The Effectiveness of Foreign Aid on Corruption Eradication in Developing Countries’ Institutions

The Effectiveness of Foreign Aid on Corruption Eradication in Developing Countries’ Institutions.

A Qualitative Case Study Related to International Relations Studies with A Focus on West African Country: Nigeria.

Biståndseffektivitet mot korruptions utrotning i utvecklingsländernas institutioner.

En kvalitativ case studie relaterad till internationella relationer forskning med fokus på ett västafrikanskt land: Nigeria.

Olivia Banks Westerlund.

Faculty of Humanities and Social Sciences. Political Science III: Independent research and investigative work. Bachelor’s Dissertation 15 Points Supervisor: Dr. Malin Stegmann McCallion Examiner: Mikael Granberg Semester: Autumn 2020 Serial number:

Abstract.

Foreign aid's effectiveness on eradicating corruption is a fragile yet complex topic to research in International Relations. Some scholars argue that economic aid should not be given without specific conditions, while some argue that aid should be given with strict or specific rules to recipient countries. Par contra my research is aimed at examining one recipient country: Nigeria, as a case study which is considered amongst the most corrupt countries in the world yet are highly enriched in natural resources, such as being the major oil-producing country in Africa that boosts the country's GDP per capita through the export trade with foreign countries. And most foreign donor countries allocate economic aid to Nigeria because they are dependent on the country's trade on natural resources. In this research, I used two conceptualised variables of corruption; bribery and facilitate payment, which is considered the most common corruption trends in the Nigerian society, with the aim of analysing the United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime's (UNODC) twelve-month survey report conducted in December 2019 in Nigeria. Alongside with the London 2016 Anti-Corruption Summit report, the current agenda agreed by forty countries with over six hundred commitments, which Nigeria participated in—hence creating the national anti-corruption programmes that the current President of Nigeria, Muhammadu Buhari implemented as a commitment to the Summit. Consequently using legitimacy and governance perspectives to analyse the efficacy of aid in Nigeria's institution, and evaluating the country's alliance of economic aid in combating corruption, whilst identifying the state's level of governance towards anti-corruption policies to eradicate corruption. The findings show that the level of corruption in Nigeria is still very much high within the public sectors and shows that three in four citizens encounter a form of corruption such as bribery, daily with a civilian who demands a bribe in exchange for their services. And facilitation payment is considered a common activity of Nigerian citizens to speed up legal procedures with the governmental institutions. Even though the Nigerian government claims that the national anti-corruption policies are effective, the survey still shows that there less amount of reported official persons in the conduct of corruption and also the policies doesn't show a trend that the official persons do abide by the policies because the rate of transparency within the institutions is very much low. Yet these official persons intend to be in denial of collecting bribes or participating in any form of corruption.

Keywords: Bribery, Corruption, Economic Aid, Facilitate Payment, Governance, Legitimacy.

Abbreviations

ACM Anti Corruption Movement CPI Corruption Perception Index DAC Development Assistance Committee EU European Union GDP Gross Domestic Product GNI Gross National Income IMF International Monetary Fund IO International Organization ODA Official Development Assistance OECD Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development PDP People’s Democratic Party TI Transparency International UNICEF United Nations International Children's Emergency Fund UNODC United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime WTO World Trade Organization

Table of Contents:

ABSTRACT

ABBREVIATIONS

TABLE OF CONTENTS

1. INTRODUCTION ………………………………………………………...……...... 1 1.1 Aid and Corruption………………………………..………………………………..1 1.2 Problem Formulation…….…………………………...………………………….....5 1.2.1 Research Aim and Questions…..……………………………..………….….8 1.3 Nigeria: Constitutional Setup, Aid Accumulated and Corruption...... ….………….8 1.4 Disposition…...………...……………………………………………………....….11

2. THEORETICAL PERSPECTIVES...... 13 2.1 Theoretical Perspectives...……………….…………………………………….…...13

3. METHODS and MATERIAL ...……….………………………………………...... 19 3.1 Research design and methodology….………………………………………...... 19 3.2 Case study….…………………………………………………….....……………....19 3.3 Case study as a method…....….………………………………………………….....20 3.4 Analytical framework…….…………………………………………....…………....21 3.5 Operationalization…………………………………………………………………..21 3.5.1 Conceptualisation of Corruption……………………………………………...22 3.6 Material …………………………………………………………....…………….....23 3.7 Validity and Reliability……………………………………………....…….…….....24 3.8 Delimitations …………………………………………………....………….……....25 4. EMPIRICAL and ANALYSIS DISCUSSION ………….……………………………26 4.1 Bribery………….…………………………………………………………………....28 4.2 Facilitate Payment…………………………………………………………………...33 5. RESULT ………………………………………………………………………………..37

6. CONCLUSION………………………………………………………………………....40

REFERENCES………………………....……………………………………………....43

1. Introduction

Foreign aid is a very fragile yet complex issue to discuss in international relations (IR). With continuous critics rising from both scholars, expertise from both governmental agencies and developed countries' governments, and other political elites regarding the effectiveness behind the aim of aid and debating about which developing country deserves to be allocated assistance by bilateral or multilateral aid donors. However, when it comes to foreign aid, there are various forms/programmes of aid given to developing countries which have a specific purpose, such as humanitarian aid for the welfare of the recipient state.1 Additionally, the general purpose of foreign aid is to eradicate poverty and improve growth, which involves combating corruption, that is, economic aid, which most developing countries suffer from.2

1.1 Economic Aid and Corruption.

I consider these earlier studies from these scholars: Charron, and Bearce and Tirone, whose different analysis, arguments and methodologies in their studies to be useful in my study. Because they raise insight towards identifying the efficacy of aid in eradicating corruption in developing countries, and I consider them very relevant to my research. However, I don’t agree with some of their viewpoints and methodologies, which I will be discussing in-depth. Charron’s study was aimed at examining the progression of foreign aid’s efficacy in eradicating corruption to developing countries in general, and he applied both a quantitative and qualitative methodology of examining the trends and patterns of corruption in the 1990s in recipient countries while comparing it with the aid from multilateral donors given to recipient countries to combat corruption. Charron argues that economic aid is not the right option towards combating corruption in developing countries because this aid goes into the hands of corrupt leaders of the recipient country. I disagree on this because aid generally helps facilitate the state's socio-economic growth, and when that is achieved, democratic crises like corruption and poverty tend to reduce drastically. However, when a state is fragile in terms of democratic crises like corruption, economic aid should be given under stricter regulations with a signed contract to the recipient country seeking to obtain aid. Such as, firstly, demanding political legitimacy from the recipient country’s institutions before economically assisting them. And simply not implementing the Anti-Corruption Movement (ACM) policies for recipient countries to follow

1United Nations. Humanitarian aid. 2020. 2 Boone, Peter. (1995), Politics and the Effectiveness of Foreign Aid. CEPDP (272). 1

because it will only fade away with time, and with the leaders in power who are corrupt. Because there is a tendency that these corrupt institutions will falsify their governance to gain international recognition. As Charron argues, the Anti-Corruption Movement (ACM) has been relatively effective based on his data that showed a reduction in trends and patterns of corruption, after bilateral donors implemented the Anti-Corruption Movement (ACM) policy. However, he states that the Pre-ACM time-period of aid had proven ineffective, although, after the year 1997 when all major international organizations (IO) had deals in place to fight corruption, the effectiveness was high. The practical implication found in Charron’s analysis was the highlight of “good governance” as an effective way to fight corruption. He argues that a crucial way of fighting corruption for any state is that the recipient country has to take it seriously by policy shifting, making a better policy agenda to relocate resources to where it is needed and lacks effective governance to help combat corruption effectively.3 I consider it to be a negative strategic tool towards combating corruption because relocating resources in an institution that is known to be corrupt only worsens the state’s governance and creates a semi-stagnation in their socio-economic growth due to the misuse of resources and continually making them dependent on economic aid. In conjunction to this, it proves a point in Bearce and Tirone’s discussion that countries who are often dependent on foreign aid, often misspend the aid given to them, and the control/regulation of the aid is often difficult to achieve due to the lack of good governance and transparency. Although Bearce and Tirone, based their qualitative in-depth case study on bilateral and multilateral aid, they argue that aid without the benefit to the donor country is mostly the more effective aid to aid with a specific target, as donor countries have a hard time controlling how the countries receiving the aid distribute it.4 And I disagree because donor countries and international organisations can not continually assist developing countries economically without demanding something in return. After all, most of this financial aid is derived from taxation of its citizens and taxations from member countries in various organisations. So, at least a demand for accountability and legitimacy through contracts from these recipient countries can benefit both partners in two ways; by reducing corruption, and a progression outcome report for donors to continually assist in developing these states. Bearce and Tirone also contradict their arguments that aid is better distributed to countries that will probably use the aid in a good way that benefits the goals of the foreign donors. Yet, there is a

3 Charron, Nicholas. Exploring The Impact of Foreign Aid on Corruption: Has the Anti-Corruption Movement Been Effective? 2010. p.21- 24 4 Bearce H. David, & Tirone C. Daniel. Foreign Aid Effectiveness and the Strategic Goals of Donor Governments. Vol. 72, N o. 3, July 2010. P. 837-839.

