of jobs.

52 Figure 3 Unadjusted Overall Gender Pay Gap

Source: Data from Eurostat, Gender Pay Gap in Unadjusted Form [Data file].

and pursuing university educations more often nist Studies Group, the Republican League of than men. In order to further gauge the reli- Portuguese Women, and the National Coun- ability of the GPG statistics, a GPG analysis of cil of Portuguese Women, fueled the feminist individual sectors of the Portuguese economy movement as they gained recognition. All can be helpful. these advances were trumped, however, with As Figure 4 shows, even when economic the commencement of the António de Olivei- sectors are taken into account, the pay gap still ra Salazar regime in 1926 (Cova and Pinto, exists in most Portuguese occupations. The pay p. 134). Salazar’s “” (“New State”) gap persists both in traditionally male-dominat- was a right-wing dictatorship that, similar to ed fields, such as business economy, and tradi- that in Italy, limited women’s rights. Unlike tionally female fields, such as human health and Mussolini, however, Salazar was less brash in social work, providing evidence that the GPG his denouncement of the flourishing feminist statistics (listed previously) reflect job discrimi- movement, even referred to as “elegantly an- nation rather than occupational segregation. ti-feminist” by António Ferro, the director of the National Secretary of Propaganda (Choko- Salazar’s Legacy va, p. 40). Rather than banning the established women’s rights movements outright, he creat- Although Portuguese women have made ed an atmosphere in Portugal that was hostile great strides in attaining more education and toward women’s social and civil rights and that becoming more involved in the workforce, it would temperately justify his sexist decisions. is clear that there continues to be gender in- For example, during an interview with Ferro in equality. Contributing toward this inequal- 1932, Salazar claimed ity have been some of the ideals established ... a married , as a married man, during the previous century. As in many oth- is a pillar of family, an indispensable ba- er countries, the feminist movement arose in sis for moral reconstruction. Inside the Portugal during the early twentieth century. home, the woman is not a slave. She Organizations, such as the Portuguese Femi- must be cherished, loved and respected 53 Figure 4 Gender Pay Gap by Sectors in 2012

Source: Data from Eurostat, Gender Pay Gap in Unadjusted Form – NACE Rev. 2 [Data file].

