SUBMISSION TO SENATE FOREIGN AFFAIRS AND TRADE COMMITTEE ON ISSUES FACING DIASPORA COMMUNITIES IN BY THE CHINESE AUSTRALIAN FORUM (NSW)

The Chinese Australian Forum (CAF) is pleased to provide the following submission to the Senate Foreign Affairs and Trade Committee on issues facing diaspora communities in Australia.

1. BACKGROUND TO CAF

CAF is a non-partisan community association established in 1985 as a response to racism directed towards Chinese . CAF’s core purpose is to provide a voice for the Chinese Australian community, to enable its greater participation in Australian society and to promote Australian . CAF aims to contribute to building a harmonious and socially cohesive Australia. Ordinary CAF membership is restricted to Australian citizens and permanent residents and only ordinary members are eligible to vote and stand for election to CAF’s Management Committee.

2. THE CHINESE DIASPORA IN AUSTRALIA

The Chinese diaspora in Australia (“the diaspora”) is a highly diverse group. It includes people of Chinese ancestry who were in born in Australia or who, or whose parents or forebears, migrated to Australia from a variety of different countries and have a range of cultural, linguistic, religious, educational and socio- economic backgrounds. Estimates place the number of Australian citizens of Chinese ancestry at approximately 1.2 million1. The history of people of Chinese ancestry in Australia extends over 200 years with the first Chinese migrant, Mak Sai Ying, landing in Port Jackson in 18182.

3. CHALLENGES FACED BY THE DIASPORA

There has recently been a discernible rise in racial abuse and distrust towards . Anecdotal reports from the Chinese Australian community have been reflected in the results of a reporting platform and survey from the Per Capita Thinktank and the Australian Alliance which has recorded over 400 incidents of racial abuse towards between April and June 20203.

This may be largely attributed to two principal causes. The first is the characterisation of the corona virus as the “ virus” and the fear, suffering and hardship COVID-19 has caused in our communities which has heightened suspicion and animosity towards Chinese and Asian Australians. The second cause is the deterioration of Australia’s relationship with the Peoples Republic of China (PRC) and the dominant public narrative around a more aggressive and assertive PRC as a strategic threat and as engaging in activities and behaviours contrary to Australian values and interests. Anti-Chinese sentiment is impacting not only those of Chinese heritage but also other Asian diaspora communities who look Chinese.

The Lowy Institute Poll 2020 found that 41% of Australians regard China as more a security threat than an economic partner (up from 18% in 2018) and just 23% trust the PRC to act responsibly in the world4. There is significant concern within the diaspora that they may become “collateral damage” in this era of heightened geopolitical tension. Racism and distrust in this context are highly problematic for 3 principal

1https://www.abs.gov.au/Ausstats/[email protected]/dd0ca10eed681f12ca2570ce0082655d/d8cae4f74b82d4 46ca258235000f2bde!OpenDocument 2 https://www.abc.net.au/news/2018-06-10/first-chinese-settlers-descendants-reconnect-with-their- roots/9845804 3 https://www.abc.net.au/news/2020-07-24/coronavirus-racism-report-reveals-asian-australians- abuse/12485734 4 https://poll.lowyinstitute.org/charts/trust-in-global-powers reasons: firstly, it exacerbates the well-documented challenge of the “bamboo ceiling” faced by Chinese Australians - the chronic under-representation in, and barriers to, leadership positions in Australia. Secondly, it undermines the diaspora’s ability to feel like they can fully belong in Australia as fully enfranchised and included members of the Australian community. Third, it is dangerously corrosive to Australia’s social cohesion and our core values as a multicultural nation.

4. RECOMMENDATIONS

The Chinese diaspora in Australia is a source of significant strength and value for our nation. Members of the diaspora participate as hardworking, law-abiding members of society in the life of our nation. They deserve to be treated, and it is in Australia’s national interest to treat them as valued, trusted Australians. They have the expertise, cultural and linguistic understanding, relationships and loyalty to Australia, to be crucial partners in Australia’s trade, investment, cultural and strategic relations in .

Our recommendations are directed at enabling and facilitating the greater participation and contribution of the diaspora to our nation.

4.1 Distinguish clearly between the PRC and Chinese Australians

It is critical that a clear distinction is drawn between the People's Republic of China and the Chinese Communist Party (CCP), and Chinese Australians by our political leaders, in media reporting and in the general public discourse. This is a point that Professor John Fitzgerald has previously made.

