Recent Publications on Indonesian Islam

Bijdragen tot de Taal-, Land- en Volkenkunde Vol. 167, no. 1 (2011), pp. 140-153 URL: http://www.kitlv-journals.nl/index.php/btlv URN:NBN:NL:UI:10-1-101379 Copyright: content is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution 3.0 License ISSN: 0006-2294

REVIEW ESSAY

Luthfi Assyaukanie Recent publications on Indonesian Islam

Abdurrahman Wahid (ed.), Ilusi negara Islam: Ekspansi gerakan Islam transnasional di Indonesia. Jakarta: Wahid Institute, 2009, 321 pp. ISBN 9789799873774.

Adian Husaini, Membendung arus liberalisme di Indonesia: Kumpulan catatan akhir pekan. Jakarta: Pustaka Al-Kautsar, 2009, price IDR 67,500 (paperback).

Ahmad Syafii Maarif, Islam dalam bingkai keindonesiaan dan kemanusiaan: Sebuah refleksi sejarah. Bandung: Maarif institute for Culture and Humanity, 2009, 338 pp. ISBN 9789794335567.

Daud Rasyid, Melawan sekularisme. Jakarta: Usamah Press, xii + 194 pp. ISBN 9789791982801.

Haedar Nashir, Gerakan Islam syariat: Reproduksi salafiyah ide- ologis di Indonesia. Jakarta: Pusat Studi Agama dan Peradaban Muhammadiyah, xxxvii + 652 pp. ISBN 9789792605044.

Husein Muhammad, Islam agama ramah perempuan: Pembelaan kiai pesantren. Yogyakarta: LKiS, Cirebon: Fahmina Institute, 2004, lxvi + 344 pp.ISBN 979338171x, price IDR 35,500.

M. Imdadun Rahmat, Arus baru Islam radikal: Transmisi revival- isme Islam Timur Tengah ke Indonesia. Jakarta: Erlangga, 2005, xx + 384 pp. ISBN 9797810739, price IDR 44,800.

M. Zaki Mubarak, Genealogi Islam radikal di Indonesia: Gerakan, pemikiran dan prospek demokrasi. Jakarta: LP3ES, 2008, xxvii + 384 pp. ISBN 9793330716.

Siti Musdah Mulia, Menuju kemandirian politik perempuan: Upaya mengakhiri depolitisasi perempuan di Indonesia. Yogyakarta: Kibar Press, xx + 369 pp. ISBN 979-9885663, price IDR 48,000.

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Sukron Kamil and Chaider S. Bamualim (eds), Syariah Islam dan HAM: Dampak perda syariah terhadap kebebasan sipil, hak-hak perempuan dan non-Muslim. Jakarta: Center for the Study of Religion and Culture, 2007, xl + 384 pp. ISBN 979351222.

Universitas Paramadina Jakarta [email protected]

Over the past 10 years, there has been a dramatic increase in the number of publications on Islam in Indonesia. This is mainly due to the changing political situation both in Indonesia and in the global context. In Indonesia, the democratic transition since the downfall of Soeharto has created room for people to express their views. The freedom of expression that Indonesians have exercised since 1999 has led to the establishment of numerous publishing houses and media companies. In the global context, the rise of radical Islam since 9/11 and the emergence of Jamaah Islamiyah in the region have spurred academics and journalists to focus more on Indonesia. Consequently, most of the English-language writings on Indonesian Islam that were published during this period of time focused on radical Islam. The growing interest in matters of global security among Western countries, particularly the United States, has triggered the outpouring of Islamic publications. There is no exact figure on the number of books that have been published on Indonesian Islam or on Islam in general during the past decade. However, by making use of online search facilities available at five major libraries in the United States (Cornell University library, the library of Congress, and Hawaii University library), the Netherlands (KITLV library), and Australia (Australian National University library), I found that the number of books on Indonesian Islam during the past 10 years has doubled compared to the earlier decade (1990-1999). By using keywords such as ‘Islam’ and ‘Indonesia’ and limiting the search to Indonesian-language books, I arrived at the following figures: KITLV has 11,096 books; Cornell 5,325; Congress 4,438; Hawaii 2,925; and ANU 1,461. A review of titles recorded at the KITLV library revealed that 2,342 books were published from 1990 to 1999 and 5,067 books from 2000 to 2009 (study conducted in July 2010). Since the collapse of the Soeharto regime in 1998, Indonesia has become a free country, where people can publicly express what they think. Websites and blogs have mushroomed and online discussions have grown exponen- tially, enabling the exchange of different ideas (Lim 2005). Radical groups were challenged by liberal ones; liberal groups were reciprocally attacked by conservatives. This exchange of ideas has spawned a huge industry for

1 This is my personal experience. During the time I was a student of senior high school, I was introduced to the usroh movement and was given Van Dijk’s book by one of my seniors there.

