DOCSLIB.ORG

War, Kellogg Pact and the Soviet Union Foreign Policy of a Revolutionary Workers’ » State That Is Surrounded by Imperialist Powers by Max Shachtman Separable

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

Download full-text PDF Read full-text
War, Kellogg Pact and the Soviet Union Foreign Policy of a Revolutionary Workers’ » State That Is Surrounded by Imperialist Powers by Max Shachtman Separable War, Kellogg Pact and the Soviet Union foreign policy of a revolutionary Workers’ » State that is surrounded by imperialist powers By Max Shachtman separable. That the demand for disarmament al­ was outlined a decade and more ago by the leaders ways results in actually disarming the working class Bolshevism, Lenin and Trotsky. Its course is di­ poses upon its participants certain obligations of a peace­ before its class enemy, because capitalism w ill not ful character, it has without delay adhered to it.” (Soviet and cannot disarm. That those who create the im­ rected to warding off all interventionist and coun­ Union Review, Feb. 1929, page 31.) pression that capitalism can disarm “as the only es­ ter-revolutionary movements no matter what their And this is not meant as polite diplomatic rig­ sential element of peace guarantee,” are drugging form may'be, so that the Workers’ State may be marole, for Litvinov repeats it in worse form to the the w orking class. T h a t the only real road to peace .able to lengthen the period in which it strengthens Central Executive Committee of the Soviet Union the -socialist forces in the country as against-the on December TO, 1928: is the overthrow of the bourgeoisie and the victory o f socialism. T h a t the appeal fo r disarmament is forces of capitalism while the revolutionary pro­ “O ur. government took into consideration the fact that letariat in the imperialist countries gathers suf­ thè states signing thé Kellogg Pact thereby placed them­ reactionary utopianism. Lenin said a thousand ficient strength to overthrow their own bour­ selves under a certain moral (sol) obligation to public times: opinion with respect to non-aggression.” (Inprecor, geoisie. The Soviet power must therefore aim to “The Kautskyan preaching of ‘disarmament’, 'which is December 20, 1928, page 1703.) aid in every possible way the revolutionary move­ addressed chiefly to the present governments of the If this is not enough to make a cat laugh, as imperialistic great powers, is a vulgar piece of opportun­ ment in other countries, to help free the masses Stalin would say, it is at least enough to throw ism, pf bourgeois pacifism, actually calculated— in . spite everywhere from the “democratic” and “pacifist” Messrs. Briand, Chamberlain, Stresemann, Musso­ of the good intentions' of the gentle Kautskyans— to di­ illusions cultivated by the bourgeoisie, to expose vert the workers h-om the class struggle. For such a pro­ lini and Hoover into convulsive fits. The Kellogg. the, imperialist machinations of the foreign bour- paganda is calculated to inspire the workers with the Pact is Supposed to “impose upon its participants thought that the present ■ bourgeois governments of the oisie, to arouse the workers against them, and .certain Obligations erf a peaceful character”, yea, Imperialistic powers are N O T bound b y . thousands - of ireby hecpmé a rallying center for tjbe wgfkers f fio rai oWigatians”! Why doesn’t thè Soviet threads, of finance capital and tens or hundreds ..of. cor­ and 'Apgj&g&fc fweopM» rtf the wprid. ’Sytih # responding (i. e., predatory, greedy, preparatory.to sUnjóQ 'fig u ré e inmamo Pact, or join the World course, ip' 4üe Brest-litovsk Be; imperialistic, agression) SE C R ET T R E A T IE S between Court, or the League of Rations? Don’t they atì g ) ilge fl&atfuQty of the .German ’Káis.er. themrives ” (Lenin, The Disarmament Cry, SbotnikfSo- vimpo9e. p w fi dbligatiQQs p fa