contrast of them arguing that aid without accountability from the recipient country symbolises bribery, that is, corruption because this aid given to recipient countries is only given to their government to enrol in the economic reform of their country. However, such ‘bribe’ is considered facilitative in persuading a reform that lasts both in a long-term economically for the nation and in a short-term as a political objective that is politically (within their central exercise of power) by preventable distinguishing less powerful bureaucratic failure.5 Yet concluding that donors should be non-specific in their demands as they cannot control the effects of the aid, either way, instead, the goal of the aid should be to promote economic growth.6 And it can only be achievable through a financial initiative to the recipient government that is, developing countries, towards utilising the aid politically upon economic reform which can lead to economic growth.7 I disagree on this because utilising the aid politically in a fragile state only increases corruption and aid dependency. Whereby the corrupt political leaders during their administration can falsify the creation of reforms or programmes just to continually receive funds during their reign. And pass on the burden to the next electoral candidate, whose administration will find it difficult to handle and fix the issues of democratic crises during their four year rule. This only makes them continually dependent on foreign aid. Which Charron argues and I agree with him, that when aid dependence increases by recipient countries, they tend to be less accountable for their own actions towards the initial development they are seeking aid for. Which then increases rationalisation for domestic corruption through intensifying conflict regarding funds and also predominantly neutralise weak governance as well as inadequate economic policies. In other words, the more a developing country receives aid from Official Development Agencies (ODA) towards boosting their GDP, the more likely their corruption levels as well as democratic and bureaucratic performance worsens.8 But as Bearce and Tirone, argue that strategic benefits affiliated with foreign aid’s allocation are meagre and need to be better in terms of specific major agendas that can assist in utilising economic reforms into being small-scaled because through this developing countries can achieve a more stable and better economic growth. With that being stated, there should be some channels with various components based on development yet with specific agenda on reforms, so that it could be easily achieved gradually and be accounted for by the recipient countries, because the two major issues being faced in foreign aid is, it is affiliated with strategic aid. Secondly, it is affiliated with bureaucratic rationalisation,

5 Bearce H. David, & Tirone C. Daniel. Foreign Aid Effectiveness and the Strategic Goals of Donor Governments. Vol. 72, P.839-841 6 Ibid P. 841- 849 7 I bid P. 839 8 Charron, Nicholas. Exploring The Impact of Foreign Aid on Corruption: Has the Anti-Corruption Movement Been Effective? 2010. p.5-6

which hinders growth. Lastly, Bearce and Tirone conclude with an exemplification of aid after 1990 when strategic (post cold war benefits) of aid were small, and achieved higher effectiveness of aid, which is central to their main argument that, when foreign aid agendas are small-scaled into various channels there is a tendency that growth will turn out as the outcome. However it demands economic reform from these developing countries, who may also have to employ a political reform in order to achieve both development and economic growth, and donors should not use aid as a target in recruiting allies on polity threats they encounter.9 In conjunction to the discussion, I noticed some similarities in their results that there is still a huge gap in identifying the efficacy of aid, and the compliance on how and where aid should be given to recipient countries. I consider as no progress in finding an answer to the question of whether or not the aid that has been given is effective in battling corruption. However, I noticed that Charron, Bearce and Tirone, failed to examine the 2005 Paris Declaration on Aid Effectiveness 10 that was agreed by over a hundred countries, to analyse the possibilities of the agenda outcome. And also during the year 2011 a progression report on the Paris Declaration

11 was issued by OECD , although their research was conducted in the year 2010. So, the time frame for collecting such information was impossible for them to gather because it was issued a year later, which is understandable. But it would have been interesting to see how their analysis based on the methodologies they applied, coupled with using another timeframe or using a specific developing country as a case study to get a more in-depth data on the utilisation of aid than a general analysis, to determine if the issue of corruption can be reduced by economic aid or not. This is why I intend to use another approach, of having an in-depth case study on one specific country; Nigeria. Although Nigeria did not participate in the 2005 Paris Declaration Summit, so I intend to evaluate and analyse Nigeria’s national agenda on anti-corruption based on their cooperation with the Anti-Corruption Summit: London 2016 that involved forty-three countries, and over six hundred commitments were agreed to be accomplished by the year 2019. Through this, I intend to analyse the progress report and the trends of Nigeria’s corruption, to see if foreign aid did reduce corruption and boost growth, or if it did help in fueling corruption due to little or no accountability from the recipient country.

9 Charron, Nicholas. P.848-849 10 OECD. Paris Declaration on Aid Effectiveness. 2005 11 OECD. Aid Effectiveness 2011: Progress In Implementing the Paris Declaration.

1.2 Problem Formulation

For decades Africa as a continent with its developing countries has continually struggled in adapting to better governance within their various institutions, due to the high level of corruption that has paved somewhat of normality acceptance in these countries. This has led to the major setback of most African countries' development compared to the Western World. According to the Transparency International (TI); the global coalition against corruption (a government-funded agency which aims in the uprooting of corruption through promoting transparency, integrity and accountability within every countries' institutions), classified corruption as the abuse of power solely for the self establishment and gain amongst political elites that furtherly passes down to civilians are also seeking power gain in the society.12 Transparency International (TI) went on furtherly in explaining the consequences of corruption’s influence in a state, which tends to alleviate trust amongst people, erodes the country’s democracy whilst interfering or rather obstructing the country’s economic development in terms of their GDP per capita, which then aggravates the country’s state of poverty, environmental crisis and social division.13 Through corruption we some politicians misuse the public money allocated for state development budgets, thus giving budgeted contracts to family members or friends knowingly that they would profit off it. Thus, national organizations bribe other government officials in exchange for lucrative deals, and public servants requesting money to repay the favour of their service rendered to civilians.14 One could say that the loadsamoney in politics is linked to the tendency of higher rates of corruption in a state with untransparent governance. However, major international donors both supranational and intergovernmental organizations namely; the European Union, International Monetary Fund, and United Nations, as well as economically prosperous countries like the United States through their Foreign Assistance Agency,15 and China constantly has and is still continuously a donor to developing countries to combat corruption, poverty and boost the educational system through CIDCA (China International Development Cooperation Agency).16 Nevertheless, some of these countries are still suffering from developing and evolving into a globalized state, even though they regularly receive aid. It leads to criticism of foreign aid’s effectiveness in developing countries as controversial, specifically in Africa. Suppose this aid is truly effective in eradicating socio-economic issues, e.g. corruption and poverty. How efficient

12 Transparency International. What is Corruption. 2020 13 Ibid 14 Annual Reviews. Corruption in Developing Countries 15 U.S. Foreign Assistance. 2020. 16 CIDCA China International Development Cooperation Agency. 2020.

are these financial funds in putting a stop to corruption in these developing countries? It leads to my research problem in identifying the effectiveness of foreign aid on eradicating corruption in government institutions in a specific developing country, Nigeria in West Africa. If this foreign aid has played a significant role in tackling corruption within the government sector, countries like Nigeria are continually financially funded by organizations. Such as the European Union that stands as a major donor of humanitarian aid to vulnerable citizens deprived of the basic human necessities, through which they have provided approximately €285 million since the year 2014 and currently this year; 2020 a fund was allocated to them with the sum of €44.5 million to help improve the lack of sufficient amenities in the country.17 Nevertheless, Nigeria as a nation full of natural resources, from oil and gas production to agriculture that they profit from in terms of export trade and are ranked as 21 of 219 countries on export trade per capita (2018) and number 50 of 222 on product exports (2018) illustrated by

18 the Observatory of Economic Complexity (OEC) . Coupled with the tons of foreign aid being allocated to Nigeria (the recipient country), they are still struggling with socio-economic growth. According to the World Bank, regardless of them being ranked in the world’s annual Gross Domestic Product (GDP) per capita growth as number 26.19 When they ought to be higher in terms of the funds allocated to them for further development of the country and have the highest GDP per capita in Africa.20 Yet they show a disproportionate amount of unemployment rate approximately 23.13 per cent (21 million unemployed people), and 25 per cent of unemployment among individuals holding a bachelor's degree as of the year 201821 and a minimum wage of $77 (US dollars) of an employed bachelor degree holder.22 It leads me to my problematization of foreign aid effectiveness with an exemplification of a case study on Nigeria’s alliance of foreign aid, regarding the transparency of governance in the institutions in using the funds allocated to them from foreign donors. Coupled with their commitment to foreign agendas on corruption, like the Anti-Corruption Summit London 2016. On how effective they have been in eradicating corruption to boost the country’s socio-economic growth. As Ekengren and Hinnfors, a problem formulation is a new survey or an investigation of a new knowledge/experience generated from a known knowledge or our expectations on previous knowledge.23 In other words, it is the problematization of a conception we observe that we consider needs a complement to the known knowledge, which in contrast

