25 Reasons Why the Guptas Must Leave Or Be Made to Leave the Country Immediately #Guptasmustgo

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

25 Reasons Why the Guptas Must Leave Or Be Made to Leave the Country Immediately #Guptasmustgo 25 REASONS WHY THE GUPTAS MUST LEAVE OR BE MADE TO LEAVE THE COUNTRY IMMEDIATELY #GUPTASMUSTGO 1. The Guptas are influencing Zuma on the R1 trillion nuclear deal: after they acquired uranium mines, they stand to benefit greatly from the deal through supplying uranium. Zuma has been advised that the country cannot afford this nuclear deal, but because the Guptas family stands to benefit, it is being forced through. The nuclear deal will plunge South Africa into a massive fiscal crisis, collapsing South Africa's currency, ratings, and ability to provide basic services to its people. 2. Finance Minister Nhlanhla Nene was removed and replaced with Des van Rooyen because the Guptas said so. The thoughtless action of removing a Minister of Finance weakened South Africa's currency, making it more expensive for SA to import goods and services from outside the country, and making life of ordinary South Africans more oppressive. A weakened currency has a tendency to increase inflation, further burdening ordinary South Africans. 3. The Guptas are exploiting the resources of this country, enriching themselves through corruption, under the guise of freedom. They illegally influence the issuing of mining rights, and have effectively taken control of key parastatals such as the SABC, TRANSNET, ESKOM, SAA and now DENEL. 4. In their network of influence, they have premiers of the Free State and North West provinces, ministers, chairpersons and Chief Executive Offices of state- owned enterprises. They also have control over many critical decisions that they, and the puppets they control, financially benefit from. 5. They call individual members of the ANC National Executive Committee to tell them which ministerial position they have been awarded, prior to the official announcement by Zuma. Fikile Mbalula was told by Atul Gupta that he was going to be Minister of Sports before Zuma announced the decision. 6. They have taken over key decisions of the ruling party, including bankrolling the re-election of Zuma as president of the ANC in the 2012 National Conference. In this way, the Gupta Empire tightened the screws on their control of the ANC and the state. 7. In the Free State Province, through Mosebenzi Zwane, they Guptas introduced programmes amounting to millions of rands, influenced by Ace Magashule, and partnered with his son in a business - the same thing they had previously done with Jacob Zuma's son. The partnership promised to build a dairy scheme. No dairy scheme was built, yet they gained millions of rands from the project. 8. They took charge of South African Airways (SAA), and took decisions on things such as media subscriptions. Consequently their newspaper, The New Age (TNA), is the most distributed and paid for newspaper throughout SAA platforms, including their check-in counters, lounges and flights. In 2011 SAA alone purchased 5 927 000 copies of TNA. They opened offshore accounts for their beneficiaries, including Malusi Gigaba, the one who thoughtlessly displayed the fact that he has additional income from no additional work. 9. The Guptas have shown plenty of interest in South African Airways but their interests go beyond the contracts they aim to have with company. The ultimate intention is to incur huge debt for the airways, and then to buy it and turn into a private Gupta airline. 10. The TNA is involved in state corruption. This is reflected in the unreasonable and unexplained government expenditure in advertising since its conception. Not excluding the fact that the circulation and readership figures of The New Age are not audited by Audit Bureau of Circulations, SAA spent R2.4 million with the paper in the 2014/2015 financial year. This is according to the parliamentary answer that then Minister of Finance Nhlanhla Nene gave in parliament in 2015. 11. Another state entity, Eskom, was reported to have signed off a R43 million contract to sponsor the New Age Business Breakfast over three years. 12. Additionally, the Department of Trade and Industry spent R2 million worth of advertising with TNA in the space of three years. Justice and Correctional Services spent R1.5 million, and the Department of Higher Education spent R2 million in the same period. 13. In 2011/2012 government spent at least R27 million on advertising in just over two years, whilst R37 million was spent by government departments and state owned entities. 14. The Gupta family, through TNA and ANN7, are using constitutional values – such as freedom of speech- to mask corruption, money laundering, and racketeering. 15. The New Age and ANN7 are bankrolled by government departments and entities, with the Free State government spending millions of rands on Gupta media platforms. 16. The SABC has been pushed into an unexplained cooperation with The New Age for a television breakfast show, which in terms of basic media business laws cannot be co-hosted with the owners of a rival television station. The compromised and semi-literate SABC Chief Operations Officer, Hlaudi Motsoeneng, even appears on the rival ANN7 Awards ceremonies alongside Zuma because the Guptas said they should be there. 