peaceful character rrial-Demokrata, December 1916.) Sew¿ tip&'feter;, ¿bfc.9& e pgbriy 0ifi- oo their participants”? C^r'perh^js Litvinov (read: #5tsorijSP« Making of Mep sjh^vism I f the Workers’ State does not constantly ex­ S^hn-RyAov) would--have us 'believe-that the Kel­ from Georgia and the establishment of a 'Soviet pose tine inherent counter-revolutionary nature of logg Pàct is less the instrument of the imperialist J^epnblie. I to . thei struggle against the B&ck to' the imperialist powers, but, on the contrary, cre­ bandita and war mongers than the VersaillesTreaty ate^ .the impression thatthese powers can be made' hahátiqwdLíiC and the League o f Nations? .to.-disarm and establish peace, who is deceived? ist totaiJaftopaí T Does pot this babble fly to the face of. all Boi Certainly not the Hoovers, the Briands, the Cham­ > ■ 19m» aEHgiiiilr'o/ Kellogg' Baei: hy Soviet berlains •_ " They laugh Lento said -ih»» toe.^riet-pbw eïv'oh the to th e ir sleeves atotfce'.''.fjpfy idea o f disarmament iij-.the..receWt in fget-frmarke..a^garture question ofpeace, or peace and at all. the .pitiful talk pf Litvinov. .fromi-.this rt^^uth>niry-.'patK .Instead of destroy-- “Would deelafe th^t-it expects-nothing good from the They are secretly or openly preparing'for the'next ing, bourgeois illusions. it strengthens them. ; In -. bourgeois, governments and proposes to thè workers of all countries to. overthrow them and transfer all political imperialist war as they must by their very nature, stg$d .of, stre^jheniog,, the r?Y9lwtippary. mover JHrwef to Soviets of workers deputies.” (Lenin, - How to as well as for a war to crush the workers’ repub­ n^ht¿n .q^erf,eauntries¿ , it weakens it iinsstead .of Attain- Peace, March 29, 1917.) lic. A ll their pacts, conferences and treaties are «xp«>ring?the ri^ re n tly .reactionary an<J. warrinak- It is true that the Soviet Union has a rcserva- window-dressing to hypnotize the workers while- irig chttiacternfriihperiahsm it concealá it. TTo be titoi, ©ri the Pactt Its note says further: they themselves work feverishly for the proper of the authors of this Summariring whatt has been said ’ above, one must moment. But the workers, to whom the authority course,bB£, Arid the latter state me; abseiice 'in the-compact of . obligations concern­ of the Soviet Union" is great, .are. deceived by the is the importantquestion. ing disarmaments,; whiçh ; is the only (I), essential ele- meit of peace guarantee.” (Current History, October disarmament palaver. Their illusions about peace In the official reply of the Soviet Government, : 1928* page 6.) under capitalism, about the possibilities of disarm­ signing thfc-K^lp^'-Pacti given out jby Litvinov on - W e suppose that this, unbelievable clap-trap (we ament, are deepened when the Soviet U nion; signs August 31, 1928, is contained a series of-the most Will -not use a harsher term) is accepted as very the Kellogg Pact. And the Communist Parties are astounding statements.. Says the Soviet Commis­ ‘klever’’ Soviet diplomacy-m some quarter, a type disarmed. It becomes almost impossible for them sar., fo r Foreign A ffa irs on the reservations made of- Machiavellian stroke that outwits everybody— to denounce effectively the Kellogg Pac^ as an ini- by Great Britain: Except the bourgeoisie for whom it is apparently perialist, war-mongeririg document, when the “This reservation the Soviet Government cannpU 'bui. intended. bourgeoisie can easi]y reply: “Dear friends, your consider as an attempt to use the Compact -itself, as an The Communists have persistently striven to per­ own Soviet Union has signed it and hailed it as instrument of imperialist policy.” (Current History, Octo­ a step towards peace". ber 1928, page 6 .) meate the proletariat with the idea that disarma­ An “attempt"! .We must take it, therefore, that ment talk under capitalism is the worst crime