17European Union Commission (2020). Nigeria. 18OECD (2020) Nigeria Export. Import Trade. 19World Bank (2019). Gross Domestic Product 2019. 20Statista (2020). African countries with the highest Gross Domestic Product (GDP) in 2019 21 Statista (2020). Key Indicators. 22WageIndicator (2020). Wageindicator. 23 Ekengren, Ann-Marie. & Hinnfors, Jonas. Uppsatshandbok. 2012. P.32

needs to conduct new research to fill the gaps in the old knowledge. Thus, Sandberg and Alvesson state that the most common step in formulating a problem formulation is that we researchers should identify the problem by defining the subject. We can determine the purpose of researching the subject, which is done by specifying objects to be studied and choosing an emphatic, descriptive or normative research question that shapes our research.24 With this, it led me to problematising my knowledge on foreign aid and its effectiveness in-depth and then to define the subject problematics it entails which is eradicating corruption with the motive of trying to use the problem formulating process of research questions like gap-spotting that uncovers hidden areas that have either been neglected or not prioritised to research on. As Sandberg and Alvesson stated, in defining my problem identification of the effectiveness of foreign aid in developing countries, specifically Nigeria, as an exemplification of a country who still encounters backsets in its development plans whilst in combat of reducing corruption within its government.25 Solely with the anticipation of being dependent on foreign aid (which they currently are), however, still encounter considerable problems in combating corruption. I counter to be a scientific problem that can be studied in political science because as we know political science as a discipline is the study of the theories of how societal functions work with politics being at the centre as the main driving force. However, it is essential to keep in mind that the critical point in formulating a research question is that it opens up research problems that tend to solve long-standing controversial problems such as the effectiveness of foreign aid in Nigeria if it does help in facilitating the tools in corruption reduction and help promote socio-economic growth of this country. Having a research question that is relevant and in the framework of political science discipline. Notwithstanding, we researchers can provide an integration of different functional approaches such as influential and explanatory theories that lead to an opening of information that can solve the problem.26 Additionally, I as the researcher need to apply innovative research questions to then generate significant interpretations based on the theory that I have chosen, such as; governance, and legitimacy theory. But also to study the case, that is, the theories study the power dynamics and effectiveness of foreign aid in Nigeria’s institution whilst in combat of corruption, by using the UNODC report and the Anti-Corruption Summit London 2016 agenda to analyse and evaluate the issues. In other words, the theories chosen create evidence with empirical evidence from previous researches while contributing to the literature regarding combating corruption and theorising foreign aid.

24 Sandberg & Alvesson. Ways of constructing research questions: gap-spotting or problematization? 2011. P.24 25 Ibid. P.32-33 26 Sandberg & Alvesson. Ways of constructing research questions: gap-spotting or problematization? 2011. P.25

1.2.1 Research aim and Question.

The aim of this research is to analyse the effectiveness of foreign aid on corruption eradication in developing countries’ institutions. Specifically, in Nigeria (the case study), by identifying the efficacy of foreign aid in this country’s governance. Through which I would be able to identify the strengths and weaknesses of foreign aid if it is reliable in eradicating corruption in developing countries. In the context of the thesis aim, I have draughted this question that best represents the case study and the course of my work on this research.

- What is the current trend of corruption in Nigeria in relation to bribery and facilitation payment? With this question, I aim to see if aid is given to Nigeria by looking at it with good governance and legitimacy perspectives, reducing corruption, or rather making it stagnant or seeing an increase in corruption when analysing my data from the UNODC report and the Anti-Corruption Summit, London 2016.

1.3 Background: Nigeria: Constitutional Setup, Aid accumulated and Corruption

Nigeria as a case study is a federal state that is considered one of the major recipients of foreign aid that is still battling with corruption. The country being a former federal military government state and now a federal republic state that represents thirty-six states within its federal capital territory with each state having its governors and executive local governments under a central constitutional power of government. Which is the National Assembly consisting of legislators, House of Representatives known as Senators and Ministers, through which laws and policies are proposed before the judiciary to approve. Additionally, Nigeria has a president who is considered as the head of state and government and commander in chief of the military. 27 The country has a population of over 206 million citizens and national residents making it the country with the highest population in Africa. 28

Nigeria During Pre-Colonial Rule

Nigeria is a new concept of being a country that is now known to be ‘Nigeria’ today. The country was founded out of a wide variety of tribes and ethnic groups with a wide variety of languages. There were over two hundred and fifty tribes with their territories, and over three

27 Constitution Of Nigeria: Preamble: Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria 1999. 28 Statista: Nigeria: Population 1950-2020.

hundred spoken languages. However the three major tribes known with their powerful dominance are the Igbo (the easterners), the Yoruba (the southerners) and the Hausa-Fulani (the northerners).29 The Igbos were considered powerful due to the powerful dominance of trade by bata in slave trading with British traders during the British Imperial rule, and the southerners were also known for their slave trade to the Portuguese and the Hausa-Fulani were not in the picture of slave trade and the selling of slaves as the Igbo were, rather they resisted the British but was eventually brought down by Frederick Lugard in 1903. This was when the City of Kano was captured along with the sultan's capital Sokoto the following month. This was also when the search for an identity began, that eventually led to the formation of Nigeria. Nigeria then became a British colony and remained so until the year 1960, when Nigeria gained her independence from the British colonial rule.30 Nigeria, as a country with a united administrative rule, came about as a result of a series of forced measures by the colonial rule. Whereby the British colonial masters moved into the land of the Igbo shortly after a European meeting in Berlin in 1884. During this meeting, the interior of Africa got divided up into different colonial possessions that the countries of Europe would claim. In 1914, both the south and the north of Nigeria were united under the British rule, with the aim of making the administration of the colony simpler.31

Nigeria After Independence In The Year 1960.

Nigeria won her independence 1st of October 1960 where the first prime minister was elected, and a new constitution came about. The first years of the State were calm and without much conflict, but as the first two years passed, regional stress rose that found its cause in ethnic competitiveness, economic imbalance as well as educational inequality. Attempts to reduce the regional stress and the ongoing ethnic conflict were made, for example, 1963 when the western region of Nigeria was divided, and the midwest region was created. This resulted in the country being segmented by three groups with their respective region. The Yoruba in the west, the Igbo in the east and the north being the Hausa-Fulani. This conflict was exemplified with attempts from all sides to secure their own interests, blame inequalities on opposing ethnic groups and attempts to secure power for their own respective tribes. In 1965 there were attempts to overthrow the government; this led to the death of the current prime minister as well as two

29 Britannica. The Arrival of The British. 2020 30 Ibid 31 American Historical Association. The Colonial and Precolonial Eras in Nigeria. 2020

regional premiers. There was widespread fraud in the election the same year. It is one of the reasons for the effort to topple the regime. There was a military administration set up, but Anti-Igbo riots in the north opposed and resisted the attempts to abolish the regions, and no unitary government could be created. This led to an even worse political situation, and there were even clashes inside the army between officers seeking to establish power and favour their own respective ethnic group. The leaders of the coup also were to favour the Igbo tribe, which led to a counter-coup. That once again worsened the situation and resulted in clashes on the intercommunal level in the north. Later in 1966, this escalated into Ethnic massacres, and as of the beginning of 1967, there were negotiations in Ghana, with the purpose of trying to save the country. The negotiations failed in large due to different interpretations of the accords. Nigeria was divided even further after this where four regions got split into 12 states. In May 1967, the three states of the east, united under the republic of Biafra, and the federal government of the nation saw this as an act of rebellion. It led to a civil war and led to a lot of deaths, both military and civilian. During this short life of Biafra, the country began to be recognised by other African states as well as securing aid from international organisations. However, Biafra would collapse, much due to famine as well as military intervention in 1969.32 In the same year 1969 as the Biafran war began to collapse and the federal military began to gain power in some eastern states (Biafra states), the Biafran people got shortage in ammunitions and the leader of the breakout state Biafra, Odumegwu Ojukwu went into exile by seeking asylum in Côte d’Ivoire. This led other Biafran delegates into officially accepting defeat and agreed to the relinquishment of power to the federal state.33 Consequently, Nigeria became a full nation under the military rule with a governor general until the year 1999 (the 1999 constitution), after a general election was conducted and the people voted for the first democratic political party; People’s Democratic Party’s (PDP) candidate who was a former Military General; former President Olusegun Obansajo, who ruled for two terms (eight years rule). Hence Nigeria has continually been ruled under the 1999 constitution of having a democratic leader/ president as the Head of State, government and the Commander of the Military.34

Aid Accumulated:

Nigeria is listed as number ten on global recipient country of Official Development Assistance (ODA) gross bilateral aid, and the key donors between the year 2017-2018 consists of ten

32 Britannica. Independent Nigeria. 2020 33 Ibid 34 Britannica. (2020) Nigeria Military Regimes 1983-99.

bilateral and multilateral organisations: International Development Assistance Agency, United States of America, the United Kingdom, EU Institutions, Germany, Global Fund, Global Alliance for Vaccine, France, African Development Fund and UNICEF.35 However, some Members of the OECD has ranked Nigeria amongst their top five recipient countries, such as the United Kingdom, and United States of America36 This aid being allocated to Nigeria is aimed to develop several public sectors such as the education, healthcare, social and economic development to alleviate the country from poverty and democracy crisis like corruption. Yet there seems to be no evidence on the efficacy of foreign aid in eradicating corruption and promoting further growth in Nigeria, because the level of corruption in Nigeria is continually on the rise and considered permanent amongst its people because it has more or less become acceptable as a norm amongst citizens of the nation, which raises critiques on the efficacy of aid.37 Corruption Perception Index (CPI) report issued in the year 2019 by Transparency International (TI), indicates that Nigeria is ranked number 146/180 most corrupt country with a score of 26/100 whereby 100/100 indicates that a country is completely free from corruption.38 Corruption is identified in every single sector of the country, from political and institutional corruption, whereby civil servants like the police openly demand bribes from citizens before they render any service, including the economic sector extortion of budgeted finances is considered normal.39 The common tactics of corruption in Nigeria are bribery, extortion, contracted-fraud, facilitate payments, favouritism, deliberate waste, legal corruption, and subsidy abuse.40 This subsidy abuse falls under the category of budgeted agendas that oftentimes is being financed by foreign aid. Does this mean that what scholars like Bearce and Tirone who argue that foreign aid to developing countries does not help in eradicating corruption rather fuels corruption, have a point? As to how recipient governments can not fully account for the results from budgeted agendas that are being funded/financed by foreign aid, yet growth seems to be stagnant in their nation.

