The Political Organisation of Business and Welfare State Restructuring: Howassociationalfactorsshapeemployers'cooperationforsocialpolicydevelopment

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

The Political Organisation of Business and Welfare State Restructuring: Howassociationalfactorsshapeemployers'cooperationforsocialpolicydevelopment UNIVERSITÄT SALZBURG UNIVERSITÀ DI MILANO Kultur­ und Gesellschaftswissenschaftlichen Facoltà di Scienze Politiche Fakultät BI­NATIONALLY SUPERVISED DOCTORAL THESIS (CO­TUTELLE DE THÈSE) The Political Organisation of Business and Welfare State Restructuring: HowAssociationalFactorsShapeEmployers'CooperationforSocialPolicyDevelopment ClaudiaArisi Ph.D.ProgrammeinPoliticalScience Ph.D.ProgrammeinLabourStudies ofthe ofthe SalzburgCentreofEuropeanUnionStudies GraduateSchoolinSocialandPoliticalSciences (XXIVcycle­2008/2009;SPS/04,SPS/09) Supervisors: Professor Nikolaus Dimmel Supervisor: Professor Sonja Puntscher­Riekmann Professor Stefano Sacchi Salzburg 2012 Acknowledgements This thesis is the result of a long research project conducted under a joint doctoral supervision agreement (co-tutelle de thèse) between the University of Milan (Ph.D. in Labour Studies, Graduate School in Social and Political Sciences) and the University of Salzburg (Ph.D. in Political Science, Salzburg Centre of European Union Studies). It is then no exaggeration to say that it would have not been possible to complete this doctoral journey without the patient and insightful support of my two Ph.D. supervisors, Professors Nikolaus Dimmel and Stefano Sacchi, who I sincerely thank for their guidance throughout my thesis-writing period. I also wish to thank Professor Sonja Puntscher-Riekmann for giving me the opportunity to work at the SCEUS, which provided the necessary financial and technical assistance for doing my research. During my stay at the SCEUS I could meet many people that gave me fresh ideas and feedbacks for my work, or what I shortly call brain food. Among them, special thanks go to Michael Bruter, Andreas Dür, Reinhard Heinisch, Liesbet Hooghe and Gary Marks, and Beate Kohler-Koch. I owe my thanks also to the Department of Labour and Welfare Studies in Milan, where I had the pleasure to spend part of my Ph.D. experience. There too I found many people that generously provided me with helpful assistance. I am especially grateful to Lorenzo Bordogna, Maurizio Ferrera, Ida Regalia and Marino Regini, who welcomed my request for acceptance as a cotutelle doctoral student and inspired my research interests. I would like to thank also Maria Antonietta Confalonieri (University of Pavia), the supervisor of my master thesis, who persuaded me to embark on a Doctoral Programme in the first place. Countless colleagues have helped me in various ways during the making of my dissertation. Although I cannot list them all, I would like to mention at least Christina Ortner, Alena Ottichova, Helene Schönheinz and Ilze Ruse, for continuous practical (and moral!) support throughout our common Ph.D. adventure; and Thomas Paster, for the kind advice and for sending me a preview of his first book manuscript that proved very useful for my work. My field research has benefitted from the collaboration of anonymous interviewees as well as Austrian and Italian national institutions (especially the AK, the Confindustria, the i ÖGB, and the WKÖ) that provided me with first-hand information and archive documents. I would like to thank them here too. Last, but by no means least, I wish to express my deeply-felt thanks to all those people that, with their warm encouragement, friendship and love, have rendered the writing of my thesis far from a lonely enterprise. Among them, I am tremendously indebted with my family, especially my mother, Rodolfo and Gabriele. For their affectionate and decisive aid, especially during the widely known dissertation dumps, I hereby honour them with the title of best undervisors ever. My very last thanks go to Darma, my cute dog, who recently passed away at the glorious age of 16. For her invaluable company, she has my eternal gratitude. ii Abstract Given that business interests have assumed ever-growing importance in welfare state restructuring, and that welfare programmes impose significant costs on firms, when and how can employers decide to actively support the development of contemporary social policy? This thesis shows that specific types of business interest organisation can favour the cooperation of employers for the establishment of new social welfare legislation by mediating between their heterogeneous economic interests and the political target structure, and by governing their collective political mobilisation. Drawing on theories of collective action and neo-corporatist models, the thesis elaborates an original typological framework and assesses it through an historical cross-national study of the role of organised business in the Austrian and Italian severance pay reforms (1990s-2000s). Detail process-tracing and systematic cross-case comparison are used to reconstruct and analyse what motivated and enabled the Austrian business community, but not the Italian one, to decisively promote the use of severance payments for the expansion of supplementary pension funds. Empirically, the thesis finds that differences in the institutional set-up of the national organisation of business interests have shaped divergent governance roles of business in the two countries by making for different organisational capacities of interest coordination and unification on the one hand, and of bargained interest accommodation, on the other. In particular, highly inclusive and cohesive organisational forms of interest representation, like the Austrian ones, have allowed employers’ representatives to contain intra-class interest conflicts and deliver unitary, politically manageable and moderate social policy demands. Moreover, rather stable participation in state regulation (in non- wage policy areas) and