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Islamic literature (Muzakki 2009). This review essay focuses on books on Indonesian Islam written in Indonesian. It thus deliberately ignores the publications written in English, as these already receive greater international attention. Over the past 10 years, hundreds of topics have been addressed, ranging from history, doctrines, rit- uals, and political movements and organizations, to women issues. However, for the sake of brevity, I will concentrate on five issues that in my view have dominated debates in this period, namely, 1. Islamic radicalism; 2. the issue of shari’ah; 3. Islam and the state; 4. Islam and women’s rights; and 5. writings against secularism and liberalism. In the following discussion of each topic, I will use two recent books to exemplify salient aspects of the debates.

Islamic radicalism

Prior to 1998, literature on radical Islam in Indonesia was quite scarce. The first book that provided an extensive discussion of the radical Islamic movement in the country was Darul islam: Sebuah pemberontakan, a translation of C. van Dijk’s Rebellion under the banner of Islam (1981). This book was published in 1983 amid the upsurge of militant Islamic groups on Indonesian campuses. The book sparked controversy and was circulated in Islamist circles (usroh) to raise Muslim awareness of the struggle of the Darul Islam for an Islamic state.1 Since the translation of Van Dijk’s book into Indonesian, radical Islamic groups have often been associated with the Darul Islam movement. It was not until 1998 that this association gradually changed, thanks to political developments in the country. The Muslim riots in East Java which culminated in serial killings of ‘dukun santet’ (witches), the eruption of religious conflict in Ambon and Maluku, the aggressive stance of some Islamic groups, and the rise of religious conservatism, have all contributed to a new discourse on Islamic radicalism. Islamic radicalism is no longer understood merely as a movement that is linked to the Darul Islam, but rather as any movement that aims at Islamizing the country (not necessarily the state) through aggressive means. The two books under review here aim to explain the origins and networks of radical Islam in Indonesia. Genealogi Islam radikal di Indonesia discusses the origins of radical Islamic groups by tracing the current situation to the Soeharto era. The author believes that the current radical Islamic movements in Indonesia – from hardliners to milder groups – can be attributed to New Order politics and Soeharto’s strategies of dealing with Islam (pp. 87-9). Mubarak argues that the roots of radical Islam in Indonesia can be traced back to what he calls ‘subversive Islam’, that is, the Islam that raised its voice against the regime. In its extreme form, subversive Islam was embodied in

Downloaded from Brill.com09/25/2021 10:03:42PM via free access Book reviews 143 militant groups such as Komando Jihad Haji Ismail Pranoto (Hispran) and Jamaah Imran. In its mild form, subversive Islam was located in religious circles (usroh) at secular campuses such as the Bandung Technological Institute (ITB) and the Bogor Agricultural Institute (IPB). Unlike the militant groups that overtly defied the regime, usroh groups chose the underground method to spread their radical views (pp. 97-8). While extremists grouped into militant organizations such as Jamaah Islamiyah, the usroh movement turned to politics such as Partai Keadilan Sejahtera (PKS). Mubarak’s book puts heavy emphasis on the local origins of radical Islam. By contrast, Rahmat’s book, Arus baru Islam radikal, focuses more on the global influences of radical Islam on Indonesian Islam. He identifies three main groups originating from the Middle East that influenced the develop- ment of Islam in the country, namely, Hizbut Tahrir, Ikhwanul Muslimin, and Wahabism. Each of these groups has a different approach. Hizbut Tahrir believes in the caliphate system and rejects democracy. Although its political view is extremely radical, it does not use violence to implement its political agenda. Ikhwanul Muslimin follows a more pragmatic approach by adopt- ing democracy as a vehicle to gain political power. Meanwhile, Wahabism is a non-political movement that is highly concerned with the authenticity of Islam. It prefers missionary activities (da’wa) to spread its teachings. In the past four decades, each of these groups has influenced Indonesian Islam. It all began with the oil boom and the outbreak of Israeli-Palestinian wars. In the early 1970s, the Saudi government started a campaign to intro- duce Wahabism to the Muslim world. The Saudi partner in Indonesia, the Dewan Dakwah Islamiyah Indonesia (DDII), became the official agent for sending Indonesian students to continue their higher education in Saudi uni- versities (p. 80). Meanwhile, the Israeli-Palestinian conflict provided a crucial impulse which mobilized Muslim sympathy in Indonesia. Hizbut Tahrir, an organization founded by a Palestinian cleric, has been a fervent advocate of an Islamic solution to Palestine’s problems. In the mid-1980s, this organization extended its influence to the Bogor Agricultural Institute (IPB). The institute has now become the ‘centre’ of Hizbut Tahrir Indonesia (pp. 97-9). Ikhwanul Muslimin, on the other hand, used student networks to spread its teachings. Based in Bandung Technological Institute (ITB), it then spread to other campuses (p. 85). The University of Indonesia (UI) later became the home base of KAMMI (Kesatuan Aksi Mahasiswa Muslim Indonesia), from which the Prosperity and Justice Party (PKS) was founded. Rahmat argues that the spread of Middle Eastern ideologies is not only a phenomenon peculiar to Indonesia, but that ‘it took place in almost all Muslim countries in the world. It is a means of expression for Muslims to make Islam their way of life, as an alternative to secularism’ (p. 154). Like many other revivalist movements in the world, radical groups in Indonesia