for her role as a , and as an woman’s role to ensure that they happened. educator of their children. She is not in- Much of what Salazar saw as progress was, ferior to man. In countries or in places indeed, steps in the opposite direction for the where the married woman competes with women’s rights movement. An example of this the man’s work – in factories, workshops, is Salazar’s introduction of the 1933 Constitu- offices, or in the humanities – the insti- tion (Chokova). The Constitution stated that tution of the family, which we establish as all Portuguese citizens were equal before the the rock of a well-organized society, is at law; however, it cited exceptions based on gen- risk of destruction. Therefore, we should der. Specifically, it describes them as “the dif- allow man to struggle with external life, ferences resulting from the female nature and on the street... and allow the woman to the interest of the family” (Chokova, p. 30).6 defend life, bringing it in her arms, bring- Salazar also embraced the Catholic Church’s ing it inside the home. I do not know, af- ideals at the time, including its radically con- ter all, which of the two will have the most servative views on the role of women. Salazar beautiful, highest and useful role (Chokova, appropriated its Rerum Novarum and Quadra- p. 40). gesimo Anno encyclicals, both of which em- During this interview, Salazar made his an- phasized that women must stay home to raise ti-feminist agenda appear less extreme by claim- children and complete housework (Chokova, ing that women’s role in society was equally im- pp. 31–32). These ideals played a major role portant to that of men but that it should not in Salazar’s publication of the “Economia interfere with traditionally male jobs. Salazar opted for a gentler approach in 6In 1931, Salazar limited women’s right to vote such which his government glorified the domestica- that they were only allowed to vote if they were over the tion of women. Throughout his time in power, age of 21 and either widowed, divorced, or married to a Salazar emphasized the importance of “family husband who was overseas or had a secondary or university education (Cova and Pinto). These laws further enforced building” to Portuguese society. He claimed the Salazarian ideal that only the head of the household, close-knit, well-structured families were the which was by default the man, had control over jurisdic- key to Portuguese success and that it was the tions outside of the household. 54 Doméstica” (“Domestic Economy”) in 1945. In tic Economy” continues to be deeply engrained this document, he sought to convince women in Portuguese culture and conflicts with these that they were valuable to the Portuguese state, findings.8 While many Portuguese are starting just like men (Chokova, p. 33). He drew paral- to accept the changing role of women, some lels between managing a home and governing still hold the opinion that staying within the do- a state. His statement glorified women, but mestic role is the optimal position for a woman. only for their domestic roles, and emphasized These opinions make it difficult for wom- the differences between the male and female en to be taken seriously in the workforce and to genders. Rather than preaching equality, these advance in their careers. Furthermore, because statements separated the genders further by these opinions are so deeply engrained, many pronouncing that men and women have differ- managers do not even see their discriminato- ent roles to play in society. ry practices as promoting gender inequality. A study conducted in 1999 by Heloísa Perista Discrimination Today: A (referred to in Almeida and Cristovam, p. 7) Cultural Analysis showed that most Portuguese company man- agers believe that the salary differences be- Salazar’s legacy led to many of the in- tween their male and female workers are based equalities seen today between men and wom- solely on the quality of their work. The manag- en in Portugal. Because of the oppression that ers additionally claim that there are inherent women faced during nearly the entire twenti- differences in work quality due to men having eth century, women continue to face discrim- higher academic qualifications and produc- ination in the workforce. This discrimination ing a better quality of work. Finally, managers is another major factor that contributes to the state that these differences lead to “normal dif- pay inequality. What is particularly harmful, ferences” in pay. These beliefs are problematic however, is that many Portuguese men and not only because they are used to justify these women alike do not easily recognize this dis- wage gaps but also because these discriminato- crimination. This is problematic because indi- ry beliefs are based on incorrect information. viduals must be able to correctly identify acts As discussed previously, women in Portugal are of discrimination when evoking change and now more educated than men. promoting gender equality.7 Many of the gen- Similarly, many female employees them- der stereotypes that were fostered by Salazar’s selves also do not see sexist actions taking place dictatorship and continue to exist conflict with in the workforce as discriminatory. In a 2009 the ideals set forth by the global effort toward study, Nogueira (p. 79) emphasizes how many gender equality. Despite the evidence that Por- female employees give examples of being dis- tugal is advancing toward the equality of men criminated against in the workforce but refuse and women, Salazar’s concept of the “Domes- to openly admit to them as acts of discrimina- tion.9 Despite the fact that many of the female 7For example, according to a randomly sampled sur- participants have experienced having to work vey conducted in 2002 as a part of the International Social harder to be taken seriously, a majority of these Survey Program, 93.3 percent of