high sanction leverage vis-à-vis members have enabled organisational leaders to determine collective social policy goals and strategies quite independently from the short-term interests of employers, and to render organisational decisions binding also for members opposing resistance. In closing, the thesis provides evidence that, even in presence of appropriate institutional arrangements, a remarkable responsibility for building business support for social welfare initiatives rests on the government. Since the latter can bias the contingent conditions of political influence, it can dampen organisations’ cooperative efforts whenever it opts for clientelistic dynamics of policy formation instead of backing the construction of cross-class reform coalitions. iii Table of Contents Acknowledgements .............................................................................................................................i Abstract ........................................................................................................................................... iii List of Tables .................................................................................................................................. vii List of Figures ................................................................................................................................ vii List of Main Abbreviations ............................................................................................................ viii I. Introduction ................................................................................................................................... 1 II. Business and the Welfare State ..................................................................................................... 6 1. Welfare state research and employers’ role in social policy development ................................. 6 1.1 The thesis of employers’ relentless hostility ........................................................................ 7 1.2 The thesis of employers’ occasional support ..................................................................... 13 2. The two theses and their reconciliation ................................................................................... 19 III. Theoretical Framework ............................................................................................................. 22 1. Varieties of employers’ roles in social policy development .................................................... 22 2. The collective action of interest groups: logics, problems and structures ................................ 27 2.1 Classic theories of collective action ................................................................................... 27 2.2 Social class and organisability: Traxler’s critique of theories of collective action............. 32 2.3 Interests and organisational context: the political logic of collective action ...................... 35 2.4 Organisations as transforming agents of economic interests ............................................. 39 3. The organisation of business interests ..................................................................................... 42 3.1 The logic of membership: employers’ interests and organisability .................................... 44 3.2 The logic of influence: welfare states and employers’ political organisation .................... 48 4. Institutions, organisational processes and employers’ role in social policy development ........ 51 5. Summary: framework of analysis and research hypothesis ..................................................... 56 IV. Methodology ............................................................................................................................. 59 1. Theory-building research objective ........................................................................................
Recommended publications
  • At the Roots of the Italian Unbalanced Welfare State: the Grip of Cognitive Frames and “Red-White” Political Competition
    At the roots of the Italian unbalanced welfare state: the grip of cognitive frames and “red-white” political competition by Maurizio Ferrera, Matteo Jessoula and Valeria Fargion Draft Paper prepared for the Seminar organized by Banca d’Italia Area - Ricerca economica e relazioni internazionali Rome, 18 March 2013 Matteo Jessoula Dept. of Social and Political Sciences University of Milan Maurizio Ferrera Dept. of Social and Political Sciences University of Milan Valeria Fargion Dept. of Political Science and Sociology University of Florence 1 1. Introduction Born at the end of the XIX century in response to the challenges stemming from modernization, the welfare state involved risk socialization by institutionalizing solidarity and introducing a new type of rights: social rights, that is entitlement to cash benefits and/or in kind service provision in case of sickness, unemployment, work injury, old age and so on. The timing and the temporal sequence of introduction of social protection schemes as well as their institutional profiles have varied greatly both across and within countries, with decisive consequences on individuals’ life chances.. The literature has outlined several dimensions which are relevant to distinguish between different types of welfare systems. Two of these dimensions are particularly relevant: the functional dimension and the distributive ( or distributional) dimension. The first refers to risks and needs which may be differently covered and protected by social protection schemes.. The second has to do with the differential protection – in terms of coverage/non coverage, level of benefits and eligibility rules – for the different social groups. In the first half of the XX century and even more during the Golden Age (1945-75) all countries made remarkable progresses along both dimensions by enlarging the “basket” of risks protected and expanding population coverage.
