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Giuseppe La Bua Man of Peace? Cicero’sLastFight forthe Republic in Greek and Roman Historical ‘Fictions’ To the dear memory of Harry Gotoff Posterity unanimouslyrecognized Ciceroasthe master of the Latin languageand amodel of rhetoricaland linguistic excellenceworthyofbeing imitated by would-be orators.Reduced and simplifiedtoaculturalicon and embodiment of verbal ingenium, aresultofalong process started in the declamation schools,¹ Cicerowas held up as the incarnation of Latinitas, the ideal of linguistic sublim- ity and perfectness pursued by the members of the dominating élite. Different was the story of the reception of Ciceroasahistoricaland political figure in the earlyEmpire. His life and career,his equivocal role in the last years of the Roman aristocratic Republic in particular, affectedhis reputation and “under- mined anyclaim to ethical authority”.² Most importantly,Cicero’sfinal years, his struggle for liberty and his ‘heroic’ death, occasioned later reflections on the role playedbythe politician in the moral and political decline of the Roman res publica. As Emma Denchnotes, “the figure of Cicero suggested to later authors multiple different personae and ways to think about his connection with Rome past and present”.³ Alternatively characterized as “abinding-link to the present as much as an epitome of the vanished past”,⁴ Cicero—and his con- struction of adistinctivelyRomanpolitical image—stimulated nostalgic reflec- tions about Roman past history and values,within amore general meditation about the transition from Republican liberty to the princeps’ authoritarianre- gime.⁵ Cicero’sthoughts and actions after the Ides of March wereatthe very heart of this process of historicalrenegotiation of the final years of the freeRepublic. By re-visitingthe story of the rift between Ciceroand Antony and encouragingacrit- ical reading of the Philippics later poets, historians and declaimers questioned the role of Cicerointhe downfall of Republican Rome and strovetoprovide a Kaster1998. See also Keeline 2018, 102–140and La Bua 2019,106–125. Gowing2013,243. Dench 2013,126. Ibid.,122. See now La Bua 2019,100 –112. OpenAccess. ©2020 Giuseppe La Bua, published by De Gruyter. This work is licensed under the CreativeCommons Attribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivatives 4.0 License. https://doi.org/10.1515/9783110716313-007 80 GiuseppeLaBua reconstruction of the events that markedthe rise of Roman imperialistic power.⁶ Yet, they also questioned the role playedbyCicerointhe outbreak of the civil war of 49–45 bce,that is the fatal conflict between Caesarand Pompey, which was merelythe prelude to the collapseofthe Roman res publica. Therefore this paper firstlyinterrogates Cicero’sresponsibility and engagement in the civil war as narratedinearlyimperial literature.Itstarts from Lucan’sfictional depic- tion of Cicero in the theatre of war (7.62 – 85)and argues thatthe imageofCicero as warmonger,created notablybyaspeech he himself delivers, deliberatelyre- verses his self-advertising portrait as saviour of the Fatherland and manofpeace in the corpus of Cicero’sown works.Iwill then moveontoinvestigate the re-use and manipulation of Ciceronianand anti-Ciceronianmotifs in Cassius Dio’s speeches, with special emphasis on Calenus’ diatribe (45.18–47)and Cicero’s so-called amnesty speech (44.23–33), which reworks themes alreadytouched upon in the First Philippic and presents Ciceroasafair-minded politician, engag- ed in preservingliberty and peace for the survival of the Republic. As we shallsee, Cicero’sparticipation in the events before and after Pharsa- lus was treated in ambivalent terms. The contradictions inherent in Cicero’srela- tionship with Pompey and the politics of imperial power impacted on laterper- ceptions and receptions of his political figure. In portraying himself as boththe spokesman of the Roman ruling class, embodied in Pompey,and the defender of peace Cicerohimself fell in asort of contradiction. While trying to come to terms with the emergence of new political forces, his attempt at preservingthe status quo—and his political prestige accordingly—was blatantlyanachronistic. Later poets and historians exploited these contradictions of Cicero’spolitical practice to depict aman wavering between ambition and desire for peace and stability.It might be temptingtosay that the oscillation of the ancient sources in defining Cicero’srole in the civil war between Caesar and Pompey reflects the same oscil- lation that occurred in Cicero’smind, whenthe changed political conditions forced him to respond to Caesar’s—and later Mark Antony’s—imperialistic poli- tics.⁷ On Cicero’spolitical ideology in the Philippics and the roleplayedbythe youngOctavian in Cicero’sfailure, see Keeline in this volume. Cf. also Bishop in this volume (for the Philippics as monuments to Cicero’sfailure and as allegory of the end of free democratic speech). On Cicero’srelationship with Roman imperialism,see Rose 1995, 397: “Cicero, far frombeing the perspicacious and heroic defender of Republican freedom, was fromone end of his career to the other fullycomplicitous in the contradictions that destroyed the Republic”. Man of Peace? 