Portuguese individuals agreed with the statement that “[b]oth the man and wom- employees refused to admit that they were dis- an should contribute to the household income” (Santos criminated against. This is problematic, con- and Pereira). Similarly, 86.2 percent agreed that “[m]en sidering that in order to improve the workforce ought to do a larger share of childcare than they do now” environment, women must be able to identify and 85.3 percent agreed that “[m]en ought to do a larger the acts of discrimination and feel comfortable share of household work than they do now” (Santos and Pereira). Finally, 75.4 percent agreed that “[h]aving a job is the best way for a woman to be an independent person” 9For example, as one of the study’s participants (Santos and Pereira). claimed, “I have never felt discriminated [against], al- 8For example, in a randomly sampled survey con- though… I should mention again that in order to not be ducted in 2002 as a part of the International Social Survey discriminated in my career, I have to be more abiding and Program, 78.4 percent agreed that “a pre-school child is zealous than many men.” Similarly, another participant likely to suffer if his or her mother works” and 60.8 percent said, “In fact, I haven’t been [discriminated against]… Of agreed that “[a] job is all right, but what most women real- course, it is obvious I have had to work harder than many ly want is a home and children” (Santos and Pereira). of [my male coworkers]” (Nogueira, p. 79). 55 with coming forward about them. Also, many of companies, the discriminatory workplace of the female interviewees in the Nogueira culture surrounding women is not surprising. study emphasized their being feminine, much Furthermore, the absence of women involved like Salazar emphasized the importance of in politics may be making it particularly diffi- femininity. Participants made claims such as, cult for changes to occur. It was not until 1974 “I place a great importance on femininity” and when women were given access to all posi- “the feminine sensitivity…is very important!” tions in government (Nogueira, p. 72). Despite (Nogueira, pp. 81–82). While it may preserve the fact that women currently have the legal women’s self-esteem, emphasizing the femi- right to hold government positions, a woman ninity of female workers denies that asymme- has never been elected as president of the re- try of power in the workforce exists. Moreover, public or of a regional government (Nogueira, doing this preserves the social norm that men p. 74). Additionally, while there have been ten play the dominant role in the workforce. male prime ministers of Portugal since 1974, In general, women in the Portuguese there has only been one female prime minis- workforce are applauded for being women ter (Nogueira, p. 74). Furthermore, women ac- rather than for the jobs that they are doing. counted for only 11 percent of government of- Currently, more than 70 percent of work- ficials in 2005 (Nogueira, p. 74). According to a ing women are (Nogueira, p. 73). A study completed in 2001, if the rate of increase study completed by the National Institute for of women in political positions continues at Statistics in 1999 concluded that, on average, the rate it has since 1974, full political equal- women worked an average of two extra hours ity will not be reached until 2185 (Nogueira, a day on domestic and professional activities in p. 75). This figure, shocking as it is, may be un- addition to their paid jobs. Furthermore, this derestimating the length of time it may take housework is hardly shared by men: 50 percent to reach political equality considering that the of men never prepared meals, 71.5 percent nev- percentage of female involvement faced a sharp er cleaned the house, and 83.4 percent never decline in 2011. Although women accounted for did laundry (Nogueira, p. 73). Because of this, 29 percent of decision-making positions in na- a dichotomy has emerged in the way that the tional government in 2009 and 2010, this figure Portuguese view women in the workforce. The dropped to 17 percent in 2011 and remained at general public opinion has become that wom- that level in 2012 (Santos and Pereira, p. 7).10 en in leadership positions are either effective- ly “men” or “super-women” (Nogueira, p. 75). Existing Gender Equality Laws While viewing female coworkers as “men” is insensitive to the differences and hardships Despite the lack of female representation that women may face, it is also destructive to in government, there are several laws and orga- view them as “super-women.” Referring to the nizations in place whose goals are to promote minority of female leaders in the workforce gender equality. After the Salazarian dictator- as “special women” can be used as an alibi to ship, a new constitution was created that gave make society appear egalitarian while effective- power to the women’s rights movement. In Ar- ly masking the underlying problems of gender ticle 59 of the Constitution of 1976, the section discrimination. on workers’ rights states that Regardless of age, sex, race, citizenship, Female Involvement in Politics place of origin, religion, and political and ideological convictions, every worker shall The small number of women in leader- possess the right… to the remuneration ship positions in Portugal makes overcoming of his work in accordance with its volume, these stereotypes particularly challenging. nature, and quality with respect for the Portuguese women constitute only 7.4 per- principle of equal pay for equal work (Con- cent of board members of the country’s larg- stitution of the Portuguese Republic). est companies and none of the companies’ board chairs or CEOs (European Commission, 10In the United States, 18.5 percent of the members of p. 1). With a lack of women involved at the top Congress are female (National Women’s Political Caucus).