    [Show full text]
  • What Makes the Difference
    Universität Konstanz Rechts-, Wirtschafts-, und Verwaltungswissenschaftliche Sektion Fachbereich Politik- und Verwaltungswissenschaft Magisterarbeit to reach the degree in Political Science SUCCESS AND FAILURE IN PUBLIC PENSION REFORM: THE ITALIAN EXPERIENCE Supervised by: Prof. Dr. Ellen Immergut, Humboldt-Universität PD Dr. Philip Manow, Max-Planck Institut für Gesellschaftsforschung Presented by: Anika Rasner Rheingasse 7 78462 Konstanz Telephon: 07531/691104 Matrikelnummer: 01/428253 8. Fachsemester Konstanz, 20. November 2002 Table of Contents 1. Introduction ..................................................................................................................................... 1 1.1. The Puzzle ............................................................................................................................... 1 2. Theoretical Framework ................................................................................................................... 3 2.1. Special Characteristics of the Italian Political System during the First Republic ................... 3 2.1.1. The Post-War Party System and its Effects..................................................................... 4 2.2. The Transition from the First to the Second Republic ............................................................ 7 2.2.1. Tangentopoli (Bribe City) ............................................................................................... 7 2.2.2. The Restructuring of the Old-Party System ...................................................................
    [Show full text]
  • 6PAS99.VP:Corelventura
    JONAHPOLITICS D. &LEVY SOCIETY Vice into Virtue? Progressive Politics and Welfare Reform in Continental Europe JONAH D. LEVY For over half a century, the development of the welfare state has served as the principal means by which left-progressive governments have reconciled the pur- suit of efficiency with the pursuit of equity. From a Keynesian perspective, wel- fare spending—and the taxes that financed it—provided an “automatic stabi- lizer,” smoothing aggregate demand in the face of fluctuations in the business cycle.1 From a corporatist perspective, welfare spending greased the wheels of “political exchange,” compensating powerful, mobilized labor movements for their acceptance of wage restraint.2 And even during the initial years of neoliberal- ism, welfare spending helped secure popular acquiescence to market reform, making intensified international competition and job loss more acceptable to the masses.3 In the 1990s, however, in the age of globalization, heightened concerns about budget deficits, and retiring baby boomers, welfare spending has come under intense pressure.4 The fact that the left is in power in an unprecedented number of European countries—France, Italy, Britain, the Netherlands, Sweden, and now Germany—is not necessarily grounds for celebration. As luck would have it, left- ist electoral planets have entered into alignment at precisely the moment when fis- cal constraints have become extremely tight. With welfare expansion giving way An earlier version of this paper was presented to the European Forum on Recasting the European Welfare State: Options, Constraints, Actors, at the European University Institute, Florence, Italy, 21 October 1998. I wish to thank the following for their advice and critical comments: Suzanne Berger, Fred Block, Ruth Collier, Giuseppe Di Palma, Maurizio Ferrera, Susan Giaimo, Anton Hemerijck, Richard Locke, Julia Lynch, Paul Pierson, Gloria Regonini, Martin Rhodes, Andrew Tauber, Margaret Weir, and John Zysman.
    [Show full text]
  • Escholarship California Italian Studies
    eScholarship California Italian Studies Title Trade Unions and the Origins of the Union-Based Welfare State in Italy (1950s-1970s) Permalink https://escholarship.org/uc/item/6xz0x8qj Journal California Italian Studies, 3(2) Author Agnoletto, Stefano Publication Date 2012 DOI 10.5070/C332008994 Peer reviewed eScholarship.org Powered by the California Digital Library University of California Trade Unions and the Origins of the Union-Based Welfare State in Italy (1950s-1970s) Stefano Agnoletto 1. A Union-Based Welfare State During the second half of the twentieth century, Italy, like many other European countries, experienced the birth and growth of a specific kind of welfare state. It was the consequence of various international influences in the context of the Cold War as well as the result of controversial actions of different internal actors. The purpose of this article is to explore the actions of some of these internal actors and their consequences for the definition of the Italian welfare state. Specifically, the object of this essay is to identify the role played by trade unions in defining the Italian model of state social policy in the period following World War II. This essay proposes an interpretation which identifies trade unions as main actors in the consolidation, albeit difficult and slow, of the welfare system in Italy. Consequently, this enquiry into the “Italian way” also discusses some traditional explanations and classifications proposed in the literature about the welfare state, welfare regimes, and the welfare society. This essay introduces the concept of a “Union Based Welfare State” in order to describe the Italian experience and as a descriptive category useful for comparative analyses generally.