17. The cooperation between government departments, parastatals and the Gupta agencies is a criminal arrangement facilitating money laundering and racketeering. A direct benefit to the Guptas is an indirect benefit to Jacob Zuma and his family. 18. In 2010, the Guptas managed to appropriate the mining licence of Kumba iron ore, effectively hijacking the mining rights of a company that was supposed to convert the licence from old order mining rights to new order mining rights. Imperial Crown Trading (ICT), an entity which is partly owned by Duduzane Zuma, the son of Jacob Zuma, and the Guptas, tried to frustrate Kumba iron ore through a court case, which they lost at the Supreme Court of Appeals in 2013. The fact that the Guptas lost the court case highlights the fact that they have no respect for the law. 19. The Guptas were behind the decision to replace Minister Ngoako Ramatlhodi. This decision was taken in Saxonwold and, as a matter of fact, the presidential convoy was in Saxonwold the day before Zwane was announced as a Minister of Mineral Resources. Zwane was appointed to allow the Gupta Empire to have control over mineral rights and policy in a manner that will benefit the Gupta family. In his previous role as MEC of the Free State, Zwane had served Gupta interests excellently through a dairy project that the provincial government paid millions for, but which had never materialized. This is the subject of an investigation by the Public Protector. 20. The same Zwane has been instrumental in ensuring that the Guptas acquire Optimum Coal mine from Glencore. He travelled to Switzerland on taxpayers’ expense to negotiate on behalf of the Guptas. 21. Zuma wants to purchase a jet for R4 billion, even though the actual cost of the jet is far less, because companies associated with the Guptas were going to supply the jet. They are already leasing jets to the Presidency, such as the one used by Ramaphosa in the recent past visit to Japan. National Treasury under Nhlanhla Nene correctly illustrated that such a purchase is not necessary. The R4 billion jet will further contribute to a fiscal crisis. 22. The Guptas and Zuma’s son have again been reported to have “partnered” with Denel to sell weapons to countries in Asia. We have crooks gaining access to South African weapons technology. 23. The landing at the Waterkloof airbase by the Gupta family, breaching national security and violating our sovereignty, was but one of many criminal indiscretions by this family facilitated through the assistance of Zuma and state security agencies. They treat black, and particularly African, workers like trash. This was exposed during their wedding in Sun City Hotel, but is consistent through all their companies, which do not respect basic workers' rights. 24. The Guptas' influence over Zuma led the then Minister of Intelligence Siyabonga Cwele to push three State Security Agency (SSA) officials, Gibson Njenje, Jeff Maqetuka and Mo Shaik to resign when they investigated the improper relationship between Zuma and the Guptas. SSA was concerned that the relationship between Zuma and the Guptas compromised national security. 25. The Guptas in 2011 made a proposal to Siyabonga Cwele to provide interception and surveillance software to the SSA. In the same year, Mail & Guardian reported that the SSA was, “routinely accessing citizens' private SMS, phone and email conversations ... illegally.” M&G further stated that the office for interception centres is located in Sandton houses. The Guptas happen to live in Saxonwold. .
Recommended publications
  • Hier Steht Später Die Headline
    S OUTH AFRICA : COUNTRY PROFILE Konrad Adenauer Foundation Last Update: April 2019 ww.kas.de/Südafrika COUNTRY OFFICE SOUTH AFRICA Country Profile South Africa Konrad Adenauer Foundation Contents 1 General Information: Republic of South Africa ......................................................................................... 2 2 History ............................................................................................................................................... 3 3 The Political System of South Africa ....................................................................................................... 4 3.1 Executive Power .............................................................................................................................. 4 3.1.1 National Level ................................................................................................................................. 4 3.1.2 Provincial Level ............................................................................................................................... 5 3.2 Judicial Power ................................................................................................................................. 5 3.3 Legislative Power ............................................................................................................................. 6 3.3.1 National Level ................................................................................................................................. 6 4 Economy .........................................................................................................................................