Downloaded from Brill.com09/25/2021 10:03:42PM via free access 144 Book reviews try their best to Islamize the country through all possible means. While HTI concentrates its energy on establishing a caliphate, the PKS and the Salafis adopt persuasion in order to appeal to society at large through politics and da’wah (missionary activities). PKS, for example, uses democracy to gradually push its Islamic agenda. Together with the salafi-oriented groups, this party has enthusiastically campaigned for the ‘shariahization’ of local laws (by- laws), one of the most challenging issues in contemporary Indonesia.

The issue of shari’ah

Shari’ah as a concept is actually not new in Indonesia. Indonesian Muslims have generally accepted shari’ah as part of their life. The institution of zakat and some aspects of personal laws (ahwal syakhsiyyah) have been long and widely practised by Muslims. Shari’ah became a hot issue after it was put on the political agenda about 10 years ago. Haedar Nashir’s Gerakan Islam syariat and Sukron Kamil’s Syariah Islam dan HAM address this issue precisely. Both share the same concern that ‘shariahization’ not only threatens civil liberties and human rights but also the unity of the nation. Nashir’s book was originally a PhD thesis that he submitted to the Gadjah Mada University in Yogyakarta. Chairman of Muhammadiyah, Nashir had long felt disturbed by the infiltration of radical elements into his organization. In early 2006 he published a small book in which he denounced the tarbiyah group (that is PKS members) for their agitation against Muhammadiyah. His dissertation was an extensive response to the encroachment of tarbiyah- minded Muslims and radical groups in Indonesia. ‘Islam syari’at’, as Nashir calls those groups, comes in various forms, ranging from flexible ones such as the PKS, the Crescent and Star Party (PBB), and the Committee for the Preparation of Shari’ah Implementation (KPPSI), to radical ones such as FPI and Laskar Jihad. They all embrace the idea of shari’ah and fully believe that its implementation is the only solution for current problems in Indonesia (p. 316). What they mean by ‘shari’ah’ is broadly ‘God’s law’ as derived from the Qur’an and the prophetic traditions (hadith). Nashir argues that the demand for the implementation of shari’ah in Indonesia is strongly determined by two interconnected factors. First, the unfinished business of reinstating the Jakarta Charter into the Constitution. As people gain more freedom, the demand to amend the Constitution has also grown. For Indonesian Muslims, there is a strong historical justification for implementing shari’ah in their country, not only because it has some legitimacy in relation to the Jakarta Charter, but also because long before independence, the nation was ruled by Islamic kingdoms (p. 579). Second, the rise of religiosity (or piety) as a result of the long Islamization process in