81 Lucan’sCicero: politicalambition and desire for glory Lucan’spresentation of the figureofCicero in Book 7ofhis On the Civil War (7.62 – 85), an artificial evocation of the role playedbythe Republican orator and statesman in the moments immediatelypreceding the fatal battle of Pharsa- lus,makes agood jumping-off point for abrief re-examination of the reception of Cicero’spolitical legacyinthe earlyimperial period. It fictionalizes aCiceroim- plicated in civil war,aboastful orator whose speech proved to be decisive in spurring Pompey on to wagewar on Caesar. HereisLucan’spassage: Hocplacet,osuperi, cum uobis uertere cuncta propositum, nostris erroribus adderecrimen? Cladibus inruimus nocituraque poscimus arma; 60 in Pompeianis uotum est Pharsalia castris. Cunctorum uoces Romanimaximus auctor Tullius eloquii, cuius sub iure togaque pacificas saeuos tremuit Catilina securis, pertulit iratus bellis, cum rostra forumque65 optaret passus tam longasilentia miles. Addidit inualidae robur facundia causae. “Hocpro totmeritis solumte, Magne, precatur uti se Fortuna uelis,proceresque tuorum castrorum regesque tui cum supplicemundo 70 adfusi uinci socerum patiarerogamus. Humani generis tam longotemporebellum Caesar erit?MeritoPompeium uincerelente gentibus indignum est atranscurrente subactis. Quo tibi feruor abit autquo fiducia fati? 75 De superis,ingrate,times causamque senatus credere dis dubitas?Ipsae tua signareuellent prosilientque acies:pudeat uicisse coactum. Si duceteiusso, si nobis bella geruntur, sit iuris,quocumque uelint,concurrere campo. 80 Quid mundi gladios asanguine Caesaris arces? Vibrant tela manus,uix signamorantia quisquam expectat: propera, ne te tua classica linquant. Sciresenatus auet,miles te,Magne, sequatur an comes”.Ingemuit rector sensitque deorum 85 esse dolos et fata suae contraria menti. Does it give youpleasure, OGods above, when universal ruin is your plan, to add this guilt to our mistakes?Wecharge to disaster, demanding warfarewhich will injure us;inPom- pey’scamp, Pharsalia is their prayer.The utterances of all wereconveyedbythe greatest 82 GiuseppeLaBua master of Roman eloquence, Tullius—under his civilian authority fierce Catiline had trem- bled at the peace-makingAxes. He was enraged at warfare, because he longed for Rostrum and for Forum, after enduringsilencesolong as asoldier.His eloquencegavestrengthto their feeble cause: “This alone Fortune asks of you, Magnus, in return for all her manyfa- vors—that youbewilling to makefull use of her;weleaders of your camp and your kings together with the suppliant world prostrateourselvesand beg youtoallow the conquest of your father-in-law. Shall Caesar mean war for humankind for so long atime? Rightlydothe nations whoweretamed by Pompey racingpast resent that he is slow to conquer.Where has your enthusiasm gone? Or where your confidenceinFate? Ungrateful man, areyou alarmed about the gods?Doyou hesitatetotrust to them the Senate’scause? Of their own accord,the ranks will tear your standards up and springforward; youshould feel shame to have won under compulsion. If youare our bidden leader,ifthe war is waged for us,givethe men the right to fight on whichever field they wish. Whydoyou keep from Caesar’sblood the swords of all the world?Hands brandish weapons:hardly anyone can wait for the signal slow to sound; hurry,oryour trumpets mayleave youbehind.The Senatelongstoknow;does it follow you, Magnus, as soldier or as retinue?” The leader groaned and felt that this was trickery of the gods and that the Fateswerehostile to his own intention.⁸ Eulogized as the auctor Romani eloquii,the “master of the Roman language” (a traditionalhomagetoCicero’sundisputed authority as aprose writerand ora- tor), Ciceroispresented as adisgruntled soldier,annoyed at seeing Pompey’s hesitance.⁹ Recalling the triumph over the Catilinarian conspirators,Lucan cred- its Cicerowith forcingPompey into acting swiftlyand beginning hostilities. Ac- cording to the poet,Cicero’sfondness for advocacy and his natural inclination for forensic activity playedadecisive part in the war: it was Cicero’seloquence, the majesty of his words, that gave strength to Pompey’sweakposition.¹⁰ Within Lucan’sgloomymeditation of the causes of civil war,itisCicero, fic- titiouslyplaced at the battlefield at Pharsalus,not Pompey,who is invested with responsibility for leadingRome to ruin. As Gowing notes,Lucan’sfiction
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  • Noscendi Nilum Cupido: the Nile in Lucan’S Bellum Civile Eleni C

    Noscendi Nilum Cupido: the Nile in Lucan’S Bellum Civile Eleni C

    Noscendi Nilum Cupido: the Nile in Lucan’s Bellum Civile Eleni C. Manolaraki (University of South Florida) During Cleopatra's banquet in Lucan's Bellum Civile Caesar asks the priest Acoreus to explain the sources of the Nile and its summer inundation. Instead of the specifics he asks for, he receives a lengthy but evasive reply (10.172-331). Critical discussion of this passage has moved in a twofold direction [Holmes 1999; Romm 1992; Sanford 1937; Francken 1893]. The Nile excursus has been interpreted as a thinly veiled criticism of Caesar’s (and Nero’s) imperialistic ambitions and/or a response to the ancient scientific and ethnographical preoccupation with the Nile [Huss 1990]. As such, it runs parallel to the contemporary naturalistic treatises of Seneca and Pliny the Elder. Building on these general conclusions, my discussion integrates the Nile excursus more specifically within the epic, within Seneca’s Natural Questions 4A, and within the larger poetic struggles in Nero’s court. First, I connect this episode to the multiple references to the Nile throughout the epic (e.g. 2.417, 4.135, 6.307, 8.447, 9.163). Earlier in the narrative, Lucan addresses the river as a curse or taboo, guilty of Pompey’s death as much as the human agents involved in it. This representation of the Nile is solidly anchored in the human perspectives of space, time, and historicity, which vest nature with human passions. In contrast, Acoreus strips the Nile of its temporal and spatial boundaries, and divests it from the historical symbolism projected on it elsewhere in the epic.