    [Show full text]
  • Independence in South Africa's Anti
    ISSUE 71 • NOVEMBER 2013 BUTLER | TAMUKAMOYO | WOLF | MACKAY & POWERS | MAIMELA GOTTSCHALK | OPPENHEIMER & ANSARA | FAGAN | BOULLE REVIEWS | EGAN helen.suzman.foundation Director Francis Antonie Editor-in-Chief Francis Antonie Principal Sub-editor Eythan Morris Sub-editors Wim Louw Anele Mtwesi Sarah Tobin Board of Trustees Ken Andrew Hylton Appelbaum, Doug Band, Colin Eglin, Jane Evans, William Gumede, Nicole Jaff, Daniel Jowell, Temba Nolutshungu, Krishna Patel, Gary Ralfe, Sipho Seepe, Mary Slack, Richard Steyn, David Unterhalter Design & Layout Alison Parkinson Focus is published by The Helen Suzman Foundation, Postnet Suite 130 Private Bag X2600 Houghton, 2041 No 2 Sherborne Road Parktown, 2193 Email: [email protected] Website: www.hsf.org.za ISSN 1680-9822 The publication of Focus is made possible through generous funding provided by the Friedrich Naumann Foundation Contributors David Ansara Laurence Boulle Anthony Butler Antony Egan (Review) Anton Fagan Keith Gottschalk David Maimela Mitchell Mackay Mark Oppenheimer Michael Powers Hamadziripi Tamukamoyo Loammi Wolf CONTENTS Overview and Welcome Francis Antonie 2 The State of the South African Presidency 4 Anthony Butler Independence in South Africa’s Anti-corruption Architecture: Failures and Prospects 10 Hamadziripi Tamukamoyo The unsuccesful constitutional transition of the NPA 20 Loammi Wolf Moving on from Mistrust: Balancing State Security Concerns with the Right to an Open and Democratic Government 27 Mitchell Mackay and Michael Powers Pan-Africanism of the 21st Century –
    [Show full text]
  • Who Is Governing the ''New'' South Africa?
    Who is Governing the ”New” South Africa? Marianne Séverin, Pierre Aycard To cite this version: Marianne Séverin, Pierre Aycard. Who is Governing the ”New” South Africa?: Elites, Networks and Governing Styles (1985-2003). IFAS Working Paper Series / Les Cahiers de l’ IFAS, 2006, 8, p. 13-37. hal-00799193 HAL Id: hal-00799193 https://hal.archives-ouvertes.fr/hal-00799193 Submitted on 11 Mar 2013 HAL is a multi-disciplinary open access L’archive ouverte pluridisciplinaire HAL, est archive for the deposit and dissemination of sci- destinée au dépôt et à la diffusion de documents entific research documents, whether they are pub- scientifiques de niveau recherche, publiés ou non, lished or not. The documents may come from émanant des établissements d’enseignement et de teaching and research institutions in France or recherche français ou étrangers, des laboratoires abroad, or from public or private research centers. publics ou privés. Ten Years of Democratic South Africa transition Accomplished? by Aurelia WA KABWE-SEGATTI, Nicolas PEJOUT and Philippe GUILLAUME Les Nouveaux Cahiers de l’IFAS / IFAS Working Paper Series is a series of occasional working papers, dedicated to disseminating research in the social and human sciences on Southern Africa. Under the supervision of appointed editors, each issue covers a specifi c theme; papers originate from researchers, experts or post-graduate students from France, Europe or Southern Africa with an interest in the region. The views and opinions expressed here remain the sole responsibility of the authors. Any query regarding this publication should be directed to the chief editor. Chief editor: Aurelia WA KABWE – SEGATTI, IFAS-Research director.