Downloaded from Brill.com09/25/2021 10:03:42PM via free access Book reviews 145 the country has naturally culminated in Muslims’ demand for a more Islamic polity. The appeal that shari’ah holds is thus not merely because of historical reasons, but also a consequence of the growing religiosity among Muslims in the country (pp. 615-7). Although Nashir’s book comprehensively discusses the theoretical aspects of shari’ah implementation, it barely explores the practical aspects of shari’ah. Luckily, however, there are other books that do so. Indeed, a number of books are based on field research in particular areas (Ali-Fauzi 2009; Rozi 2008; Sujito 2008; Ramly 2006; Hasan 2005; Amal 2004). Kamil’s book, Syariah Islam dan HAM, is part of this genre that addresses the why and the how of shari’ah implementation in Indonesia. Kamil’s starting point is that the implementation of shari’ah by-laws in some regions in Indonesia has violated civil liberty, women’s rights, and non-Muslim minority rights. This is based primarily on media reports. In early 2006, for example, Kompas and Koran Tempo, two major newspapers in the country, reported several incidents that demonstrated the direct impact of shari’ah implementation in various regions in Indonesia. One case that sparked a heated and long-drawn controversy occurred in March 2003 when a female worker in Tangerang, a city near Jakarta, was arrested simply because she was standing in the street. A new by-law (Perda No. 8/2005) allows the police to apprehend any woman walking in the street at night on the grounds that she might be solliciting and hence, engaged in prostitution which is illegal in Indonesia. One of the most important findings in Kamil’s research is that most people in the regions under study generally accept the by-laws. They share the view that shari’ah is a religious obligation. Some in fact argue that shari’ah is an ideal solution for many problems in Indonesia. Those who disagree, however, argue that the by-laws could discriminate against minority groups, particularly non-Muslims. The by-laws threaten social harmony and unity (p. 216). According to Kamil, shari’ah by-laws are mostly imposed by the political elite and only a few people are involved in the process. The implementation of shari’ah by-laws has violated not only human rights but also the law itself, specifically National Law No. 22/1999 which restrains the municipalities from regulating religious issues. While it is true that local legislators are restricted in their ability to regulate religion matters, Ali-Fauzi’s study (2009) found that many by-laws are not based on religious principles. Some legislators refuse to call them ‘shari’ah by-laws’, simply because they fully realize the inherent constitu- tional constraint on making such laws. Instead they call such by-laws ‘social order by-laws’ (perda kehidupan sosial).

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Islam and the state/Criticisms of the Islamic state

Encroaching Islamization through the implementation of shari’ah has long been the concern of many liberal Muslims. Both prolific writers, Abdurrah- man Wahid and Ahmad Syafii Maarif are among the more critical Muslim leaders. Wahid’s Ilusi negara Islam is a collaborative effort resulting from extensive research that involved more than 30 researchers. Wahid, who passed away in late 2009, was the general editor of the book. The main message of the book is that Indonesia is facing a clear and present danger. The menace is coming from what Wahid calls the ‘transnational Islamic movement’, that is Wahabism and its direct and indirect agents in Indonesia. The book is well structured and ambitious: to deliver a collective blow to radical Islamic groups in one fell swoop. This is, however, the main problem with the book, which has been criticized by many people, including liberals. The book comprises five chapters, three of which constitute its core: Chapter 2 on the infiltration of Wahabi-Ikhwani ideology; Chapter 3 on the agenda of radical Islam; and Chapter IV on the encroachment of the Wahabi agents in Indonesia. Wahabi ideology emerged as a threat in Indonesia in the early 19th century, when three hajis – Haji Miskin, Haji Abdurrahman, and Haji Muhammad Arif – returned from their pilgrimage in Mecca. They were said to have been influenced by Wahabi ideology and that was the reason why they founded the Padri movement (p. 76). Padris are known in Indonesian history as militant Muslims who fought against local traditions (adat). They challenged local customs and wanted to replace them with Islamic norms. Surprisingly, Wahid’s Ilusi negara casts aspersions on the Padri. It mocks Imam Bonjol, the greatest Padri leader and a national hero, and calls him an extremist who assaulted Christians and Muslims and legalized slavery, while he himself ‘had 70 male and female slaves’ (p. 94). The association between Wahabi influence and the rise of the Padri movement has been contested by many scholars. For example, Christine Dobbin clearly explains that the conflict between Islam and adat had been taking place long before the three hajis returned from Mecca. The conflict often occurred against a background of competition between religious elites who subscribed to different Sufitarekat on the one hand and syariat-minded people on the other (Dobbin 1983:125-8). Like Wahid, Maarif is concerned about the Wahabization of Indonesian Islam. His book, Islam dalam bingkai keindonesiaan dan kemanusiaan, is devoted to redefining the meaning of being an Indonesian Muslim. He is very concerned about the rise of what he calls ‘preman berjubah’ – radical Islamic groups dressed in Islamic garb and who behave like gangsters. What Maarif is referring to is obviously the members of Islamic Defenders Front (FPI) who have been attacking cafes, churches, and places they consider un-Islamic.