of For when the Soviet Union praises the imperial­ the “compact itself” is not an instrument of im­ the bourgeois pacifists. That capitalism, arma­ ists as “our friendly neighbors” how can the Com­ perialist policy, but that the rascally British are ments, war and militarism arc synonymous and in- munists in other countiies expose their bourgeoisie making an "attempt” to use it for this purpose. If as enemies of the Soviet Union who are preparing this analysis is advanced before the .w orking class to . crush it? When the Communist member of with all the authority of the Soviet Union behind Reichstag, Stoecker, denounces German imperial­ it, what becomes of the daily agitation in the press ism’s war preparations against the Soviet Union, which continues to repeat—and correctly so— the social-democratic Chancellor, Mueller, triumph­ that “Versailles, Locarno, the Anglo-French agree­ antly replies with ment, the Kellogg Tcace’ Pact are all steps to­ “The words of M .T. Kalinin, president of the Soviet ward, a war of all imperialist powers against Soviet Union, who on his recent reception to the new German Ambassador to Moscow, Dr. Herbert von Dircksen, as Russia”? (See Dally Worker, March 6, 1929). serted that the relations between the Soviet Union and Millions read the proclamations of the Soviet the German Republic were thoroughly peaceful anc’ Union, where only a handful read the Communist friendly.” (New York Herald-Tribune. February 27, press. Even if this were not so, the theory that 1929.) the Workers’ State can talk one way and the wor­ The Communist deputy was unable to reply to kers another way, is fundamentally false. this. Mueller could also have quoted Litvinov’.- B ut this" is not the w orst. T h e Soviet note says speech (Inprecor, December 20, 1928, page 1706) furth er: in which the German bourgeoisie is praised as th-r friend of Russia. Mussolini, in reply to the Italiar “ Nevertheless, in.-smuch as the Pact of Paris objective­ ly imposes certain o b !i~ r!on* on the powers before pub­ Communists, can also quote Litvinov’s speech; lic opinion and gives the Soviet Government a new “An example of the possibility of maintaining norma’ chance to put before all the participants of the
Load more

Recommended publications
  • Oral History Transcript T-0217, Interview with David Burbank
    ORAL HISTORY T-0217 INTERVIEW WITH DAVID BURBANK INTERVIEWED BY NOEL DARK SOCIALIST PARTY PROJECT NOVEMBER 29, 1972 This transcript is a part of the Oral History Collection (S0829), available at The State Historical Society of Missouri. If you would like more information, please contact us at [email protected]. My name is Noel Clark. I am a graduate student at the University of Missouri-St. Louis. The date is November 29, 1972. I am going to talk this evening to Mr. David Burbank about the Socialist Party in the State of Missouri. CLARK: Mr. Burbank, would you mind, first of all, saying your name? BURBANK: Yes, I am David Burbank. CLARK: ...and your address. BURBANK: My address is 300 Mansion Center, St. Louis. CLARK: Okay. Mr. Burbank, would you mind giving us a short history on the Socialist Party as you first became acquainted with it? BURBANK: Well, I think I might start out by giving a little bit of background. As you probably know, the Socialist Party was greatly reduced after World War I. The Red scares and the Communist split reduced it nationally to very little. There were several cities where they had originally been very strong before World War I and even during World War I. St. Louis was one of them. There was a very large German population and this party here was, to a very large extent, a German organization. It had been so for a long time. The German Socialists were active in various German Unions, like the brewery works, the carpenters, machinists and so on, and exercised considerable influence in these unions.