    [Show full text]
  • South Africa Political Snapshot New ANC President Ramaphosa’S Mixed Hand Holds Promise for South Africa’S Future
    South Africa Political Snapshot New ANC President Ramaphosa’s mixed hand holds promise for South Africa’s future South Africa’s ruling party, the African National Congress, yesterday (20 December) concluded its 54th National Conference at which it elected a new leadership. South African Deputy President Cyril Ramaphosa was announced the ANC’s new leader against a backdrop of fast-deteriorating investor confidence in the country. The new team will likely direct the ANC’s leadership of the country for the next five years and beyond. Mr Ramaphosa’s victory is not complete. The election results have been the closest they have been of any ANC leadership election in recent times. The results for the top six leaders of the ANC (Deputy President, National Chairperson, Secretary-General, Treasurer-General and Deputy Secretary-General) and the 80-member National Executive Committee (NEC - the highest decision-making body of the party between conferences) also represent a near 50-50 composition of the two main factions of the ANC. Jacob Zuma, Mr Ramaphosa’s predecessor, still retains the presidency of South Africa’s government (the next general election is still 18 months away). It enables Mr Zuma to state positions difficult for the new ANC leadership to find clawback on, and to leverage whatever is left of his expanded patronage network where it remains in place. A pointed reminder of this was delivered on the morning the ANC National Conference commenced, when President Zuma committed the government to provide free tertiary education for students from homes with combined incomes of below R600 000 – an commitment termed unaffordable by an expansive judicial investigation, designed to delay his removal from office and to paint him as a victim in the event it may be attempted.
    [Show full text]
  • Mining and Distributive Struggles in South Africa
    PROPERTY RIGHTS FROM ABOVE AND BELOW: MINING AND DISTRIBUTIVE STRUGGLES IN SOUTH AFRICA A report by the at the University of Texas at Austin December 2019 TABLE OF CONTENTS Acknowledgements iv List of Acronyms v Executive Summary vi Introduction 1 Part 1: Inequality and Rights in South Africa 7 Human Rights, Transformative Constitutionalism and Persistent Inequality 7 Property, Rights and Transformation 8 Part 2: Background – Mining in South Africa 13 The Mining Industry in South Africa 13 History of Mining in South Africa 15 The Minerals Act of 1991 19 Imperatives for Transformation of the Mining Sector 19 Part 3: The 2002 Mineral and Petroleum Resources Development Act 24 Changes in Mineral Rights under the MPRDA 26 Black Economic Empowerment in the MPRDA 27 Consultation under the MPRDA 30 Social and Labor Plans (SLPs) 31 Revenue Distribution 33 Part 4: Constitutional Contestation — Property and Human Rights 34 Facts of the Case 34 Human Rights Arguments 34 AgriSA I to III: North Gauteng High Court and Supreme Court of Appeal 35 AgriSA IV: Constitutional Court 35 Part 5: International Contestation - Property and Human Rights 39 Background to Bilateral Investment Treaties (BITs) 39 BITs and the Negotiation of the MPRDA 40 The Piero Foresti Arbitration 40 Human Rights Engagement 42 Outcomes of the Arbitration 42 Reflections and Analysis of the Arbitration 43 Policy Responses to the Arbitration 46 The Ongoing Legacy of Piero Foresti 47 Conclusion 50 Part 6: Property Rights “from Below” 52 ii The Richtersveld Cases 53 Tensions of Customary Law in South Africa 54 Community Resistance to Mining at Xolobeni 55 Legal Proceedings 58 Conclusion 63 iii AUTHORSHIP AND ACKNOWLEDGMENTS This report was primarily authored by Julia Dehm, Lecturer, La Trobe Law School, Melbourne, Australia, who was a post-doctoral fellow at the Rapoport Center for Human Rights and Justice from 2015-17.