1.4 Disposition

This dissertation is structured and depicted into six chapters, with each section and its subheadings relieving a specific detail with the aim of easily depicting the framework of my case study. Starting with specifically:

35 OECD. (2020). DAC Aid at a glance 36 OECD: Aid at a glance charts: Nigeria. 2017-2018 report. Updated March 2020. 37 Quartz Africa. 2017. Nigeria’s first ever corruption survey is as bad as most people imagined 38 Transparency International: Nigeria. 39Carnegie Endowment for International Peace: A NEW TAXONOMY FOR CORRUPTION IN NIGERIA. 40 Ibid. P.5

Second chapter: In this chapter, I depict and discuss the Theoretical Perspectives, I discuss the theory relevant to this case study; legitimacy and good governance. Third chapter: This chapter consists of various subheadings that consist of the research design and depicts the methodological approach applied in this framework. I specified specific procedures as well as the techniques being used in selecting my data, identifying my data, and the process and also analyse my data. Furthermore, in this chapter, I also illustrate the conceptualisation of corruption being used as a systematic tool of operationalisation. Fourth chapter: In this chapter, I present and discuss my empirical data by depicting the measured data and agenda reports issued out by the selected governmental agencies database. Fifth chapter: In this chapter, Results: I answer my research question and discuss the agenda efficacy’s progress in the Nigerian institutions, and analyse furtherly with the theoretical perspectives to demonstrate the effectiveness. Sixth chapter: In this chapter, after resonating my case study, I draw a conclusion by giving my standpoint on the effectiveness of foreign aid to developing countries by exemplifying the case of Nigeria as my point of argument.

2. Theoretical Perspectives

In this chapter, I discuss the theory of governance and legitimacy having a significant role in the democratization process, in order to acquire transparency within institutions which is a contrast to a corrupt institution that hinders the development of a state. Consequently, discussing some international relations ideological perspectives to explain the stance of legitimacy. The sub-heading 2.1 Theoretical Perspectives, depicts the explanation of the phenomena of good governance and legitimacy, followed with discussion from scholars.

2.1 Theoretical Perspectives

Governance theory: Theoretical framework on governance reflects on the interest of the social science community shifting patterns and styles of governing. According to Stoker, governance signifies a change in the meaning of government, referring to new processes of a states government. Governance encompasses creating better conditions for ordered rule and collective action so that it can be classified as the capacity to provide a framework to understand governance and its process of change.41 Stoker characterises governance into five propositions discussions which can be used when examining a state or institutions performance. He states that: - Governance refers to a set of institutions and actors that are drawn from but also beyond government. - Governance identifies the blurring of boundaries and responsibilities for tackling social and economic issues. - Governance identifies the power dependence involved in the relationships between institutions involved in collective action. - Governance is about autonomous self-governing networks of actors. - Governance recognizes the capacity to get things done which does not rest on the power of government to command or suits authority. It sees government as able to use new tools and techniques to steer and guide.42 Stoker argues that legitimacy should be a criterion for institutions because through good governance it can be attained. Which brings forth a framework of legitimation in the institution. Additionally, through good governance, difficulties in separating policies as well as operational issues can be avoided including the avoidance of bureaucratic governance instead a governmental accountability can be solely achieved whereby all official persons are to be held

41 Stoker, Gerry. Governance as theory: five propositions. P.17 42 Stoker, Gerry. Governance as theory: five propositions. P.18

accountable for their use of power. His argument emphasises political legitimacy being present in institutional performance because a deficit of legitimacy undermines the state’s growth and utilising resources and power legitimately.43 Another scholar, Graham argues that good governance can not be defined as solely direct definition rather there are principles to which an institution has to follow and can be used to

44 examine how a state governs. These five principles are: - Legitimacy and Voice: there has to be inclusivity of voices amongst sexes towards governance and consensus orientation in governance processing that shows that the interest of its people is being prioritised. - Direction: This demands a proper strategic plan from the rulers and it has to be grounded on good governance with the aim of achieving growth. - Performance: It demands responsiveness from the institutions regarding their governing patterns. As well as, effectiveness and efficiency to be considered as a ‘must’ in utilisation of their resources. - Accountability: The rulers are to be held accountable to its people while being transparent in everything they do, that is, giving information on processes and utilisation of their work. - Fairness: This demands equity regardless of sexes and rule of law must involve the implementation of laws on impartiality, and human rights.45

This demonstrates that a state or institution needs to acquire good governance in order to achieve socio-economic growth, however as we can see good governance as certain principles to follow, and one of them I consider vital to this research is legitimacy, which both scholars really emphasised on. Through political legitimacy we can be able to examine the aid’s efficacy in Nigeria’s corruption eradication.

Defining Legitimacy Theory.

Legitimacy theory has no direct definition, which makes it hard to define or measure in political science, however it is considered an arguably vital issue in political philosophy history.46 White, denotes legitimacy theory as a complex and multifaceted theory because its measurement is difficult thus the sources and implications tend to vary across countries. Hence, White states that

43 Stoker, Gerry. Governance as theory: five propositions. P.18 44 Graham. Principles for good governance in 21st century. 2003. P2 45 Ibid. P.3 46 Lynn T. White 2005. P.1

the high rise in globalization of politics is evidential that cross-national measurement and comparison of legitimacy as a concept becomes achievable and effective to use.47 White, defines Political legitimacy theory as:

Political legitimacy can be defined as the degree to which a state is viewed and treated by citizens as rightfully holding and exercising political power.48

Another scholar Rodney, defines legitimacy as:

The belief in the rightness of a state. So, commands are obeyed not simply out of fear or self-interest but because subjects believe that they ought to obey.49

Additionally, to uncover a state’s political legitimacy is to identify their performance which OECD defines as: Output or performance legitimacy: defined in relation to performance, effectiveness and quality of services and goods that the state delivers50

In conjunction to this, legitimacy theoretically describes how a state is viewed when the state is legitimate and demonstrates a transparent system of governance with a relationship of trust with its citizens who deliberately shift away from the state's political power due to their trust and approval of the system of governance that is considered as legitimate and ethical on a normative level. In other words, legitimacy associates with evaluations of principles or ethicalness and impartiality of political authorities in a state. Furthermore, legitimacy is built in a dynamic process that links state and society, it is therefore also vulnerable because corruption is built in the same constellation. And corruption works directly against legitimacy.51 This means that when measuring a state’s legitimacy or the degree of corruption in a state, we are after the examination of conceptual variables’ frequency in their governance. This implies that when performance (normative) legitimacy is high in a state’s governance which can be identified in the result/outcome based on their agenda for development, it indicates that legitimacy is high and corruption is low. Consequently, when performance legitimacy is low, it

47 Lynn T White. Legitimacy: Ambiguities Of Political Success Or Failure In East And Southeast Asia. Princeton University. P.31. 2005 48 Ibid. P.31 49 Barker, Rodney. Political Legitimacy and the State. Oxford: Clarendon Press. 1990. P.11 50 OECD. The State's Legitimacy in Fragile Situations Unpacking Complexity. P.25 51 Lynn T. White P.5

indicates that corruption is high, and legitimacy is low, which can be detected empirically by corruption variables in a descriptive statistic that can be analysed.52 White, states that legitimacy can be evaluated through various political objects, degrees, and aspects that are seen as variant forms. Such as objects; constitutions, politicians, judges, laws and agenda processes and its outcome in terms of development, however the essence of measuring and evaluating legitimacy is political development.53 Whereby through political development changes can be identified in the basic structure of their governance and socio-economic growth tends to expand and not wither.

Measuring Corruption by Legitimacy Performance:

In order to measure corruption, it has to be measured and evaluated in the same process as legitimacy is being measured. By evaluating legitimacy according to White, a state has to be divided into two parts, namely as; state ‘institutions’ which involve agencies, organisations, departments, customs, laws and processes in the state. And are referred to as ‘referent objects of legitimacy’ when evaluating them. As a reason to easily identify the degree of the state's legitimacy through examining the stance of democracy in the state when conducting or analysing an already conducted survey that asks the citizens of the state about democracy.54 The second is; the state-embedded polity examines the cases that involve political parties, government and leaders if they are empirically measurably interchangeable from the state’s governmentality.55 In relation to this, my assumption is that corruption here is considered to be examined within the referent object, with its variables which are; facilitate payment and bribery in the empirical, to determine the effectiveness of foreign aid in Nigeria.