    [Show full text]
  • Évkönyv 2016.Indd
    A nemzetközi munkásmozgalom történetéből Évkönyv • 2016 XXXXII. évfolyam Magyar Lajos Alapítvány 2016 Szerkesztőbizottság: Artner Annamária Bebesi György Dömény Zsuzsa Harsányi Iván szerkesztő Horváth Jenő Jemnitz Katalin Juhász József J. Nagy László Konok Péter Pankovits József Székely Gábor szerkesztő Vadász Sándor E kötetünk a Munkásmozgalom-történészek Nemzetközi Egyesülete, a Károlyi Mihály Társaság, a Lukács György Alapítvány, a Politikatörténeti Alapítvány és a Vas- és Fémmunkások Szakszervezetének támogatásával jelent meg. Dieser Band erscheint mit der Unterstützung der Internationalen Tagung der Historiker der Arbeiterwegung (ITH), der I. G. Metall Ungarn, der Georg Lukacs Stiftung und der Gesellschaft Michael Karolyi Az Évkönyv 2004., 2005., 2006., 2007., 2008., 2009., 2010., 2011., 2012., 2013., 2014., 2015. és 2016. számának teljes szövege olvasható / You can fi nd the whole text of Yearbooks 2004, 2005, 2006, 2007, 2008, 2009, 2010, 2011, 2012, 2013, 2014, 2015 and 2016: http//:yearbook2.atw.hu ISSN 0 133476 X © Harsányi Iván, Székely Gábor Nyomás: Robinco Kft. F. v. : Kecskeméthy Péter Az Évkönyv nemzetközi tanácsadó testülete: Agosti, Aldo (Torino) Morgan, Kevin (Manchester) Avineri, Shlomo (Jeruzsálem) Narihiko, Ito (Tokio) Buschak, Willy (Brüsszel) Panaccione, Andrea (Milano) Callesen, Gerd (Bécs) Parsons, Steve (Sonderborg, Dánia) Chakravarti, Sudeshna (Calcutta) Pelz, William, A. (Chicago) Degen, Bernhard (Basel) Rojahn, Jörgen (Amszterdam) Elorza, Antonio (Madrid) Schwarzmantel, John (Leeds) Fülberth, Georg (Marburg)
    [Show full text]
  • Marxist Politics Or Unprincipled Combinationism?
    Prometheus Research Series 5 Marxist Politics or Unprincipled Combinationism? Internal Problems of the Workers Party by Max Shachtman Reprinted from Internal Bulletin No. 3, February 1936, of the Workers Party of the United States With Introduction and Appendices , ^3$ Prometheus Research Library September*^ Marxist Politics or Unprincipled Combinationism? Internal Problems of the Workers Party by Max Shachtman Reprinted from Internal Bulletin No. 3, February 1936, of the Workers Party of the United States With Introduction and Appendices Prometheus Research Library New York, New York September 2000 Prometheus graphic from a woodcut by Fritz Brosius ISBN 0-9633828-6-1 Prometheus Research Series is published by Spartacist Publishing Co., Box 1377 GPO, New York, NY 10116 Table of Contents Editorial Note 3 Introduction by the Prometheus Research Library 4 Marxist Politics or Unprincipled Combinationism? Internal Problems of the Workers Party, by Max Shachtman 19 Introduction 19 Two Lines in the Fusion 20 The "French" Turn and Organic Unity 32 Blocs and Blocs: What Happened at the CLA Convention 36 The Workers Party Up To the June Plenum 42 The Origin of the Weber Group 57 A Final Note: The Muste Group 63 Conclusion 67 Appendix I Resolution on the Organizational Report of the National Committee, 30 November 1934 69 Appendix II Letter by Cannon to International Secretariat, 1 5 August 1935 72 Letter by Glotzer to International Secretariat, 20 November 1935 76 Appendix III National Committee of the Workers Party U.S., December 1934 80 Glossary 81 Digitized by the Internet Archive in 2013 http://archive.org/details/marxistpoliticsoOOshac Editorial Note The documents in this bulletin have in large part been edited for stylistic consistency, particularly in punctuation, capitalization and emphasis, and to read smoothly for the modern reader.