    [Show full text]
  • HSF V Eskom (Founding Affidavit)
    1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 20 21 22 23 24 IN THE HIGH COURT OF SOUTH AFRICA (GAUTENG DIVISION, PRETORIA) CASE NO In the matter between: THE HELEN SUZMAN FOUNDATION First Applicant! MAGDALENA FRANCISZKA WIERZYCKA Second Applicant and ESKOM HOLDINGS SOC LIMITED First Respondent THE PRESIDENT OF THE REPUBLIC OF SOUTH AFRICA Second Respondent AJAY KUMAR GUPTA Third Respondent ATUL KUMAR GUPTA Fourth Respondent RAJESH KUMAR GUPTA Fifth Respondent DUDUZANE ZUMA Sixth Respondent TEGETA EXPLORATION AND RESOURCES (PTY) Seventh Respondent LTD MINISTER OF MINERAL RESOURCES Eighth Respondent MINISTER OF PUBLIC ENTERPRISES Ninth Respondent MINISTER OF FINANCE Tenth Respondent MINISTER OF WATER AND SANITATION Eleventh Respondent NATIONAL TREASURY Twelfth Respondent DEPARTMENT OF PUBLIC ENTERPRISES Thirteenth Respondent DEPARTMENT OF MINERAL RESOURCES 2 25 DEPARTMENT OF WATER AND SANITATION Fifteenth Respondent BRIAN MOLEFE Sixteenth Respondent MARK PAMENSKY Seventeenth Respondent ANOJ SINGH Eighteenth Respondent SALIM AZIZ ESSA Nineteenth Respondent NAZEEM HOWA Twentieth Respondent RONICA RAGAVAN Twenty First Respondent THE PERSONS LISTED IN ANNEX "FA1 " Twenty Second to Seventy Third Respondents FOUNDING AFFIDAVIT I, the undersigned, FRANCIS ANTONIE do hereby make oath and say: 1. I am an adult male of full legal capacity and a director of the Helen Suzman Foundation ("HSF"), the first applicant, holding office as such at 2 Sherborne Road, Parktown, Johannesburg. 2. I am duly authorised to depose to this affidavit on behalf of the applicants. 3. Save as appears from the context, the facts in this affidavit are within my own personal knowledge and are, to the best of my knowledge and belief, both true and correct.
    [Show full text]
  • An Analysis of Beadwork Conventions As the Basis for Craft Economies in Kwazulu-Natal, with S
    BEADWORK IDENTITY AS BRAND EQUITY: AN ANALYSIS OF BEADWORK CONVENTIONS AS THE BASIS FOR CRAFT ECONOMIES IN KWAZULU-NATAL, WITH SPECIFIC EMPHASIS ON THE BEADWORK OF AMANYUSWA. BY ROWAN CHRISTOPHER GATFIELD STUDENT NUMBER 211560381 SUPERVISOR: PROFESSOR V. B. OJONG CO-SUPERVISOR: PROFESSOR M. P. SITHOLE September 2014 THIS THESIS IS SUBMITTED IN FULFILLMENT OF A THE DEGREE OF DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY (PhD) IN ANTHROPOLOGY IN THE SCHOOL OF SOCIAL SCIENCES COLLEGE OF HUMANITIES UNIVERSITY OF KWAZULU-NATAL. September 2014 II COLLEGE OF HUMANITIES DECLARATION REGARDING PLAGIARISM I, Rowan Christopher Gatfield, declare that 1. The research reported in this thesis, except where otherwise indicated, is my original research. 2. This thesis has not been submitted for any degree or examination at any other university. 3. This thesis does not contain other persons’ data, pictures, graphs or other information, unless specifically acknowledged as being sourced from other persons. 4. This thesis does not contain other persons’ writing, unless specifically acknowledged as being sourced from other researchers. Where other sources have been quoted, then: a) Their words have been rewritten but the general information attributed to them has been referenced. b) Where their exact words have been used, then their writing has been placed inside quotation marks, and referenced. 5. This thesis does not contain text, graphics or tables copied and pasted from the internet, unless specifically acknowledged, and the source is detailed and referenced in the thesis. Signed…………………………………………………… Date……………………………………………………… III ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS My gratitude to my wife Yvonne for your encouragement and quiet strength and support. I know that you have sacrificed much for this study to be realized.