    [Show full text]
  • Universita' Degli Studi Di Padova
    UNIVERSITA’ DEGLI STUDI DI PADOVA DIPARTIMENTO DI SCIENZE ECONOMICHE ED AZIENDALI “M.FANNO” CORSO DI LAUREA MAGISTRALE / SPECIALISTICA IN BUSINESS ADMINISTRATION TESI DI LAUREA “FISCAL IMPACT OF MIGRATION IN HOST COUNTRIES” RELATORE CH.MA PROF.SSA DONATA FAVARO LAUREANDA SILVIA BRAGGION MATRICOLA N. 1084755 ANNO ACCADEMICO 2016 – 2017 2 Il candidato dichiara che il presente lavoro è originale e non è già stato sottoposto, in tutto o in parte, per il conseguimento di un titolo accademico in altre Università italiane o straniere. Il candidato dichiara altresì che tutti i materiali utilizzati durante la preparazione dell’elaborato sono stati indicati nel testo e nella sezione “Riferimenti bibliografici” e che le eventuali citazioni testuali sono individuabili attraverso l’esplicito richiamo alla pubblicazione originale. Firma dello studente _________________ 3 4 TABLE OF CONTENTS INTRODUCTION ................................................................................................................................. 7 CHAPTER 1. MIGRATION FLOWS AND STOCKS. DEMOGRAPHIC, ECONOMIC AND SOCIAL PERSPECTIVE................................................................................................................... 11 1.1 Recent developments of migratory flows with a brief historical overview ............................. 11 1.2 Push and pull factors of migration .......................................................................................... 16 1.3 A portrait of foreign population in the European Union ........................................................
    [Show full text]
  • Employment, VET and Social Policies in Italy
    STUDY Requested by the EMPL committee Employment, Vocational Education and Training and Social Policies in Italy A review of employment, VET and social policies Policy Department for Economic, Scientific and Quality of Life Policies Directorate-General for Internal Policies Authors: SAMEK LODOVICI M., CREPALDI C., ORLANDO N., NICO G., ROMANIELLO D. EN PE 631.050 - February 2019 Employment, Vocational Education and Training and Social Policies in Italy A review of employment, VET and social policies Abstract This document presents recent developments in the social, employment and VET situation and policies in Italy. The report provides an assessment of the recent evolution of key economic, social, and labour market trends in Italy, and an overview of current employment, VET and social policies. The document was prepared by Policy Department A at the request of the European Parliament’s Committee on Employment and Social Affairs. This document was requested by the European Parliament's Committee on Employment and Social Affairs. AUTHORS Manuela SAMEK LODOVICI, Chiara CREPALDI and Nicola ORLANDO, IRS-Istituto per la Ricerca Sociale Gianluigi NICO, University of Rome Tor Vergata, Faculty of Economics Davide ROMANIELLO, University of Rome Tre, Faculty of Economics ADMINISTRATOR RESPONSIBLE Aoife KENNEDY EDITORIAL ASSISTANT Roberto BIANCHINI LINGUISTIC VERSIONS Original: EN ABOUT THE EDITOR Policy departments provide in-house and external expertise to support EP committees and other parliamentary bodies in shaping legislation and exercising
    [Show full text]
  • Public Health Institutions in Italy in the 20Th Century
    2021-4204-AJMS-HIS – 22 APR 2021 th 1 Public Health Institutions in Italy in the 20 Century 2 3 Only recently studied by Italian historiography, public health is one of the 4 most important sectors of a modern Welfare system. During the Twentieth 5 century Italy faced the hygienic and sanitary problem often with different 6 ways and tools than other European countries. The aim of this article is to 7 understand better the attitude and the development of the main public health 8 institutions, both at the central and peripheral level, during the three great 9 phases that marked the history of Italy in the last century: the liberal age, 10 fascism and the Republic, as well as to highlight the organisations, men and 11 structures that exercised decisive functions in the bureaucratic and 12 administrative State machine. The essay focuses on the most significative 13 legislative measures (for example, the “Testi Unici” of 1907 and 1934) and 14 the turning points that have changed the sector on the institutional plan, 15 from the creation of the Directorate-General for Public Health inside the 16 Ministry of the Interior, and destined to remain for the entire Fascist period, 17 to the birth, in the post-war years, of the High Commission for Hygiene and 18 Public Health, then replaced by the Ministry of Health, until the 19 establishment of the National Health Service in 1978. 20 21 Keywords: Welfare State, social policies, public health, assistance, 22 institutions 23 24 25 Introduction 26 27 Italian historiography has only recently addressed the field of medicine 28 and public health.