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The presence of the FPI and other similar groups has threatened the unity of Indonesia and has challenged the plurality of the country. The rise of radical and conservative groups has prompted Maarif to address some fundamental questions: what does it mean to be a Muslim in Indonesia?; how do Muslims deal with local and global cultures?; and can Islam be compatible with ‘Indonesianness’ (keindonesiaan) and ‘humanness’ (kemanusiaan)? Maarif broadly approaches these questions positively. To be a Muslim in Indonesia is to be aware that Islam is an important part of the nation. Islam has determined the character and trajectories of the country. Islam cannot be separated from Indonesian history. However, Islam is not the only element that has shaped the nation. Other elements have also played a significant role in forging ‘Indonesianness’, namely, the Hindu-Buddhist tradition, the colonial legacy, and the ongoing interaction with the outside world. To be an Indonesian Muslim, Maarif argues, is to be aware of all these cultural elements (pp. 46-99). By emphasizing this complex amalgam of Indonesian history, he would like to warn his fellow citizens that any attempt to make the country homogenous, either in the name of religion or other ideologies, would only deny the very essence of the nation’s identity. Maarif argues that the Pancasila, the five principles of the country, is a brilliant solution for Indonesia’s diverse society. It offers a middle path between a purely secular state on the one hand and an Islamic state on the other hand. He disagrees with those who see the Pancasila as a religious principle, on the the basis of which the state would only allow believers to live in the country and reject non-believers. Maarif argues that belief in God is only one principle among the five. It should not be forgotten that the Pancasila also comprises other principles such as humanity, equality, and justice. Thus, he argues, it is not only the believers who deserve to live in the country, but also non-believers. He writes:

In my view as a Muslim, non-believers must be protected by the state as long as they obey the Indonesian laws and constitution, exactly as is applied to believers. The state has no right to punish the guiltless non-believer. To become a believer or non-believer is one’s free choice, as long as he or she chooses with honesty and responsibility (p. 309).

Maarif’s statement is intended to respond to secular people who have little faith in the Pancasila simply because it mentions ‘God’. It also aims to respond to the Islamists who argue that the Pancasila is a religious platform and thus anathema to atheism. For Maarif, the Pancasila is neither religious nor secular; it is just a middle path that bridges secular and religious people. Hence, the Pancasila does not belong only to those who are religious, but also to atheists and non-believers.

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Islam and women’s rights

There is a growing body of literature on women in Indonesia, ranging from women’s rights, female workers, and domestic violence, to women’s involve- ment in politics. Generally, literature on these issues has been dominated by female writers. However, two male authors should be mentioned here, namely, Husein Muhammad, a Muslim cleric who runs a pesantren in Cirebon, and Nasaruddin Umar, a Muslim scholar and Chairman of Nahdlatul Ulama. Mu- hammad (2008, 2004, 2001) has written at least three books on women and Islam; while Umar’s works (2003, 2002, 2000, 1999) are mostly on Islam and gender issues. All these books are in favor of women’s rights. The two books under review here discuss Muslim attempts to reinter- pret the misogynic views among Muslims. Islam agama ramah perempuan is a ‘defence by a pesantren cleric’ in favour of women’s rights, as the subtitle indicates. The author, Husein Muhammad, is a genuine fighter for women’s rights from the pesantren point of view. Literature on gender equality in Indonesia is mostly written by scholars or activists who are affiliated with secular NGOs. Muhammad is an exception. He is a kiai and he has dedicated most of his life to his pesantren in Cirebon. Most scholars argue that classical Islamic doctrines play a crucial role in discriminating against women. Muhammad does not deny this reality. He admits that there are many books written by classical ulama that argue against women’s rights. However, he believes that many of these books use false arguments or arguments that are actually contrary to the basic principles of Islam. He gives an example of a very influential book (kitab kuning) written by a nineteenth-century Muslim scholar, Nawawi al-Bantani, Kitab Uqud al-Lujayn, in which the author has quoted unreliable sources to support his misogynic views. Muhammad identifies at least 30 false (maudu) and 22 weak (daif) hadith quoted by al-Bantani (p. 94; Muhammad 2001:175). Al-Bantani’s book is widely taught in Indonesian pesantren (Bruinessen 1995) and his views are often quoted by Muslim preachers in mosques and religious circles (majlis taklim). The doctrine against women’s leadership, for example, is based on an unreliable source. Even if there was a hadith that discouraged women’s leadership, it was not meant to be used manipulatively by later scholars (p. xlv). The second book, Menuju kemandirian politik perempuan, is written by Musdah Mulia, a Muslim scholar known for her courage in defending liberal Islam. The book is her ‘attempt to end the depoliticization of women in Indonesia’, as the subtitle states. It is an elaboration on women’s political rights that she has set out in an earlier book published in 2005. Divided into four parts, this book explains the causes of discrimination against women’s political rights and the obstacles that stand in the way. Mulia admits that there are various reasons why women face political discrimination. She