    [Show full text]
  • State Capture and the Political Manipulation of Criminal Justice Agencies a Joint Submission to the Judicial Commission of Inquiry Into Allegations of State Capture
    State capture and the political manipulation of criminal justice agencies A joint submission to the Judicial Commission of Inquiry into Allegations of State Capture CORRUPTION WATCH AND THE INSTITUTE FOR SECURITY STUDIES APRIL 2019 State capture and the political manipulation of criminal justice agencies A joint submission by Corruption Watch and the Institute for Security Studies to the Judicial Commission of Inquiry into Allegations of State Capture April 2019 Contents Executive summary ..........................................................................................................................................3 Introduction ...................................................................................................................................................3 Structure and purpose of this submission .....................................................................................................3 Impact of manipulation of criminal justice agencies .......................................................................................4 Recent positive developments .......................................................................................................................4 Recommendations ........................................................................................................................................4 Fixing the legacy of the manipulation of criminal justice agencies..............................................................4 Addressing risk factors for future manipulation
    [Show full text]
  • Statement by Public Protector Adv. Busisiwe Mkhwebane
    Statement by Public Protector Adv. Busisiwe Mkhwebane during a meeting of the Portfolio Committee on Justice and Correctional Services on Tuesday, March 06, 2018 in Parliament, Cape Town. Honourable Chairperson, Dr. Mathole Motshekga; Honourable Members of the Committee; Ladies and gentlemen; Good morning! I appreciate the opportunity to appear before the Committee to offer the much needed clarity on matters that appear to have given rise to a sense of disquiet among Honourable Members and the public at large. In the same breath, I am grateful that this opportunity provides a platform for me to bring to the attention of the Committee a worrying state of affairs in my office that is threatening to hamper the delivery of services to the people of South Africa. The latter statement refers to conditions that have a potential to pose a serious threat to the realization of the vision that underpins all of my office’s operations. That is Vision 2023, an elaborate eight-pillared blueprint whose main thrust is to see to it that the services of this institution make a greater impact at the grassroots than ever before. I will come back to this point shortly. Honourable Chairperson and Members, my constitutional mandate aside, one of the things I undertook to put high-up on my priority list right at the beginning of my term of office was forging and nurturing mutually beneficial relations between my office and stakeholders. This was informed by the understanding that, although it is independent, my office is not an island. Its successes and failures depend on how strong the links are 1 between us and those that have a keen interest in the ever so important task entrusted to us.
    [Show full text]
  • Report of the 54Th National Conference Report of the 54Th National Conference
    REPORT OF THE 54TH NATIONAL CONFERENCE REPORT OF THE 54TH NATIONAL CONFERENCE CONTENTS 1. Introduction by the Secretary General 1 2. Credentials Report 2 3. National Executive Committee 9 a. Officials b. NEC 4. Declaration of the 54th National Conference 11 5. Resolutions a. Organisational Renewal 13 b. Communications and the Battle of Ideas 23 c. Economic Transformation 30 d. Education, Health and Science & Technology 35 e. Legislature and Governance 42 f. International Relations 53 g. Social Transformation 63 h. Peace and Stability 70 i. Finance and Fundraising 77 6. Closing Address by the President 80 REPORT OF THE 54TH NATIONAL CONFERENCE 1 INTRODUCTION BY THE SECRETARY GENERAL COMRADE ACE MAGASHULE The 54th National Conference was convened under improves economic growth and meaningfully addresses the theme of “Remember Tambo: Towards inequality and unemployment. Unity, Renewal and Radical Socio-economic Transformation” and presented cadres of Conference reaffirmed the ANC’s commitment to our movement with a concrete opportunity for nation-building and directed all ANC structures to introspection, self-criticism and renewal. develop specific programmmes to build non-racialism and non-sexism. It further directed that every ANC The ANC can unequivocally and proudly say that we cadre must become activists in their communities and emerged from this conference invigorated and renewed drive programmes against the abuse of drugs and to continue serving the people of South Africa. alcohol, gender based violence and other social ills. Fundamentally, Conference directed every ANC We took fundamental resolutions aimed at radically member to work tirelessly for the renewal of our transforming the lives of the people for the better and organisation and to build unity across all structures.