Discussing Legitimacy Theory:

The theory of Legitimacy by Pardo and Prato56 who discusses Max Weber’s theory of legitimacy; that having power and authority needs legitimacy, that is, having rightful lawfulness of governing either through laws or policies. However legitimacy is critical yet not confined to bureaucracy, government and the law.57 They furtherly argue their study on how citizenship and

52 Lynn T. White P.20 53 Lynn T. White P.32 54 Lynn T. White. P.33 55 Ibid. P.33 56 Italo Pardo & Giuliana B. Prato. Legitimacy: Ethnographies and Theoretical Insights. Palgrave Macmillian: Kent, UK. 2019. 57 Ibid P.5-9

the management of power are construed, defined and made to operate at both grassroots level, and at level governance through which their analyses showed that ethnographical logical perception of processes of legitimation and delegitimation whereby individuals tend to merge social ethics and personal preference into professional practices that contradicts oneself with the official legitimacy of the law and policy that is supposed to be abided.58 Thus, Pardo and Prato argue that in order for legitimacy to be fully effective, it demands good governance, that is, governance needs to be attained before legitimacy can function, and when there is bad governance it leads to failure in legitimacy. So, authority (good governance) here needs trust and when leaders lose that, legitimacy becomes unattainable because authoritarianism of leaders hinders good governance due to obnoxious ways of power domination, which then leads to the crisis of democracy such as corruption. Because legitimacy is a criterion in democracy for a state’s polity function, however when a state lacks such, their democracy is being jeopardised, and can be only resolved by a democractic reform which they denote as democratic contract with new policies being implemented.59 Pardo and Prato, furthermore emphasised on two sources of legitimacy derived from an illustrated approach of legitimacy, conducted by the Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development (OECD), that categorised the sources of legitimacy. These are: input or process legitimacy; which is tied to agreed rules or procedures, while as output or performance legitimacy is outlined in relation to the effectiveness and quality of public goods and services, with rightful leaders in order to gain recognition in external sovereignty and legitimacy.60 In conjunction to this, their argument on legitimacy is, by attaining the key task of governance which is to constitute and cultivate the relationship with the state’s citizens, their needs, values and anticipation, which fosters the effectiveness of political responsibility, trust and authority in their pattern of governing.61 In other words, legitimacy is the behavioural stance of governing a state legitimately. As OECD classifies the lack of legitimacy as the primary donor to a state’s fragility due to its incompetence of transparent authority.62 Furthermore, most developing countries fall under the category of lack of ‘input legitimacy’, this approach demands the rightful process use of power, and also, those governing should be held accountable for institutions, that is political legitimacy is the morality of political power.63

58 Italo Pardo & Giuliana B. Prato. P.20 59 Italo Pardo & Giuliana B. Prato. P.77 60 Ibid P.2 61 Ibid P.15 62 OECD.The State's Legitimacy in Fragile Situations Unpacking Complexity. P.15 63 Ibid P.25

For a state to achieve political legitimacy, Pardo and Prato, argue that democracy has to be fully applied; this implies that transparency in the government is a ''must'' and should not be jeopardised. Transparency gives the government concrete accountability, whereby they can attest to or provide information regarding agendas, actions and processes. Through these outlined public management, it would be challenging to experience a democratic crisis like corruption. However, without transparency, weak governance can be detected, and bureaucratic governance can be seen as a driving force by corrupt leaders, making it hard to eradicate corruption within the institutions. Thus, when there is legitimacy, good governance is portrayed with government patterns being transparent as possible to gain its citizens' trust and, most essentially, for the state's socio-economic growth. So legitimacy is required in order to avoid unaccountable acts of official persons such as corruption. The theoretical perspective demonstrates that legitimacy is the degree to how a state governs and is viewed by its people and how it is interlinked with corruption because corruption is built in the same constellation, and works against legitimacy directly. Consequently, being measured and evaluated by examining the performance; degree and patterns in the referent objects in legitimacy performance. I then intend to use those mentioned above to answer my research question: to measure the trends in the selected conceptualisations of corruption variables and evaluate the degree of corruption in Nigeria's institution and use the same tactics in analysing the agenda towards combating corruption in Nigeria. If the data demonstrates low stance of transparency and accountability, it implies an indication of the high level of corruption variables within the institution, it then proves a point in determining the efficacy of foreign aid in Nigeria.

3. Methods.

I characterize and discuss the research design and depict the methodological approach applied in this dissertation's framework in this section. Furthermore, this chapter aims to specify the specific procedures as well as the techniques being used to select my data, identify my data, the process, and analyze my data regarding my research.

3.1 Research design and Methodology

Based on my research question, which is to identify the trends of corruption in Nigeria (the case study), by highlighting the impact of foreign aid in Nigeria’s governance. The methodological approach considered most useful in this research consists of a qualitative and quantitative case study, while using theory-testing to analyze the data. Because my chosen theories take the stance of concrete hypotheses to test the data and are useful to analyze central units in analyzing specific data like official agenda documents and reports that involve statistical data.64 That is foreign aid agenda outcome, Nigeria’s policy agenda document on socio-economic growth and development, the grade of Nigeria’s transparency index within its institutions, their GDP, corruption perception index and governance. Considering that we are yet to identify the effect and impact of foreign aid, and to conclude cause and effect, comparisons are required, and at least two units of analysis are required in a case study.65 These areas mentioned above will be carefully examined and measured through the qualitative and quantitative case study method of analysis. Through these areas of analysis, I can answer my question while theoretically analyzing these units.

3.2 Case Study

A case study according to Halperin, and Heath, is a study that comprises an in-depth study on a single case, that is thoroughly being investigated by researchers, through which they can contribute to the literature, and set as a base for comparative studies because they tend to analyse disputes that have somewhat of validity relevance while implementing concepts for further contexts.66 However, for a researcher to conduct a case study, his/her case study must be exciting and meaningful so that the case studies then remarks to the reader who is familiar with the social science literature.67 To my study, I intend to highlight the sources of corruption in a 68 single developing country and use of foreign aid as a tool to eradicate corruption in Nigeria.

64Esaiasson et. al. Metod i praktiken:Metodpraktikan : konsten att studera samhälle, individ och marknad. 2017. P. 41 65Essaisson et. al. p. 109 66Halperin and Heath. p.214 67Esaiasson. et al. P.108 68Ibid. P.216

3.3 Case Study as a Method

As mentioned in the previous subheading that a case study consists of a more in-depth study on a single case, however the methodology of a case study involves both the systematic methods of collecting the data and analysing the data. According to Halperin and Heath, a case study as a method can require both qualitative and quantitative methods or singly with either just a qualitative or a quantitative method. But it all depends on the researcher’s framework and how s/he chooses the source of data, that is, either as a primary or a secondary data source.69 A primary data source means that the data being used is collected, recorded and analysed by the researcher.70 Whileas, a secondary data source is par contra, which implies that the collected data is derived from other people such as governmental agencies or foreign organisations’ data on government statistics (quantitative), or policy documents (qualitative). Thus, the data are being analysed (or re-analysed) by the researcher. The dissimilarity in these two methods of data collection is ‘who’ collected the data.71 In relation to the framework of studying Nigeria as a case study, my selected data is predominantly a secondary data source, due to the delimitation of conducting a primary data source such as interviews and conducting a survey because I have no access to Nigeria.72 This implies that the collected data is derived from government agencies and international organisations’ data, such as the UNODC report and the London Anti-Corruption Summit 2016 agenda document. These documents have both a quantitative (the UNODC report) and a qualitative data (the London Anti-Corruption Summit 2016 agenda document), which indicates that my empirical data depicted involves both statistical and textual data. Consequently, when analysing the given data, I will systematically be analysing the official documents apropos of my research’s aim; to measure the efficacy of foreign aid towards eradicating corruption, through analysing the chosen conceptual variables of corruption critically. This involves using content analysis as the method to analyse these official documents that encompass agendas, statistical data regarding the progress of the agendas, and data on the current state of corruption in Nigeria. Content analysis is suitable because it comprises systematised analysis of statistical and textual data, commonly used amongst scholars who major in International Relations and Politics.73 Halperin and Heath, classify content analysis as an ‘unobtrusive method’ because its assets reduce behavioural biases, that is, when using this

69Halperin and Heath. Political Research Methods and Practical Skills. 2nd. Edn., Oxford University Press, 2015. P.244 70Ibid P.176 71 Ibid P.177 72 Ibid P.177 73 Ibid. P.345

method, we can quickly get our data without conducting an interview instead we strategically analyse official documents that can involve a transcript of decision making on specific agendas, policies and surveys.74 In conjunction to my case study, I am analysing official documents from both bilateral and multilateral aid donors that consist of agendas, policies as well as surveys conducted on corruption’s index in Nigeria, so the efficacy of content analysis is essential for me to use as a method of analysing my data.

3.4 Analytical Framework

To achieve the analysation of official documents with the aim of my dissertation, that is, to uncover the effectiveness of foreign aid. It is then vital that I systematically highlight the core data needed to be analysed and avoid a general analysation of the documents, this means that when I am analysing corruption, foreign aid, I will also be defining conceptions and the theoretical in order to understand the model of illustration of the data easily.