    [Show full text]
  • Guide to the Harvey O'connor Papers [LP000245]
    Guide to the Harvey O'Connor Papers LP000245 This finding aid was produced using ArchivesSpace on August 11, 2021. English Describing Archives: A Content Standard Walter P. Reuther Library 5401 Cass Avenue Detroit, MI 48202 URL: https://reuther.wayne.edu Guide to the Harvey O'Connor Papers LP000245 Table of Contents Summary Information .................................................................................................................................... 3 History ............................................................................................................................................................ 3 Scope and Content ......................................................................................................................................... 4 Arrangement ................................................................................................................................................... 6 Administrative Information ............................................................................................................................ 7 Related Materials ........................................................................................................................................... 7 Controlled Access Headings .......................................................................................................................... 8 Collection Inventory ......................................................................................................................................
    [Show full text]
  • Finding Aid Prepared by David Kennaly Washington, D.C
    THE LIBRARY OF CONGRESS RARE BOOK AND SPECIAL COLLECTIONS DIVISION THE RADICAL PAMPHLET COLLECTION Finding aid prepared by David Kennaly Washington, D.C. - Library of Congress - 1995 LIBRARY OF CONGRESS RARE BOOK ANtI SPECIAL COLLECTIONS DIVISIONS RADICAL PAMPHLET COLLECTIONS The Radical Pamphlet Collection was acquired by the Library of Congress through purchase and exchange between 1977—81. Linear feet of shelf space occupied: 25 Number of items: Approx: 3465 Scope and Contents Note The Radical Pamphlet Collection spans the years 1870-1980 but is especially rich in the 1930-49 period. The collection includes pamphlets, newspapers, periodicals, broadsides, posters, cartoons, sheet music, and prints relating primarily to American communism, socialism, and anarchism. The largest part deals with the operations of the Communist Party, USA (CPUSA), its members, and various “front” organizations. Pamphlets chronicle the early development of the Party; the factional disputes of the 1920s between the Fosterites and the Lovestoneites; the Stalinization of the Party; the Popular Front; the united front against fascism; and the government investigation of the Communist Party in the post-World War Two period. Many of the pamphlets relate to the unsuccessful presidential campaigns of CP leaders Earl Browder and William Z. Foster. Earl Browder, party leader be—tween 1929—46, ran for President in 1936, 1940 and 1944; William Z. Foster, party leader between 1923—29, ran for President in 1928 and 1932. Pamphlets written by Browder and Foster in the l930s exemplify the Party’s desire to recruit the unemployed during the Great Depression by emphasizing social welfare programs and an isolationist foreign policy.
    [Show full text]
  • Diego Rivera and the Left: the Destruction and Recreation of the Rockefeller Center Mural
    Diego Rivera and the Left: The Destruction and Recreation of the Rockefeller Center Mural Dora Ape1 Diego Rivera, widely known for his murals at the Detroit Institute ofArts and the San Francisco Stock Exchange Luncheon Club, became famous nationally and internationally when his mural for the Radio City ofAmerica (RCA) Building at Rockefeller Center in New York City was halted on 9 May 1933, and subsequently destroyed on 10 February 1934. Commissioned at the height of the Depression and on the eve of Hitler's rise to power, Rivera's mural may be read as a response to the world's political and social crises, posing the alternatives for humanity as socialist harmony, represented by Lenin and scenes of celebration from the Soviet state, or capitalist barbarism, depicted through scenes of unemployment, war and "bourgeois decadence" in the form of drinking and gambling, though each side contained ambiguous elements. At the center stood contemporary man, the controller of nature and industrial power, whose choice lay between these two fates. The portrait of Lenin became the locus of the controversy at a moment when Rivera was disaffected with the policies of Stalin, and the Communist Party (CP) opposition was divided between Leon Trotsky and the international Left Opposition on one side, and the American Right Opposition led by Jay Lovestone on the other. In his mural, Rivera presented Lenin as the only historical figure who could clearly symbolize revolutionary political leadership. When he refused to remove the portrait of Lenin and substitute an anonymous face, as Nelson Rockefeller insisted, the painter was summarily dismissed, paid off, and the unfinished mural temporarily covered up, sparking a nationwide furor in both the left and capitalist press.
