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Chile's Young Catholic Workers Movement in The View metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk brought to you by CORE provided by D-Scholarship@Pitt IN THE FOOTSTEPS OF CRISTO OBRERO: CHILE’S YOUNG CATHOLIC WORKERS MOVEMENT IN THE NEIGHBORHOOD, FACTORY, AND FAMILY, 1946-1973 by Tracey Lynn Jaffe B.A, Pomona College, 1994 M.A., University of Pittsburgh, 1997 Submitted to the Graduate Faculty of Arts and Sciences in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy University of Pittsburgh 2009 UNIVERSITY OF PITTSBURGH ARTS AND SCIENCES This dissertation was presented by Tracey Lynn Jaffe It was defended on April 20, 2009 and approved by Dr. Kathleen Blee, Distinguished Professor, Department of Sociology Dr. Alejandro de la Fuente, Professor, Department of History Dr. Lara Putnam, Associate Professor, Department of History Dr. Paula M. Kane, Associate Professor, Department of Religious Studies Dissertation Advisor: Dr. George Reid Andrews, Distinguished Professor, Department of History ii Copyright © by Tracey Lynn Jaffe 2009 iii IN THE FOOTSTEPS OF CRISTO OBRERO: CHILE’S YOUNG CATHOLIC WORKERS MOVEMENT IN THE NEIGHBORHOOD, FACTORY, AND FAMILY, 1946-1973 Tracey Lynn Jaffe, PhD University of Pittsburgh, 2009 This dissertation examines the history of the Chilean Young Catholic Workers movement (JOC) from its founding in 1946University until the 1973 of Pittsburgh, coup that 2009 almost completely destroyed it. The study explores how the JOC, a specialized branch of Catholic Action, formed a significant link in the widespread mobilization of the working classes in postwar Chile, where the movement achieved a depth and influence unmatched anywhere else in Latin America. The JOC reached its peak in the 1950s in the country‟s booming industrial centers, with the movement‟s many large- scale events, activities, and campaigns attracting thousands from across the country, but it continued to have a considerable presence in working-class neighborhoods through the politically turbulent 1960s and early 70s. Fomenting a social and political consciousness intertwined with Catholic religiosity, the JOC served as a launching pad for local community activism as well as involvement in political parties and unions. Furthermore, JOC activists‟ commitment to social justice forged a path for the “popular” or “liberationist” Church that became a cornerstone of resistance to the Pinochet dictatorship. While connecting the JOC to Chile‟s broader social and political history, this dissertation focuses attention on how the ideologies and policies of a reformist Church worked themselves out on the ground. Drawing on both oral and written sources, it emphasizes the movement‟s significance for the young women and men living in Santiago‟s densely populated slums and iv working in the city‟s factories, workshops, and commercial centers. In particular, JOC activists‟ personal stories reveal how religion, class, and gender intersected in the movement to empower female workers. Despite being embedded in a patriarchal Church structure, the JOC‟s social Catholic discourse led working-class women to carve out a unique space for social activism and leadership that deeply influenced female activists‟ expectations regarding domestic relations and motherhood. At the same time, the JOC‟s focus on workers and workplace issues also made it attractive to young men, who traditionally shied away from Church participation at the parish level. In a movement in which women had equal authority, this participation provoked a subtle shift in men‟s perceptions of male power and dominance. v TABLE OF CONTENTS ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS ....................................................................................................... IX 1.0 CHAPTER ONE - INTRODUCTION ....................................................................... 1 2.0 CHAPTER TWO - FORMING CATHOLIC WORKERS: THE JOC’S ORIGINS IN CHILE .................................................................................................................. 23 2.1 THE EMERGENCE OF AN INDUSTRIAL WORKING CLASS ............... 23 2.2 THE CATHOLIC CHURCH’S RESPONSE TO THE “SOCIAL QUESTION” ....................................................................................................................... 31 2.3 THE JOC’S ESTABLISHMENT IN CHILE ................................................. 35 2.4 THE JOC’S WORKING-CLASS IDENTITY: INTERWEAVING RELIGION AND SOCIAL CHANGE. ............................................................................ 39 2.5 CONFLICT WITH CHURCH CONSERVATIVES: THE IMPORTANCE OF MONSIGNOR CARO AND THE JOC ADVISORS TO THE MOVEMENT’S CONTINUED GROWTH .................................................................................................. 