3.5 Operationalisation

Esaiasson et al., characterise operationalisation as a process by which the theoretical definition is categorised into one or more operational indicators and is essential to use in conducting surveys or analysing an already conducted survey variables to know the concept validity. Because it is a systematic methodology of operational indicators that measures the correlation between the theoretical perspective and the actuality of the phenomena, the indicators depict the problematisation to measure the stance in the degree, trends or patterns of the conceptualisations.75 In conjunction with this, I would be able to depict how corruption can be measured to identify the degree of foreign aid efficacy in eradicating corruption in Nigeria. I will be characterising the theoretical indicators by explaining and discussing corruption: "indicators". Hence, a case study done by a content analysis is another form of textual analysis that examines both textual documents and statistical reports to discover incentives for corruption.76 Consequently, this means that I am examining texts regarding bribes or illegitimacy coupled with the statistical reports to search how these texts and statistical data are linked to corruption within Nigeria's institution and serves as a hindrance to foreign aid's effectiveness. My indicator is the control of corruption, and government effectiveness in Nigeria and the sub-category indicators are the various forms of corruption such as bribery, extortion,

74 Halperin and Heath. Political Research Methods and Practical Skills. 2nd. Edn., Oxford University Press, 2015. P.345-346 75 Esaiasson. Metod i praktiken:Metodpraktikan : konsten att studera samhälle, individ och marknad. 2017. P.56 76 Ibid. P.211

fraud, embezzlement etcetera. As they depict the concept validity in my data, that consist of theoretical concepts and therefore, I must translate them into operational indicators and its meanings, in order to avoid validity problems.77 As Esaiasson et al. demonstrated this problem as a 'rule of thumb'; the validity problem increases with the distance between the theoretical definition and the operational indicator. Consequently, the problem is less severe in the case of relatively uncomplicated and straightforward theoretical concepts that are close to what is to be measured at the operational level and it can either be a controversial concept such as "corruption" or "power."78 Suppose this concept is detected by examining my empirical. In that case, it then concretises my analysis through the validity discussion, which tends to prove that the allocation of foreign aid to eradicate corruption is not sufficient because it tends to fuel corruption in developing countries due to lack of legitimacy in these recipient countries. That is, the validity discussion raises a balancing issue that every empirically working researcher must relate to.79 With this, I conceptualise corruption in the sub-heading below:

3.5.1 Conceptualisation of Corruption

There is not a clear definition of corruption but can be identified based on the context an academic tends to define corruption. However, Transparency International (TI), classified corruption as the abuse of power solely for the self establishment and gain amongst political elites that furtherly passes down to civilians who are also seeking power gain in the society. Through this, it weakens the state’s democracy that then hinders socio-economic growth and creates a massive gap between the social-class or rather a living standard of its people, that is, inequality leading to a massive rise in poverty.80 There are various forms of corruption, depending on the context scholars identify it with, these are: 1. Bribery: Involves the persuasion of companies to companies or private individuals in giving a civil servant money to render service to him/her in need of the service. 2. Embezzlement: Is the act of stealing money that is budgeted for certain agendas for the state such as funds, which is considered to be performed by corrupt official persons. 3. Facilitate payment: Is another form of corruption whereby money is given to the speed of certain legal procedures within institutions. 4. Fraud: An act of deliberately misleading an individual into something s/he has no idea about.

77 Esaiasson. P.59 78 Ibid P.60 79 Ibid P.60-61 80 Transparency International. What is Corruption?

5. Collusion: A corrupt act of two parties planned to allure people into believing them. 6. Nepotism/Favouritism: An act of deliberately appointing positions to unfit officials to do certain tasks. 7. Extortion: An act of forcing up an individual to do something and at refusal can insert physical harm.81

Due to the limited time framework that I have, and the lack of concrete data on institutional embezzlement, fraud and extortion from Nigerian institutions because the state government fails to report on these issues. I then intend to examine specifically on; bribery and facilitate payment that is considered the most common trends of corruption in Nigerian society, in my empirical data derived from the UNODC survey report conducted in 2019—coupled with the London Anti-Corruption Summit agenda report from the year 2016 alongside Nigeria’s national anti-corruption agenda that was implemented the same year as a result of their commitment to the 2016 Summit. To then analyse the extent to which these agendas have been effective whilst evaluating Nigeria’s corruption, I consider this conceptualised issue as one of the major problems Nigerian institutions face when it comes to corruption. Also, evaluating the efficacy of the economic aid aimed at combating corruption in Nigeria has done so far. In other words, I will examine the trends in the conceptualisation of corruption in Nigeria, which is my research question. It means that I will be specifically looking into the two types mentioned above of corruption, by looking at it with good governance and legitimacy perspectives, to determine if aid helped to reduce corruption or vice versa when analysing my empirical.

3.6 Material

It is crucial for me in my data collection to critically select the relevant materials needed for my research and be critical about where my data is being derived from to avoid unreliable sources and misleading information. The validity and reliability in the context of my research have to be high in terms of its authenticity. This is why I predominantly have my data collection derived from different governmental organization’s databases, including archives; articles, analyzed statistical data, articles and documented publications regarding foreign aid and Nigeria and its usage of international aid. Namely: The UNODC survey report on Corruption Trends and Pattern., and The Anti-Corruption Summit London 2016 report. As well as statistical analyses from the OECD and USAID on Nigeria’s utilisation of economic aid. I consider these selected materials significant because they have an important role towards my observations in answering

81 Department for International Development: UK Aid. Why corruption matters: understanding causes, effects and how to address them. P.13

my research questions and analysing my results, because these documents correlate in seeking out the efficacy of foreign aid. This is why I chose to use them.

3.7 Validity and Reliability

In a framework of either quantitative or qualitative research, a researcher needs to acknowledge the relevance for validity and reliability in his/her research because it is vital to validate and analyse the quality of data collected in the research. Being crucial on the trustworthiness and authenticity of the selected data, it has to be high in terms of quality of accuracy.82 As Halperin, and Heath, denote that, in collecting data, it is essential to be aware of what information we gather, because it is the sole evidence that supports our arguments, while our data aggregates the data foundation for the analysis in the research.83 In conjunction with this, for my research to have high validity and reliability, it is vital for me to be critical about my selected data in this research to avoid errors like data being derived from unreliable sources that could affect the trustworthiness of my data for my research. Validity in the context of my research is that my qualitative case study’s data derived from archival documents from governmental agencies’ databases such as the European Union, World Bank, Transparency International, Statista and United Nations, etcetera., certifiably measures the aim of this research’s framework which is identifying the effectiveness of foreign aid towards eradicating corruption in Nigeria. That is, from concepts to measurements Thus these selected documents derived from this database inholds high accuracy of information on what is correctly measured in my research and this demonstrates or rather proves that my results contain a high validity. However, being that my data is derived from the mentioned database above, I have to consider the quality in terms of my Concept → “what is my conceptual definition? How do I define corruption and foreign aid? Is my definition of the concept valid? Operational definition→ what is my operational definition? What indicators can we use to tap into our definition? Are they valid indicators of conceptual definition? Measurement → How can I measure my indicators? What data sources can I use? Are they reliable?” 84 Furtherly, I use my empirical data analysis to evaluate the validity of the indicator while I apply ‘construct validity’ to examine if my indicators conform to my theoretical assumptions or perspectives.85 That is, on a theoretical ground corruption is associated with the misuse of

82 Halperin and Heath, O., Political Research Methods and Practical Skills. 2nd. Edn., Oxford University Press, 2015. 83 Ibid p.169 84 Halperin and Heath, P.169-170 85 Halperin, and Heath. P.171

power. In other words, to validate my measure of corruption, which is the presence of corruption relationship in Nigeria’s institution, provides certain assistance to the validity of my measure, even though I am analysing a survey data that was already carried out by the UN and other organisations.86 In the context of my research, reliability, in contrast, is that my qualitative data being the subjective data derived from these governmental agencies’ database indicates that my selected data is a reliable information source that is trustworthy and authentic. Because the information being published on this governmental organisations and agencies database revolves around their work ethics, which consists of deep-rooted in concrete facts, their expertise does ideological theories in any researched agendas. In other words, any form of information such as official articles or documents that have been issued out on their websites must have fulfilled the ethical authorisation procedures of these governmental organisations before the data is issued out. This interconnects validity and reliability relevance making it inseparable in research because it demands the accuracy in measurement of information in both spheres, for instance, if I have a valid data but can not measure my data accurately, then my data becomes unreliable which makes it difficult to generalise my data with earlier researches.

3.8 Delimitations

To delimit my task on this research based on a limited time framework and based on my geographical settings in terms of my dissertation’s topic on foreign aid’s eradication in developing countries like ‘Nigeria’. I have limited access to certain data such as; I can not perform a survey regarding corruption in Nigeria’s public sector or institution amongst workers and foreign aid within these sectors. It is then crucial that I have chosen to focus primarily on the agendas and policies on foreign aid to Nigeria derived from the selected governmental agencies websites, that includes archives; articles, analysed statistical data, articles and documented publications regarding foreign aid. As well as Nigeria and its usage of international aid coupled with analysing published data on their transparency index and corruption index and also analyse the data issued out by the United Nations Office On Drugs and Crime who surveyed in December 2019: “Corruption in Nigeria: patterns and trends a second survey on corruption as experienced by the population”. Through this, I would be able to identify the effectiveness of foreign aid in developing countries.

86 United Nations Office On Drugs and Crime, Vienna (2019). Corruption in Nigeria: Patterns and trends a second survey on corruption as experienced by the population.