    [Show full text]
  • 2012 October Newsletter
    HSA Hungarian Studies Association www.Hungarianstudies.info October 2012 NEWSLETTER Please mark it on your calendar. The 44th Annual Convention of the Association for Slavic, East European, and Eurasian Studies will be held in New Orleans, LA, from Thursday, November 15, to Sunday, November 18, 2012 at the New Orleans Marriott. The theme of the convention is "Boundary, Barrier and Border Crossing". Our business meeting is scheduled for Friday, November 16, 2012 at 6.30 pm in the hotel’s Preservation Hall Studio 5. Light refreshments will be served. Agenda for the business meeting: 1. Report of the president and treasurer 2. Membership - outreach 3. Elections - nominations 4. Creating a committee for By-law revision (copy of old by-laws will be distributed as will a list of websites for “ideas/models”) 5. Panel proposals for 2013 ASEEES conference 6. Letter to the ASEEES organizing committee on regularly scheduling of Hungarian panels predominantly at the beginning and the end of the annual conference 7. New Business The convention program is available at http://aseees.org/convention/program.html. The 2013 convention will be held in Boston, (November 21 - 24, 2013) Boston, MA, at the Boston Marriot Copley Place. Theme of the conference will be: “Revolution” — see the August 2012 Newsnet (PDF) for details. At the end of this Newsletter is the list of our members participating at the New Orleans conference and Hungary related panels. gh gh gh gh gh gh gh At the ASEEES convention in New Orleans, there will be a book presentation for a new book by Tom Sakmyster: A Communist Odyssey, The Life of József Pogány /John Pepper.
    [Show full text]
  • Rabbi Edward L. Israel: the Making of a Progressive Interracialist, 1923–1941
    Rabbi Edward L. Israel: The Making of a Progressive Interracialist, 1923–1941 by Charles L. Chavis, Jr.* ithin a few years into his appointment as rabbi of Baltimore’s historic Har Sinai Congregation, Edward L. Israel began to dis- W play the marks of a true progressive by speaking out against labor inequality in Maryland and throughout the country. In his response to one of the lesser-known labor strikes of the interwar era, Israel penned these words in May 1927: Today, the sensual and luxury laden generation is nameless, but Amos, Hosea, Isaiah, and the others who spoke in terms of justice and righteous- ness live on as a glory to mankind. The pulpit today may not be arrogant enough to dare to compare itself to these religious geniuses of the moral courage to speak in the name of God of mercy and truth wherever there is social or industrial injustice.1 Serving as an arbitrator for the Western Maryland Railroad strike in behalf of disgruntled workers, Israel led an ecumenical investigation team whose report was praised throughout the country. However, missing from this report was the black worker. Between 1926 and 1936, the rabbi evolved from a progressive voice in the labor movement to become an interracial and interfaith advocate who was forced to acknowledge the dehumaniza- tion of Jim Crowism after being challenged by the key leaders of the early civil rights movement in Baltimore. His activism represented a lesser- known black-Jewish alliance that became an essential element of the black freedom struggle in Baltimore and Maryland during the 1930s and early 1940s.2 * The author may be contacted at [email protected].