    [Show full text]
  • PIER Working Paper 09-024
    Penn Institute for Economic Research Department of Economics University of Pennsylvania 3718 Locust Walk Philadelphia, PA 19104-6297 [email protected] http://www.econ.upenn.edu/pier PIER Working Paper 09-024 “The Labor Market of Italian Politicians” Second Version by Antonio Merlo, Vincenzo Galasso, Massimiliano Landi, and Andrea Mattozzi http://ssrn.com/abstract=1432457 The Labor Market of Italian Politicians* Antonio Merlo University of Pennsylvania Vincenzo Galasso Universita’ Bocconi Massimiliano Landi Singapore Management University Andrea Mattozzi California Institute of Technology May 2008 Revised, May 2009 ADDRESS FOR CORRESPONDENCE: Antonio Merlo, Department of Economics, University of Pennsylvania, 3718 Locust Walk, Philadelphia, PA 19104. E-mail: [email protected] * Paper presented at the X European Conference of the Fondazione Rodolfo De Benedetti on “La Selezione della Classe Dirigente,” Gaeta, Italy, May 24, 2008. We would like to thank Luca Anderlini, Tito Boeri, Daniela Iorio, Petra Todd and Ken Wolpin for their helpful comments and suggestions. We would also like to thank Giancarlo Bartoloni, Fausto Bertinotti, Vincenzo Busa, Sandro Panarello, Teo Ruffa, and Agenzia delle Entrate, Associazione Ex-Parlamentary, Servizio Prerogative e Immunita’ and Ufficio di Presidenza della Camera for their help and assistance with the collection and the interpretation of the data. A special thank to the Fondazione Rodolfo De Benedetti for their help and financial support. Landi also acknowledges the financial support from the Office of Research at Singapore Management University, and the hospitality of Servizio Prerogative e Immunita’ della Camera during the consultation of the archive of the tax returns of the elected members of the Italian Parliament.
    [Show full text]
  • The Rising Invisible Majority When Fiction Meets Social Science
    The Rising Invisible Majority When Fiction Meets Social Science By Emanuele Ferragina & Alessandro Arrigoni A period of political and economic turmoil calls for a new analytical framework to be developed. Drawing upon the tools of social science and fiction, the “Rising Invisible Majority” project examines how the shifts of a long-term political economy rendered a large share of its population ‘invisible’. “I don’t think we did go blind, I think we are blind, Blind but seeing, Blind people who can see, but do not see” (Blindness, Saramago, 1997). The ‘Rising Invisible Majority’ project began informally in 2013 as a reflection on the transformation of Italian society. The work originates from the encounter of two different intellectual perspectives that we developed separately in our academic research. The first relates to international political economy and precarization; the second to welfare state institutions and social change. Our starting point was to go beyond analyses of what we should do to reduce precarization and inequalities, and to investigate the social forces that contribute to the transformation of obsolete institutional structures and to governmental policy making. The comments we received when presenting our book, La Maggioranza Invisibile (Ferragina & Arrigoni 2014)—in political clubs, trade union meetings, libraries, universities, occupied squats, theatres, pubs and associations—offered encouragement enough to elaborate an assessment of the Italian experience, and to compare this with European counterparts (Ferragina et al. Forthcoming). We mixed social science with fiction, and employed Saramago’s dystopian imagery—of a nation whose entire citizenry go blind—as the metaphor to describe how shifts of a long-term political economy can render a large share of its population ‘invisible’.