Downloaded from Brill.com09/25/2021 10:03:42PM via free access Book reviews 149 singles out culture and religion as the most crucial factors that prevent the participation of women in the public realm. As a trainer in several programmes on voter education, Mulia was sur- prised to see that there are still many Muslim women who are hesitant about exercising their political rights. For example, they still question whether religion allows them to vote for a political party that differs from that of their husband, parents, or kiai. According to Mulia, most women regard politics as a male domain and they are of the opinion that it is better for women to stay at home rather than enter politics (p. vi). She argues that these views have originated from wrong interpretations of Islam constructed by prejudiced ulama (p. 38). The situation is worsened by the fact that the Indonesian government is insensitive about the issue despite the fact that women constitute the majority in the country and in every general election (p. 168). Because of their fearless defence of women’s rights, Muhammad and Mulia have become the target of the rage of Muslim fundamentalists, in spite of the fact that both use Islamic arguments. Unlike Arab feminists such as Nawal Sa’dawi and Fatima Mernissi, Muhammad and Musdah believe that Islam is not responsible for any discrimination against women as ‘Islam is an ideal and perfect religion … and [therefore] it gives a better hope for all of mankind, men and women’ (Mulia 2007:21). It is quite surprising that both authors uncritically accept the role of the main texts (that is the Qur’an and hadith) that shape the Muslim mind particularly with regard to women’s issues. Critical views of the Qur’an particularly those regarding women have been expressed by many Muslim scholars. They believe that not only were the doctrines historically constructed but also that even the Qur’an itself was not free from historical construction (Arkoun 1982; Abu Zayd 1990).

Against secularism and liberalism

Terrorists and radicals often do just what they think and rarely put their views into books. Even when they do write a book, it is with the help of other writers, for example Imam Samudra (2004) and Amrozi (2009), the two Bali bombers. Writing books, however, is not their main purpose or interest. This task is generously carried out by their fellow conservatives who have better writing skills. Muslim authors such as Hartono Ahmad Jaiz (2004, 2008), Adian Husaini (2006, 2009), Irfan Awwas (2007, 2008), M. Amin Djamaluddin (2002, 2007), and Daud Rasyid (2003, 2006) are prolific writers who uphold ideas propagated by terrorists. They generally support the idea of an Islamic state and the implementation of shari’ah. They promote the project of Islamization enthusiastically and resort to any means to make Indonesia more Islamic. Obviously, they reject the idea of being associated with terrorism.