    [Show full text]
  • The Life and Works of Philip J. Jaffe: a Foreigner's Foray
    THE LIFE AND WORKS OF PHILIP J. JAFFE: A FOREIGNER’S FORAY INTO CHINESE COMMUNISM Patrick Nichols “…the capitalist world is divided into two rival sectors, the one in favor of peace and the status quo, and the other the Fascist aggressors and provokers of a new world war.” These words spoken by Mao Tse Tung to Philip J. Jaffe in a confidential interview. Although China has long held international relations within its Asian sphere of influence, the introduction of a significant Western persuasion following their defeats in the Opium Wars was the first instance in which China had been subservient to the desires of foreigners. With the institution of a highly westernized and open trading policy per the wishes of the British, China had lost the luster of its dynastic splendor and had deteriorated into little more than a colony of Western powers. Nevertheless, as China entered the 20th century, an age of new political ideologies and institutions began to flourish. When the Kuomintang finally succeeded in wrestling control of the nation from the hands of the northern warlords following the Northern Expedition1, it signaled a modern approach to democratizing China. However, as the course of Chinese political history will show, the KMT was a morally weak ruling body that appeased the imperial intentions of the Japanese at the cost of Chinese citizens and failed to truly assert its political legitimacy during it‟s almost ten year reign. Under these conditions, a radical and highly determined sect began to form within the KMT along with foreign assistance. The party held firmly on the idea of general welfare, but focused mostly on the rights of the working class and student nationalists.
    [Show full text]
  • Report Resumes
    REPORTRESUMES ED 012 319 VT 001 742 ANNOTATED BIBLIOGRAPHY FOR VOCATIONAL.-TECHNICALEDUCATION, 1966. 011-- BRUNETTI, FRANK WILLIAMS, JEROME NEVADA STATE RES.COOR. UNIT FOR VOC. TECH. EDUC PUB DATE 66 EDRS PRICE MF-.40.36 NC-49.56 239P. DESCRIPTORS-. *ANNOTATED BIBLIOGRAPHIES, *VOCATIONALEDUCATION, *TECHNICAL EDUCATION, OCCUPATIONS, EMPLOYMENT,EMPLOYERS, LABJR, PERSONNEL, RENO MORE THAN 1,000 ITEMS ARE LISTED ALPHABETICALLYWITHIN SUBJECT AREAS. THE AREAS INCLUDE AGRICULTURALEDUCATION, ART INDUSTRIES AND TRADE,BUSINESS EDUCATION,ECONOMICS, JOB ANALYSIS, LABOR AND DEMOCRACY, MANPOWER,OCCUPATIONAL HEALTH NURSING, OCCUPATIONS; PERSONNEL MANAGEMENT,TECHNICAL EDUCATION, VOCATIONAL GUIDANCE, VOCATIONALMATHEMATICS, VOCATIONS FOR GIRLS, WORKAND LEISURE, WORKMEASUREMENT, WORK-STUDY PROGRAMS, ANDWORKERS ON RELIEF.PUBLICATION DATES FANGE FROM THE EARLY 1900'S THROUGH 1966. THEMATERIALS ARE AVAILABLE AT THE. NOBLE H. GETCHELL LIBRARY ONTHE UNIVERSITY OF NEVADA CAMPUS, RENO, AND THE LIBRARY CALLNUMBERS ARE GIVEN. (PS) s, U.S. DEPARTMENT OF HEALTH,EDUCATION & WELFARE OFFICE OF EDUCATION THIS DOCUMENT HAS BEEN REPRODUCED EXACTLY AS RECEIVEDFROM THE PERSON OR ORGANIZATION ORIGINATING IT.POINTS OF VIEW OR OPINIONS STATED DO NOT NECESSARILY REPRESENT OFFICIALOFFICE OF EDUCATION POSITION OR POLICY. ANNOTATED BIBLIOGRAPHY FOR VOCATIONAL-TECHNICAL EDUCATION 00146INA TIN ,romrromrirm. The Nevada Research Coordinating Unit is pleased to present this annotated bibliograpy to you as an aid to improving vocational and technical education pro- grams in the State of Nevada. This bibliography was compiled to provide material in a form that minimizes review of literature ac- tivity. Source materials listed in this bibliography are available at the Noble H. Getchell Library on the University of Nevada Campus, Reno. Research for this publication was done by Mr. Frank Brunetti and Mr.