4.2 Strengthen Australia’s multiculturalism and anti-racism frameworks and policies

The 2019 Scanlon Report found 85% of Australians support multiculturalism5. Whilst there are various state and territory frameworks for multiculturalism and anti-discrimination, we submit Australia would benefit from a national, integrated and coordinated approach to assert the centrality of multiculturalism to Australian democracy, to provide a strong and clear framework and mechanism for victims of racial abuse, vilification and discrimination to seek redress and advice. We submit the Federal Government:

• should legislate the principles of multiculturalism at a federal level, including the creation of a well-funded and resourced body, governed by a non-partisan and inclusive board, to advocate and drive national and local programs to promote social cohesion and harmony, as well as an inclusive sense of what it means to be Australian; • should better co-ordinate with state-based multicultural agencies such as Multiculturalism NSW to ensure resources are optimised and approaches are aligned and consistent nationally; • should work with state governments on a long-term strategy for education in schools about the benefits of multiculturalism and the negative social impact of racism as part of the K-12 curriculum; • should increase funding to State and territory government to enhance teaching of community languages in schools; and • develop and implement a new national anti-racism strategy including the funding of targeted media advertisements and other community service announcements on anti-racism, as well as mechanisms to better collect data on incidents of racism and the impacts on ethnicity on employment, education, health and other socio-economic measures.

4.3 Education and outreach for Chinese Australians

Australia and China do not have a shared history, system of government or political values. We submit there needs to be an education process for Chinese migrants about our way of life. Some of this is provided during the citizenship process but this needs to be strengthened, lengthened, and reinforced.

5 https://scanloninstitute.org.au/report2019 2

Civics education for our migrants needs to be brought to life, in order for it to be understood and appreciated. We recommend our state and federal parliaments, as well as civil society organisations such as unions and advocacy organisations, focus on outreach programs to Chinese community organisations to help them not only understand our democracy and institutions, but to also teach them how to become active and informed participants. Outreach programs should be in both English and Chinese. Democracy, rights and freedoms are challenging and abstract terms that need to be thoroughly explained and experienced before they can genuinely be understood. Without this understanding and appreciation for our democratic process, Chinese migrants will not be fully enfranchised.

4.4 Media for the diaspora

The role of media as a guardian of public interest in democracy has become diminished due to vast structural changes in the media landscape and the rise of social media. This trend is accelerating in the Chinese migrant community, where many major community newspapers have closed. In the absence of major Chinese media mastheads and the exponential rise of the Chinese social media platform WeChat, the spread of misinformation is becoming increasingly concerning, particularly during election campaigns. A study by Professor Wanning Sun from UTS found more than half of those surveyed said Wechat posts by friends were one of their primary sources of political information. This suggests that misinformation campaigns on WeChat could easily influence Chinese Australians during elections.

We submit the mainstream Australian media should play a larger role in producing and broadcasting content specifically for the Chinese Australian community in the . SBS, ABC, the Morning Herald and the Australian have started to translate some of their stories for a Chinese audience. Greater funding for ABC Chinese and SBS Mandarin to expand their activities should be considered.

4.5 Enable and support greater participation by Chinese Australians in public office

Our parliament fails to accurately reflect the diversity in the Australian community. Political parties need to better engage with the Chinese community to attract high-calibre candidates. Instead of relying on the Chinese community for political donations, there needs to be genuine engagement with the community on policy issues and a nurturing of effective community advocates. We submit governments should measure and publish data on cultural diversity in our parliaments and key political leaderships roles, and political parties should adopt aspirational targets for cultural diversity such that our parliaments may better reflect the composition of the Australian population today.

4.6 Greater funding for diaspora community associations, programs and initiatives

We need increased government grant funding to support diaspora communities, including the following:

● greater targeted federal government support for major Australian arts funding bodies in both visual and performing arts, such as Screen Australia and the Australia Council for the Arts, to promote the increased development and production of multicultural Australian content for television, feature films and digital media, theatres, exhibitions, festivals, museums, galleries and music; ● improving the leadership capability and opportunities of young Chinese Australians in politics, business, community, arts and other fields of endeavour; ● supporting employment, small business and entrepreneurship amongst new migrants; ● providing specific COVID-19 business support to the significant number of Chinese Australians who are small business proprietors and who struggle with a complex and unfamiliar business and regulatory operating environment in Australia. For example, many Chinese Australian businesses are likely to be facing insolvency due to COVID-19, but the owners are not familiar with the laws and policies regarding how to properly put their businesses into administration without suffering devastating personal financial loss.

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5. CONCLUSION

The Chinese diaspora in Australia has, for over 200 years, contributed to the building, defence and welfare of our nation. The diaspora has the capability, will and loyalty to be a valuable partner in the pursuit of Australia’s economic, social and strategic interests at home and abroad. Rather than distrusting and excluding Chinese Australians, to best defend and vindicate Australian democracy, values and institutions, and to protect our diaspora communities from foreign influence and interference, we must trust and further empower them to play a greater leadership role in our country. We must embrace them more deeply within our Australian family.

Chinese Australian Forum

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