4. Empirical and Analysis Discussion

In this chapter, I present the anti-corruption agendas concerning bribery and facilitate payment, implemented by foreign donors to Nigeria and other recipient countries who have agreed on various agendas towards eradicating corruption, such as the London Anti-Corruption Summit in the year 2016. Through it, Nigeria implemented a national anti-corruption agenda; Open Government Partnership (OGP) under the Administration of the current President Muhammadu Buhari. In conjunction with this, I will be using the UNODC’s quantitative survey report conducted the year 2019, regarding the trends and patterns of corruption in Nigeria’s institution. The UNODC’s questionnaire asked the citizens of the country their experiences and perceptions of corruption in the public sector whilst comparing it to their previous survey (the first survey) that was conducted in the year 2016 with the present survey (conducted in the year 2019). Additionally, it depicted both statistical analyses from the OECD and USAID on Nigeria’s utilisation of economic aid while examining bribery and facilitating payment as the variables. Thus, I start by answering the question by presenting the empirical data and lead my analysis discussion of the data mentioned above depicted through the theoretical perspectives: Governance and Legitimacy, to measure the viewpoints of bribery and facilitate payment if it has either been reduced or stagnant or increased within the Nigerian institutions.

In the year 2005, multilateral and bilateral donors, including some developing countries, agreed in the Paris Declaration on Aid Effectiveness issued by the OECD. A commitment was proposed and agreed on fifty key agendas, with thirteen targets that were to be achieved by the year 2010, a five-year progress plan. Despite having a year five plan, only one out of the thirteen targets was accomplished, making it unsuccessful.87 This agenda is now seen in many anti-corruption programmes and is used as a universal 'far away' strategic tool to combat corruption, which even the OECD used in measuring the level of corruption in Nigeria. Here are two specific key points on bribery and facilitate payments from the thirteen targets that they pledge to commit to, and is still considered as a universal approach: Scale up for more effective aid: We are encouraged that many donors and partner countries are making aid effectiveness a high priority, and we reaffirm our commitment to accelerate progress in implementation, especially in the following areas: 3. i. Strengthening partner countries’ national development strategies and associated operational frameworks (e.g., planning, budget, and performance assessment frameworks).

87 OECD. Aid Effectiveness: Progress in Implementing the Paris Declaration. P.22

4. We commit ourselves to taking concrete and effective action to address the remaining challenges, including: v. Corruption and lack of transparency, which erode public support, impede effective resource mobilisation and allocation and divert resources away from activities that are vital for poverty reduction and sustainable economic development. Where corruption exists, it inhibits donors from relying on partner country systems.88

In conjunction to this, the aforementioned action was not met in the indicator progress report issued by OECD year 2010. That showed only approximately thirty-eight per cent achieved with a target of hundred per cent for the same year towards Accountability (indicated as; ‘not- met’) and Operational Development Strategies at thirty-seven per cent with a target of seventy-five per cent (indicate as; “not met”). The total targets that were achieved were only one out of the thirteen targets.89 It can be identified that the level of governance’s principle on ‘direction’ is relatively low, this could be that either key donors did not put much effort in properly making recipient countries attest for their direction in strategic planning and following up it. Resulting in an outcome of not being achieved. However on Nigeria’s official website for ‘budget office of the federation,’ the country only reported an agenda budget for corruption reduction in the year 2015, which the code of appropriation is considered not being transparent due to the misleading information that they account for. In the document, they listed three unknown sectors that are budgeted to receive approximately 1.47 billion Naira (Nigerian currency) an equivalent to $3.6million(US dollars), yet in the budget document they listed some offences considered as part of corruption such as phone bills accumulated by official persons and the amount, it is considered unreasonable.90 It indicates that embezzlement is being attested here because the government is not transparent in its information. After all, the money they account for differs from what donors are giving to the country. The US Aid agency issued aid trends data given to Nigeria, and as of the year 2019, an estimate of $793million(US dollars) was allocated to Nigeria, and for the past ten years, the country has received approximately between $300million to $700million (US dollars) in annual fiscal bilateral aid. In terms of political legitimacy, the fragility of the state hinders the accuracy of the information on the utilisation of funds given to them. Thus, the OECD has derived data from the year 2001 to 2010 on their beneficiary view.91 In this report, the disbursement shows a different outcome to an expected target their GDP per capita of the country is supposed to have, which

88 OECD. The Paris Declaration on Aid Effectiveness. 89 OECD. Aid Effectiveness: Progress in Implementing the Paris Declaration 2011. P.19. In the table 1.1: It shows a figure table of indicators of agendas that were to be achieved in the year 2010, that is, a five plan from 2005, but the outcome was not reached. The ‘accountability’ is listed as number twelve (12) and Operational Development Strategies listed as number one (1). 90 Budget Office Of the Federation. 2005. P.1 91 AidFlows.org. 2020. Nigeria: In this report we can see the trends of a ten year period of the country utilisation of aid.

leads to scepticism of the government's accountability because there is no concrete data that accounts for Nigeria's alliances.

4.1 Bribery.

In the year 2016 bilateral donors formed a summit held in London; the Anti-Corruption Summit: London. Forty-three countries were at attendance and partook in the commitments of six hundred agendas set at a target goal from the year 2016 to 2019. Which Nigeria partook in, and the president of the country; Muhammud Buhari pledged to impose stricter anti-corruption policies through which he created that followed the guidelines of universal anti-corruption laws that foreign donors comply to. According to the London Anti-Corruption Summit, there are three major targets with over six hundred sub-categorised goals in the anti-corruption summit agenda. The three majors are: 1. Exposing corruption 2. Punishing the corrupt and supporting those who have suffered from corruption 3. Driving out corruption92

In ‘exposing corruption’ it was stated in the agenda that: 9). Public contracting — including by international organizations — and government budgets should be fair, accountable, open and transparent to prevent and expose the theft or misuse of taxpayers’ money. We will ensure public contracts are awarded and managed openly, accountably and fairly, consistent with applicable law — making public procurement open by default — so that citizens and businesses can have a clear public record of how public money is spent. We will make greater use of e-procurement to make public contracting processes more transparent. We will work with businesses and civil society to ensure accountability and will work towards providing, in a usable and reusable form, shareable and timely open data and documents on public contracting activities, consistent with applicable law. We particularly underline the importance of integrity in contracting in sectors that matter for people’s daily lives, and those that are particularly vulnerable to corruption.93

In conjunction with the agenda, the committeé demands for what we understand theoretically as good governance. Graham denotes that good governance demands a state to embody proper strategic plans and rules rooted in the sole aim of its people—consequently acquiring a transparent governing pattern so that its citizens who trusted these leaders by voting them into power can easily access the government's performance that is considered the rightful leading capacity to develop the country further. During the London Anti-Corruption Summit, the President of Nigeria declared a statement of commitment on behalf of his country, which consists of eleven outlined plans they ought to be strongly committed to during the targeted time frame of the Anti-Corruption Summit of

92 Anti-Corruption Summit: London 2016. P.1-9 93 Ibid. P. 4

accomplishment. Some of the outlined statements that are shortened here in the empirical data reference for full stated commitments. Nigeria stated:

Exposing Corruption: Nigeria is committed to establishing a public central register of company beneficial ownership information. (The President of Nigeria has presented a draft Money Laundering Prevention and Prohibition Bill to the National Assembly in February, 2016. This Bill has defined Beneficial Ownership in line with FATF standards.) Public Procurement and Fiscal Transparency: I. We will work towards full implementation of the principles of the Open Contracting Data Standard, focusing on major projects as an early priority. Promoting Integrity In Our Institutions: I. We will launch a practitioner partnership on institutional integrity, coordinated by the OECD.This will cover the following sectors:[extractives, health,education, public service and anti-corruption institutions]94

Apropos of the committed agenda of the London Anti-Corruption Summit 2016, the UNODC survey report of the year 2019 compared with their 2016 report shows how and where Nigerians experience and their perception of corruption.

- How is bribery illustrated in Nigeria’s public sector as of 2019 compared to 2016? And how is economic aid distributed into the public sector?

95 (Figure 1) As we can see from the UNODC survey report (figure 1) that Nigeria’s public sectors receive bribes, with an average of ten per cent in every sector has received any form of bribe, which gives an interpretation that these sectors are openly corrupted, as it is seen common in different sectors. The UNODC report also states that the trends in bribes are mostly monetary form, illustrating that ninety-three per cent of the bribes are paid in cash, while four and six tenths (per cent) are paid

94 Anti-Corruption Summit London: 2016. Country Statement from Nigeria. P.1-4 95 Figure 1: United Nations Office On Drugs and Crime. (UNODC). Vienna (2019). Corruption in Nigeria: Patterns and trends a second survey on corruption as experienced by the population. Summary P.7

through food, then one and three tenths (per cent) are paid through gifting assets like modest shares.96 In comparison to the statistical report from the US Foreign Assistance Agency on the aid allocated to Nigeria towards the control of corruption and effectiveness of government governance, in the year 2019, these indicators show that corruption is very high whereby its unit scale is supposed to be +2.5 which indicates that corruption has lessened in the country. However, it shows progress, of the aid, that the control of corruption and government effectiveness indicator is at the unit scale of -2.5.97

98 (Figure 2)

Country Indicato 201 20 20 20 20 20 20 20 20 20 20 20 20 20 20 20 20 20 20 20 19 19 19 199 r 9 18 17 16 15 14 13 12 11 10 09 08 07 06 05 04 03 02 01 00 99 98 97 6