    [Show full text]
  • Betrayal of the Promise: How South Africa Is Being Stolen
    BETRAYAL OF THE PROMISE: HOW SOUTH AFRICA IS BEING STOLEN May 2017 State Capacity Research Project Convenor: Mark Swilling Authors Professor Haroon Bhorat (Development Policy Research Unit, University of Cape Town), Dr. Mbongiseni Buthelezi (Public Affairs Research Institute (PARI), University of the Witwatersrand), Professor Ivor Chipkin (Public Affairs Research Institute (PARI), University of the Witwatersrand), Sikhulekile Duma (Centre for Complex Systems in Transition, Stellenbosch University), Lumkile Mondi (Department of Economics, University of the Witwatersrand), Dr. Camaren Peter (Centre for Complex Systems in Transition, Stellenbosch University), Professor Mzukisi Qobo (member of South African research Chair programme on African Diplomacy and Foreign Policy, University of Johannesburg), Professor Mark Swilling (Centre for Complex Systems in Transition, Stellenbosch University), Hannah Friedenstein (independent journalist - pseudonym) Preface The State Capacity Research Project is an interdisciplinary, inter- that the individual confidential testimonies they were receiving from university research partnership that aims to contribute to the Church members matched and confirmed the arguments developed public debate about ‘state capture’ in South Africa. This issue has by the SCRP using largely publicly available information. This dominated public debate about the future of democratic governance triangulation of different bodies of evidence is of great significance. in South Africa ever since then Public Protector Thuli Madonsela published her report entitled State of Capture in late 2016.1 The The State Capacity Research Project is an academic research report officially documented the way in which President Zuma and partnership between leading researchers from four Universities senior government officials have colluded with a shadow network of and their respective research teams: Prof. Haroon Bhorat from the corrupt brokers.
    [Show full text]
  • Zuma's Cabinet Reshuffles
    Zuma's cabinet reshuffles... The Star - 14 Feb 2018 Switch View: Text | Image | PDF Zuma's cabinet reshuffles... Musical chairs reach a climax with midnight shakeup LOYISO SIDIMBA [email protected] HIS FIRST CABINET OCTOBER 2010 Communications minister Siphiwe Nyanda replaced by Roy Padayachie. His deputy would be Obed Bapela. Public works minister Geoff Doidge replaced by Gwen MahlanguNkabinde. Women, children and people with disabilities minister Noluthando MayendeSibiya replaced by Lulu Xingwana. Labour minister Membathisi Mdladlana replaced by Mildred Oliphant. Water and environmental affairs minister Buyelwa Sonjica replaced by Edna Molewa. Public service and administration minister Richard Baloyi replaced by Ayanda Dlodlo. Public enterprises minister Barbara Hogan replaced by Malusi Gigaba. His deputy became Ben Martins. Sport and recreation minister Makhenkesi Stofile replaced by Fikile Mbalula. Arts and culture minister Lulu Xingwana replaced by Paul Mashatile. Social development minister Edna Molewa replaced by Bathabile Dlamini. OCTOBER 2011 Public works minister Gwen MahlanguNkabinde and her cooperative governance and traditional affairs counterpart Sicelo Shiceka are axed while national police commissioner Bheki Cele is suspended. JUNE 2012 Sbu Ndebele and Jeremy Cronin are moved from their portfolios as minister and deputy minister of transport respectively Deputy higher education and training minister Hlengiwe Mkhize becomes deputy economic development minister, replacing Enoch Godongwana. Defence minister Lindiwe Sisulu moves to the Public Service and Administration Department, replacing the late Roy Padayachie, while Nosiviwe MapisaNqakula moves to defence. Sindisiwe Chikunga appointed deputy transport minister, with Mduduzi Manana becoming deputy higher education and training minister. JULY 2013 Communications minister Dina Pule is fired and replaced with former cooperative government and traditional affairs deputy minister Yunus Carrim.
    [Show full text]