    [Show full text]
  • Non-Marital Cohabitation in Italy
    Non-Marital Cohabitation in Italy Christin Löffler ii Universität Rostock Wirtschafts- und Sozialwissenschaftliche Fakultät Dissertation zur Erlangung des akademischen Grades doctor rerum politicarum (Dr. rer. pol.) der Wirtschafts- und Sozialwissenschaftlichen Fakultät der Universität Rostock vorgelegt von Christin Löffler (geb. Schröder), geb. am 12. August 1980 in Parchim Rostock, 31. März 2009 iii Acknowledgements This dissertation project was funded by the Max Planck Institute for Demographic Research in Rostock (MPIDR) and by the State of Mecklenburg-Western Pomerania. I thank both for giving me the opportunity to carry out this research. For their useful advice and suggestions I am deeply grateful to my supervisors, Professors Laura Bernardi and Peter A. Berger. My work further profited from the highly valuable comments of my colleagues at the MPIDR and in particular from the discussions and remarks offered by the members of the Independent Research Group “Culture of Reproduction.” I also highly appreciate my interviewees’ readiness to share their private experiences and views with me. Without that readiness, this study would not have been possible! For language editing I thank David Harrison. Last but not least, I am very grateful to my husband Falko for his continuous support throughout the last couple of years. iv Table of Contents Index of Tables ...........................................................................................................ix Index of Figures...........................................................................................................x
    [Show full text]
  • On the Way to Welfare 4.0 – Digitalisation in Italy
    Josef Schmid and Rolf Frankenberger On the Way to Welfare 4.0 – Digitalisation in Italy politics for europe # 2017 plus FRIEDRICH-EBERT-STIFTUNG politics for europe # 2017 plus Europe needs social democracy! Why do we really want Europe? Can we demonstrate to its citizens the opportunities arising from a common social policy and a strong social democracy in Europe? That is the goal of the new Friedrich-Ebert-Stiftung project “Politics for Europe”. To show that European integration can – and must – be brought about on a robust democratic, social-economic and foreign policy basis. The project focuses on the following areas: – Democratic Europe – Economic and social policy in Europe – Foreign and security policy in Europe The Friedrich-Ebert-Stiftung will address the topic in numerous publications and events between 2015 and 2017: we shall address citizens’ concerns, identify positions together with decision-makers and make alternative policy approaches clear. We want to conduct a debate with you on a “politics for Europe”. Further information on the project can be found at: http://www.fes.de/de/politik-fuer-europa-2017plus/ Friedrich-Ebert-Stiftung The Friedrich-Ebert-Stiftung was founded in 1925 and thus is steeped in tradition. It remains committed to its namesake’s legacy and promotes the basic values of social democracy: freedom, justice and solidarity. Ideologically it is linked to social democracy and the free trade unions. The FES promotes social democracy primarily in the following ways: – political education to strengthen civil society; – policy advice; – international cooperation with foreign bureaus in over 100 countries; – scholarship schemes; – the collective memory of social democracy, including the Archive and Library of Social Democracy.
    [Show full text]
  • Old and New Fascism: Race, Citizenship, and the Historical and Intellectual Context of Casapound Italia
    Old and New Fascism: Race, Citizenship, and the Historical and Intellectual Context of CasaPound Italia by Caitlin Hewitt-White A thesis submitted in conformity with the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts Social Justice Education University of Toronto © Copyright by Caitlin Hewitt-White 2015 Old and New Fascism: Race, Citizenship, and the Historical and Intellectual Context of CasaPound Italia Caitlin Hewitt-White Masters of Arts Social Justice Education University of Toronto 2015 Abstract CasaPound Italia is a contemporary fascist movement in Italy. An anti-capitalist movement, CasaPound has emerged under neoliberal conditions of youth unemployment and privatization of education. Although CasaPound uses tactics not typically associated with the extreme right, it shares several features with traditional Italian fascism. Like past fascist movements, CasaPound claims to offer an alternative to capitalism, communism, and the limits of a corrupt political spectrum. It also shares with past fascist movements a populist opportunism that feeds on the middle class's real frustrations, and rearticulates these in anti-immigrant racism. Despite these similarities, CasaPound denies that it is racist. This thesis argues that CasaPound's conscious inheritance of the legacies of Ezra Pound, Giovanni Gentile, and Julius Evola undermines its claims to be non-racist. Its activism further undermines these claims. This thesis also argues that CasaPound's emergence has been made possible by exclusionary and racialized citizenship practices central to hegemonic liberal democracy. ii Acknowledgments Thank you to the administrative staff at OISE for helping me navigate the institution's various policies, forms, and deadlines. Thank you to my classmates and instructors at OISE for feedback on earlier versions of chapters of this thesis, and for lively discussions we had in class.
    [Show full text]