    [Show full text]
  • The American Communist Movement Underwent Several Splits in Its Early Years
    Index Note: The American Communist movement underwent several splits in its early years. When uni- fied in the early 1920s, it was first called the Workers’ Party and then the Workers’ (Communist) Party; in 1929 it became the Communist Party, USA. This work uses the term Communist Party (CP) to describe the party from 1922 on, and references are indexed in a single category here. [However there were other, distinct organizations with similar names; there are separate index entries for the Communist Party of America (1919–21), the Communist Labor Party (1919–20), the United Communist Party (1920–1) and the Communist League of America (Opposition) (1928–34).] ABB See African Blood Brotherhood American Federation of Labor (AFL) Abd el-Krim 325 and FFLP 124, 126 Abern, Martin 138n2, 139n1, 156, 169–170, and immigrant workers 76, 107, 193 209n2, 212n, 220n2, 252n, 259–260, 262 and IWW 88, 92 ACWA See Amalgamated Clothing Workers and Passaic strike 190–193, 195–197 AFL See American Federation of Labor and Profintern 87, 91–92 Africa 296, , 298–299, 304–308, 313–317, 323, and TUEL 106–108, 118 325–327, 331–332, 342–346, 355, 357, 361, and women workers 193 363n2 anti-Communism 21, 83, 91, 112, 125–126, French colonies 313, 325 148, 191, 193, 196, 210, 284, 324, 326 See also pan-Africanism; South Africa anti-strike activity 193 African Americans See blacks, American bureaucracy 75n2, 106, 118, 211, 215, 284 African Blood Brotherhood (ABB) 23, bureaucracy, racism of 102, 306, 324, 298–304, 306, 312, 317, 322–324, 343 326–327, 330 See also Briggs Comintern on 21, 83–84, 87, 91–92, 109, African sailors, Communist work among 317 210, 256, 285 agricultural workers, Communist work Communist work in 14, 21, 75–76, 83, 85, among 95, 287, 323, 326, 340, 348, 360n3 115, 215 Alabama 5, 11, 348, 360n3, 362, 363n1 dissent within 75, 100, 108, 113 See also Scottsboro Boys expulsion of Communists 110, 125–126, All-American Anti-Imperialist League 187, 149, 196–197 331–332 Foster in 98, 100–102, 106–107, 109, Allen, James S.
    [Show full text]
  • The Automobile Workers Unions and the Fight for Labor Parties in the 1930S
    The Automobile Workers Unions and the Fight for Labor Parties in the 1930s Hugh T. Louin* Despite the New Dealers’ innovative social and economic programs during the 1930s, discontented agrarians and labor unionists judged the New Deal’s shortcomings so severe that they began to nurture third party movements. Scrappy auto- mobile industry unionists in Ohio, Michigan, and Indiana at first ignored the new third party efforts of impatient New Deal critics. Instead, with many other organized and unorganized workers, they expected New Dealers to provide better times after the “lean years” of the 1920s. During the post-World War I decade union rolls had declined, the American Federation of Labor (AFL) had lost prestige, and unions had exercised little influence with lawmakers and other elected officials. Conse- quently, employers easily avoided collective bargaining with unions, strikes often were ineffective, and unionists charged that public officials consistently deployed police forces and the National Guard to tilt the balance in industry’s favor during labor-management conflicts.’ The New Dealers of the 1930s, although clearly pro-labor, failed to effect many of the changes which automobile industry workers anticipated. In response, disgruntled automobile union- ists in the Great Lakes states attempted to build labor parties. That they failed to create viable labor parties calls attention to the remarkable resiliency of America’s two party system even during the nation’s most severe depression. More important, the unionists’ failures to establish labor parties reflect the New Deal’s hold on so many industrial workers and AFL craft un- * Hugh T. hvin is professor of history at Boise State University, Boise, Idaho.
    [Show full text]