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However, they openly defend the ‘rights’ of terrorists and excoriate the police for their harsh treatment of terrorists. They consider Imam Samudra and the Bali bombers to be martyrs rather than traitors. They champion their cause in books and articles widely published either by their own publishing house or well-established publishers that specialize in Islamic issues, such as Gema Insani Pers, Hujjah Press, Risalah Gusti, and Pustaka Al-Kautsar. Most of their books are written in the style of propaganda. Many are collections of articles and transcripts of religious sermons. Although some of the writers in question may have obtained a PhD degree, such as the two authors whose books we will discuss here, their writings fall far below academic standard. Daud Rasyid’s book Melawan sekularisme is a typical example of propaganda against a liberal interpretation of Islam. Rasyid is a graduate of Cairo University in Egypt and is one of the staunchest opponents of liberal Muslims in Indonesia. In a public debate in 1992 with Nurcholish Madjid, a prominent figure among liberal Muslims, Rasyid’s performance earned him greater popularity. Having completed his PhD in 1996, Rasyid continued his propaganda against liberal Islam. Melawan sekularisme is actually a reflection of his experiences with liberal Muslim intellectuals whom he calls secularists. It is a compilation of 14 essays which he has presented in seminars and religious circles. Only the first three chapters bear some relationship with the title of the book. The rest of the chapters discuss Islamic issues such as pilgrimage, child education, and Islamic banking. The main argument of the book is that secularism poses a danger to Islam. Muslim secularists are even more dangerous than orientalists and non-believers (kafir) as they claim to be Muslims while their behaviour is ‘un- Islamic’. Rasyid observes that the reason for secularization among Muslims is because they are mostly educated in Western colleges or in Islamic univer- sities but have been contaminated by an orientalist approach, which places more emphasis on historical-philological methods than normative ones. He singles out the State Islamic University (UIN) in Jakarta, which has been known for its liberal approach to Islamic studies. Like many other conservative authors, Rasyid considers the West to be nothing but bad and he is con- vinced that Western education has broadly corrupted the Muslim mind. The most dangerous Muslims, in his view, are those who study Islam in the West. He firmly believes that the State Islamic University was designed to produce ‘orientalists with a brown skin and a pug nose’ (p. 22). Adian Husaini’s Membendung arus liberalisme is another book in the same vein: condemning liberal Muslims, decrying the West, and propagating puritan Islam. Husaini is a graduate of the Bogor Agricultural Institute (IPB) specializing in veterinary science. As mentioned earlier, IPB is the home base of Hizbut Tahrir Indonesia (HTI), and Husaini was among the first genera- tion of students to be introduced to the doctrines of Hizbut Tahrir (Rahmat

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2005:99). He has published more than 10 books, mostly on Islam. He obtained his PhD from the International Islamic University in Malaysia. Since 2004, he has routinely written a weekend column (catatan akhir pekan) in Hidayatullah, an Islamic magazine. Husaini’s book is a compilation of 80 essays ranging from issues such as the Israel-Palestine conflict, terrorism, Jewish conspiracy, Islamic political parties, and Islamic liberalism. As he explains in the intro- duction, the book aims to defend Islam against the liberalism that has been aggressively encroaching on the Muslim world. Like Rasyid, Husaini does not hide his hatred of Jews, the West, and liberal Muslim intellectuals. He believes that there is a global effort led by the United States to discredit Islam. Quoting a verse of the Qur’an, Husaini appeals to Muslims not to trust Jews and warns Muslims that they should distrust the US government. He believes that the current global terrorism has nothing to do with Islam, but that it is systematically orchestrated by the United States. All the terrorist actions from the 9/11 bombing in New York to the Bali and Marriot Hotel bombings in Indonesia have been systematically designed to discredit Islam. He writes:

After the Cold War ended, the United States and the West needed a new legitimacy to continue their ideology of capitalism and liberalism, to support their military presence and their arms industry. The West needs a new enemy and that enemy should be real, not only in theory. In the past, the enemy was the communist Soviet Union. After the Soviet threat declined, there had to be an alternative. There has to be an ‘evil’ to contend with, under U.S. command. This is the most logical analysis (p. 97).

In Husaini’s view, al-Qaeda and its terrorist networks are nothing but an American invention. The West has recruited some unfortunate Muslims as their agents, the agents of evil. The main aim is to discredit Islam and to main- tain Western hegemony over the rest of the world.

Concluding remarks

Over the past 10 years, studies on Indonesian Islam have grown dramatically to the extent that they have shaped a new discipline that attracts consider- able attention (Laffan 2006). Various aspects of Islam in Indonesia have been studied by both Indonesian and non-Indonesian scholars. The emergence of radical Islam and the resurgence of Islam in general are among the main factors that have triggered the rise of the Islamic publication industry. The flood of writings about Islam in Indonesia indicates the dynamic of the religion in the country. Likewise, it shows the changing context of Indonesian society. In the Soeharto era, freedom of expression was limited. People were

Downloaded from Brill.com09/25/2021 10:03:42PM via free access 152 Book reviews prevented from expressing their views. Many books were banned and publishing houses were not encouraged. Now the situation has totally changed. Not only are people free to express their views and get them published, but publishing houses are also gaining better incentives to survive. As pointed out by Muzakki (2009), the publishing industry that has flourished in the country for the past 10 years is not only about the dissemination of ideas, but also about making money and obtaining other financial gains.

References

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