56 Similarly, in October 1997 Law 105/97 came stead of having the “correct” number of women into existence. This law specifically gave the on their ballots. right to equal treatment and employment at work to women. Possible Solutions? The Potential Since then, there have been additional for New Initiatives laws and amendments passed. For example, in May 2001 the Portuguese government passed Despite Portugal’s having many laws to Law 9/2001. This law mandated punishment prevent gender discriminatory practices, the for not following the legislation related to gen- persistent GPG and public opinion both indi- der equality and gave power to the Inspectorate cate that the legislation has not been effective. General of Labor (IGT) and the Commission In providing suggestions for future initiatives, for Equality in Labor and Employment (CITE). it may be useful to examine the laws and pol- The IGT prevents, detects, and punishes all icies used by other countries that are consid- discriminatory actions in the workplace. The ered to have high gender equality ratings in CITE, on the other hand, combats discrimina- various domains. The 2014 Global Gender Gap tion and promotes equal work opportunity for Report (Hausmann et al., p. 8) ranks all coun- men and women by both recommending laws tries according to their overall gender equality. to the government and promoting the study of This overall ranking is then divided into sev- gender inequality. Furthermore, the CITE also eral subcategories, including economic par- requires the government to send Parliament an ticipation and opportunity, political empow- annual assessment of equal opportunities for erment, health and survival, and educational men and women, including progress in equal attainment. According to this report, Iceland employment and training practices. This allows is ranked number one in the world overall and Parliament to assess the current workplace en- has been for four consecutive years whereas vironment so that it can create additional laws Portugal ranked 39th. Within the “economic for Portugal to progress toward gender equality participation and opportunity” category, Ice- (Almeida and Cristovam, pp. 1–8). land ranks seventh while Portugal ranks 44th.11 In order to directly address the lack of Within the “political empowerment” category, female representation in government, the Iceland ranks first whereas Portugal ranks Parity Act was passed in 2006. This act man- 44th.12 Finally, along the lines of educational dated that 33 percent of the candidates on any attainment, Iceland tied for first place with 25 Parliament ballots must be female (Baum and other countries while Portugal ranked 68th Espírito-Santo, p. 324). Additionally, the order (Hausmann et al., p. 8).13 of candidate names on those ballots must al- ternate between male and female (Monteiro). Public opinion toward this equality-promoting act, however, is mixed. Although 67 percent of Portuguese men and 79.6 percent of Portu- 11 guese women agree that policies should be put Rankings within this subcategory are determined by female participation in the workforce in comparison to in place to increase female representation in that of men; wage inequality for similar work; female in- politics, 55.6 percent of men and 53.4 percent come in comparison to that of men; the number of female of women believe that quota laws are unneces- legislators, senior officials, and managers in comparison to sary and that women should be elected solely that of men; and the number of female professionals and on merit (Baum and Espírito-Santo, p. 332). technical workers in comparison to that of men (Haus- mann et al., pp. 5–6). In light of the mixed opinions concerning this 12Rankings within this subcategory are determined act, it is not surprising that it has been diffi- by the number of women in Parliament in comparison to cult to enforce. Just three years after the Pari- men, the number of women in ministry in comparison to ty Act had been implemented, all of Portugal’s men, and the number of years there has been a female head political parties had breached this law to some of state in comparison to men (Hausmann et al., pp. 5–6). 13Rankings within this subcategory are calculated by extent during the 2009 elections (Monteiro). the rate among women in comparison to men and the They decided that they were willing to accept female enrollment rates in primary, secondary, and tertiary the penalties for not adhering to the law in- education in comparison to men (Hausmann et al., pp. 5–6). 57 Iceland has made a number of changes to asking for a raise or better work hours, women its legislation since 2008 that have led it to be may feel unable to do so. With this in mind, considered one of the world’s most gender-in- it may be desirable to educate women on how clusive countries. In 2008, for example, the to better negotiate their pay and work hours Icelandic government passed an amendment in the workplace. To do this, educational pro- to its gender equality laws requiring that all grams might be created to teach these nego- councils, boards, and government committees tiation skills to students before they join the of three or more people have at least 40 per- workforce. Teaching these negotiation skills cent of members be of each gender. Similarly, may also be beneficial in ensuring that laws for in 2010 the Icelandic government passed an- gender equality are properly enforced. Activists other amendment that required that the same argue that many of the laws enforcing gender percentages be applied to the boards of both equality fail because women within the polit- private and public companies (Iceland Centre ical system are hesitant to defend these laws for Gender Equality, p. 7). If Portugal were (Monteiro). to adopt similar laws, it might be able to ad- Although laws, such as those discussed dress some of the issues (discussed previously) previously, could make a difference, govern- that were caused by the lack of female repre- ment intervention alone cannot close the gen- sentation in the government and on boards. der wage gap. As of 2012 the GPG in the Portu- Additionally, Iceland enacted a Plan of Action guese private sector is more than twice as large on Gender Equality in 2011, in which the as that of the public sector (Eurostat, Gender government aimed to initiate “gender main- Pay Gap in Unadjusted Form by Economic streaming,” or making gender equality a main Control [Data file]). Many economists argue priority, through its project entitled “Side by that it may be the structure of the workforce, Side” (Iceland Centre for Gender Equality, and primarily the lack of work-time flexibility, p. 11).14 Adopting similar action plans in Portu- that prevents the GPG from closing. Studies gal might help change the negative workplace have shown that the GPG for full-time Ameri- environment created by managers unknowing- can workers is significantly smaller when indi- ly committing acts of gender discrimination in viduals first graduate from college. As women the workplace (discussed previously). age, however, this pay gap increases (Goldin, In addition to adopting policies similar p. 1,094). As demonstrated in Figure 5, this to those of Iceland, the Portuguese govern- pattern holds true in Portugal as well. ment might create educational programs that Goldin claims that this phenomenon oc- promote gender equality. Studies have shown curs because of women having children. For that women themselves may actually be part of example, among American individuals with the gender wage-gap problem. According to a MBAs, women with children tend to work study carried out by David Card and colleagues, 24 percent fewer hours per week than men 10 to 15 percent of the GPG in Portugal may or than women without children (Goldin, be due to women’s inability to negotiate effec- p. 1,111). This phenomenon is also likely to tively in the workplace (Card et al., p. 32). It occur in Portugal because there is substantial may be the case that Portuguese women, and pressure for women to be the primary caregiv- women in most countries, do not have the bar- ers in their families. In order for women to be gaining skills necessary to obtain equal pay. Al- capable of working more hours, Goldin claims though Portuguese men may feel comfortable that the workplace should offer more work- hour flexibility by adjusting the total number 14This project provides gender-equality training to of hours women spend working, having women top and middle managers in ministries. The Plan of Action on call, women having face time with clients, also addresses “gender responsive budgeting,” or planning and other related activities (Goldin, p. 1,094). budgets that contribute to gender equality, by creating a She strengthens this claim by pointing out working group appointed by the Minister of Finance to that work sectors that lack in work-time flex- address this issue. Furthermore, this action plan created a working group appointed by the Minister of Welfare whose ibility, such as business and law, have a much sole job is to propose initiatives on how to increase male larger GPG than sectors with more flexible involvement in the gender equality initiative. work hours, such as technology and pharmacy. 58 Figure 5 Unadjusted Gender Pay Gap in Portugal by Age in 2012