43 3.0 CHAPTER THREE – FROM PARISH TO STADIUM: THE JOC AS A MASS MOVEMENT .............................................................................................................................. 52 3.1 JOC’S ROOTS IN THE POBLACIONES ...................................................... 53 3.2 BUILDING A MOVEMENT IN WORKING-CLASS PARISHES ............. 57 3.3 THE JOC AND RELIGION IN THE POBLACIONES ................................ 64 vi 3.4 RALLIES, PARADES, AND OTHER MASS EVENTS ................................ 69 3.5 VACATION TRIPS TO THE BEACH: A JOC SERVICE FOR THE WORKING CLASS ............................................................................................................ 75 3.6 AN ALTERNATIVE TO POLITICAL PARTIES ......................................... 78 4.0 CHAPTER FOUR – PUSHING AGAINST GENDER BOUNDARIES: WOMEN WORKERS IN THE JOC .......................................................................................................... 81 4.1 SPEAKING TO WOMEN AS WORKERS .................................................... 82 4.2 A SUPPORT GROUP FOR WORKING WOMEN ....................................... 89 4.3 AN ESCAPE FROM THE RESTRICTIONS OF THE PATRIARCHAL, AUTHORITARIAN FAMILY .......................................................................................... 99 4.4 A SPACE WHERE WOMEN DEVELOPED AS LEADERS, EQUAL TO MEN 108 4.5 FEMALE MILITANTS AND GENDER IDENTITY WITHIN A PATRIARCHAL CHURCH ............................................................................................ 119 4.6 A CATHOLIC MOVEMENT AT THE VANGUARD OF SEXUAL EDUCATION .................................................................................................................... 129 4.7 MILITANTS RECONCILE THEIR VOCATIONS AS WORKERS, WIVES, AND MOTHERS ............................................................................................... 132 5.0 CHAPTER FIVE – THE JOC’S POLITICAL EVOLUTION: FROM SOCIAL CATHOLICISM TO MARXISM ........................................................................................... 143 5.1 JOC, CLASS STRUGGLE, AND THE MOVEMENT’S RELATIONSHIP WITH THE SECULAR LEFT ........................................................................................ 145 5.2 THE JOC AND CHILE’S LABOR MOVEMENT ...................................... 154 vii 5.3 JOC ACTIVISM IN LABOR UNIONS AND FACTORIES ....................... 162 5.4 INCREASING POLITICIZATION OF THE LABOR MOVEMENT AND JOC’S MARGINALIZATION ........................................................................................ 167 5.5 THE JOC IN A CHANGING POLITICAL AND SOCIAL CONTEXT ... 173 5.6 JOC LEADERSHIP IN YOUTH CENTERS ............................................... 179 5.7 THE JOC, THE INSTITUTE OF POPULAR EDUCATION, AND POPULAR PROMOTION .............................................................................................. 182 5.8 THE JOC’S POLITICIZATION AND DECLINE ...................................... 192 6.0 CHAPTER SIX - CONCLUSION .......................................................................... 203 BIBLIOGRAPHY ..................................................................................................................... 208 viii ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS From the moment of my arrival at the University of Pittsburgh, I worked closely with Michael Jiménez as his student, his advisee, and his teaching assistant. The last time we spoke, I was about to embark on field research in Chile. Michael became ill while I was there and died within a month after I returned. His passing left a deep void as I tackled the daunting project of making order of countless interview tapes and reams of notes and photocopies. As I wrote, I especially missed the long, impassioned conversations that I (and so many others) used to enjoy with Michael. He always pushed me to think more deeply and ask more probing questions than I otherwise would have about the issues at hand. My deepest regret is that we never had a chance to discuss any of my research about the JOC, a movement which I have no doubt would have stirred Michael‟s deep, abiding interest in both Catholic radicalism and Latin American labor history. Finally, I miss Michael‟s genuine humanity and his sincere concern for his students as persons. He always was a friend as much as a mentor. I deeply thank Reid Andrews for taking over as my adviser. I am especially grateful for Reid‟s willingness to continue supporting me despite what proved to be a lengthy and arduous journey to completion. He went beyond the call of duty to help me surmount several bureaucratic hurdles and also carefully and promptly read and edited my chapters as university deadlines loomed. I greatly appreciate all he has taught me about writing. ix I also thank my committee. Kathleen Blee has been with me since
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