Source: Data from Eurostat, Gender Pay Gap in Unadjusted Form by Age [Data file].

These sectors with inflexible work hours earnings are compared with a man with that same disproportionately reward individuals who education. Furthermore, GPGs continue to exist work longer hours, allowing workers who are within different sectors, which shows that this not primary caretakers of children to earn phenomenon is not simply a result of job-market significantly more. This then widens the GPG segregation. Rather, inequality in pay is the re- within these sectors (Goldin, p. 1,106). Flexible sult of a number of factors, such as the Salazarian work environments, on the other hand, make dictatorship, the Portuguese workplace culture, it easy to customize a schedule such that wom- the absence of women in politics, and the lack of en with children are able to mold their work enforcement of many of the existing laws. schedules to meet their personal needs without To close the gender wage gap in Portugal, facing paycheck penalties. With this in mind, the government, the private sector, and the edu- Portugal might try to increase workplace flex- cation sector might consider taking several steps ibility, especially in the private sector, in addi- to accomplish this goal. First, the Portuguese tion to enacting legal reforms. Although not all government could adopt its own versions of the jobs can be made flexible in this regard, the in- laws found in highly gender-equal societies, such crease in the use of technology can often allow as Iceland. Second, the education system could for more accommodating working hours. teach students the art of negotiation and bargain- ing, so that women could feel more comfortable Conclusion with negotiating pay and work hours in the work- place. Finally, the private sector could consider Despite the advances in education and the increasing workplace flexibility so that women push for independence on the part of women in with children are able to more easily coordinate Portugal, today’s Portuguese women continue to jobs and domestic responsibilities. Taking these face inequality in the workplace. Surprisingly, the suggestions into consideration could enable gender wage gap increases with education such Portugal to come closer to achieving full gender that the more educated a woman is, the lower her equality. 59 REFERENCES

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