Nigeria Control -1.0 -1 -1. -1. -1. -1. -1. -1. -1. -1. -1. -0. -1. -1. -1. -1. -1. -1. -1. -1. -1.1 of 9 .0 08 03 08 27 22 17 17 05 03 89 05 12 16 34 36 43 22 16 9 Corrupt 5 ion

Nigeria Govern -1.0 -1 -1. -1. -0. -1. -0. -1 -1. -1. -1. -0. -1. -0. -0. -0. -0. -1. -0. -1. -0.9 ment 9 .0 01 09 96 19 99 1 17 21 98 04 97 89 94 96 03 96 12 2 Effective 2 ness

From the governance principle approach on performance, it indicates that Nigeria’s institution effectiveness is relatively low because as we can see in figure two above that Nigeria’s government effectiveness for the past twenty years is still under a negative number. And comparing the US Foreign Assistance Agency report on the year 2016 and 2019 to the UNODC’s 2016 and 2019 survey report on the public sectors that collect bribes, there is a

96 United Nations Office On Drugs and Crime. (UNODC). Vienna (2019). Corruption in Nigeria: Patterns and trends a second survey on corruption as experienced by the population. P.31 97 US Foreign Assistance Agency 98 Ibid

correlation that shows the Nigerian public sector lacks governing effectiveness, yet they receive both bilateral and multilateral aid. The UNODC report describes the bribery motives in the public sector in Nigeria that not only do official persons demand bribes but the citizens offer too, in the form of an appreciation of their services being rendered to them, that is facilitation payments.

How bribery works: Public officials continue to be brazen about bribe requests, but less so than in the past. Bribery dealings can be initiated in different ways: direct bribery requests by a public official accounted for 60 per cent of all bribery transactions in Nigeria in 2019, representing a moderate decrease from the 66 per cent recorded in the 2016 survey. As in 2016, indirect requests for a bribe accounted for 20 per cent of all bribery transactions, while spontaneous payments to facilitate or to accelerate a procedure accounted for 8 per cent. Some five per cent of bribes were also paid with no prior request from the bribe-taker as a sign of appreciation to a public official for services rendered. Around two thirds of bribes (67 per cent) are paid before a service is provided by a public official, according to the 2019 survey, a proportion only slightly smaller than the 70 per cent recorded in the 2016 survey. The consistently large share of bribes paid in anticipation of a service to be rendered by a public official is an indication that bribes are often requested before action is taken to deliver a service.99

100 (Figure 3) The UNODC report shows that there is a total of six per cent decrease out of sixty-six per cent in the total bribery transaction patterns in the public sector. However, sixty per cent is relatively high, indicating that the degree of corruption is still very much high. This ratifies that the government officials are little to no resistance when it comes to bribery, and the citizens are very much open to bribing officials because it shows an increase in citizens who agree to the bribery

99 United Nations Office On Drugs and Crime. (UNODC). Vienna (2019). Corruption in Nigeria: Patterns and trends a second survey on corruption as experienced by the population: Summary. P.9 100 United Nations Office On Drugs and Crime. (UNODC). Vienna (2019). Corruption in Nigeria: Patterns and trends a second survey on corruption as experienced by the population. P.31

of official persons, that is, a correlation of corruption between both groups from sixteen per cent in the year 2016 to nineteen per cent increase in the year 2019.101 As the President of Nigeria; Muhammadu Buhari pledge to the commitment of enforcing anti-corruption programmes in the country according to the London Anti-Corruption Summit, it was proven that the president did implement some anti-corruption programmes, such as; The Presidential Initiative on Continuous Audit (PICA), Budget reforms Creation of Efficiency Unit (EU) to Spearhead, and also the enlistment into Open Government Partnership (OGP).102 Whereby these agencies emphasised on being transparent as possible and enforcing other institutions to be transparent and be more accountable for the utilisation of budget funds, thus creating laws that make it possible to persecute official persons for collecting bribes. However, the UNODC report demonstrates that the national anti-corruption agencies only focus on large-scale corruption which has a slight effect because it does not focus on the eradication of corruption through governmentality, that is, the bribe-seeking behaviour. Due to the fact that it shows an increase in the case of not reporting these public sectors who collect bribes by the citizens, by three and seven-tenths (percentage) increment in the 2019 survey compared to the year 2016.103 As a result of this, it becomes complex to combat such conceptualised corruption because the data flow will fluctuate due to the fact that the possibility for the local institutions who are probably corrupt to further the reported cases to the national anti-corruption agencies will differ and they can not be relied on the data. Moreover, the national anti-corruption agencies can shift focus to a certain region or state.

104 (Figure 4)

101 United Nations Office On Drugs and Crime. (UNODC). Vienna (2019). Corruption in Nigeria: Patterns and trends a second survey on corruption as experienced by the population: Summary. P.9 102 Nigeria State House. Transparency & Anti-Corruption 103 United Nations Office On Drugs and Crime. (UNODC). Vienna (2019). Corruption in Nigeria: Patterns and trends a second survey on corruption as experienced by the population. P.74 104 Ibid P.74

As we can see the UNODC report above, these reported incidents of bribes have both decreased and increased within some regions in the country from 2016 to 2019, with approximately three per cent. However we do not know why, but the illustration makes it understandable that when a large-scale operation towards combating corruption occurs, the possibility in the outcome will be relatively low because it becomes complex to investigate the time-span or place of the incidents. Which is illustrated in the UNODC report in the diagram below (figure 5), that shows that the total bribes received in cash by regional sectors are summed up to almost a hundred per cent, and when comparing to the reported cases by regional sectors in figure (4), the gap is very much high.

(Figure 5)105

4.2 Facilitate Payments

The UNODC report shows that apart from direct bribery demands of the officials of the public sector from its citizens, the highest form of corruption that is common in the country as of the year 2019 is ‘facilitate payment’. The survey which was conducted during twelve months showed that there was a percentage distribution of over hundred bribes that were paid in return for faster legal procedures within institutions, the top eight referent sectors out of the thirteen sectors were people pay for faster services are: Bail from jail → 16%, Public Utilities → 13%, Public Sector Job Application → 12%, Medical visit, exam or intervention → 9% Administrative license or permit → 6%, Administrative certificate or document → 5% and Government contract/public procurement → 4%.106

105 United Nations Office On Drugs and Crime, Vienna (2019). Corruption in Nigeria: Patterns and trends a second survey on corruption a s experienced by the population. P.35 106 Ibid P.39

Thus, the amount spent in facilitation payment for lucrative deals or public procurement increased between 2016 and 2019. The diagram (figure 6) below shows an approximate amount paid into these public departments within twelve years; the amount is in their local currency called Nigerian Naira (NGN). Furthermore, the UNODC illustrates the trends in ‘why Nigerian citizens offer bribes to official persons’ to speed legal procedures between the year 2016 and 2019: Why bribes are paid to public officials According to the 2019 survey, almost one out of every two bribes (45 per cent) are paid for the purpose of speeding up or finalizing an administrative procedure. The fact that the majority of bribes are requested by public officials and are paid in advance of a service is a strong indication that such bribes are paid by citizens in exchange for a service that the public official is duty bound to provide for free. This may be because they have been informed, either implicitly or explicitly, that their request will not be processed without the payment of a kickback to the corrupt official. Whatever the case may be, there have been some noticeable changes in the purpose of bribe payments among Nigerian citizens: the share of bribes paid for speeding up a procedure has increased from 32 to 38 per cent since 2016, while the share of bribes paid for finalizing a procedure has decreased from 10 to 7 per cent. In addition, the share of bribes paid to avoid the payment of a fine increased from 18 per cent in 2016 to 21 per cent in 2019.107

(Figure 6)108 In conjunction with the diagram above, it shows us that facilitation payments are practically very much active in every public sector and have increased in the year 2019 compared to 2016. Regardless of the London: Anti-Corruption Summit agenda and the national implementation of the anti-corruption policies and programmes that the President of Nigeria Muhammadu Buhari initiated which is yet to come out with a full progress report administration fails to outline the results. Notwithstanding, the country has already presented a new action plan towards

107 United Nations Office On Drugs and Crime, Vienna (2019). P.35 108 Ibid. P.38

combating corruption, repeatedly re-attesting to using the same plan as the 2016 agendas on partnering with foreign donors on the anti-corruption agendas with a timeframe from 2019 to 2021. Such as the continual emphasis plan on Fiscal Transparency, Anti-Corruption and Access to Information.109 Thus far looking at the illustrated data below on the trends rate of facilitation payments in the UNODC report, it shows an increment of about five per cent when comparing the year 2019 and

2016. (Figure 7)110

Indicative of the every-day reality of many Nigerians, the payment of a bribe to avoid the cancellation of public utility services such as water, electricity and sanitation continued at virtually the same level in 2019 (12 per cent versus 13 per cent in 2016). Payments made in exchange for preferential treatment (4 per cent) and bribes paid in order to receive information about a particular process (1 per cent) account for far smaller shares of bribes and remained unchanged in 2019. The same can be said of the 5 per cent of bribes paid as a “sign of appreciation for the service provided” to the recipient. Last but not least, some 7 per cent of bribes paid in 2019 (down from 10 per cent in 2016) were paid with “no specific purpose” other than to maintain a good relationship with a public official, possibly with the aim of nurturing goodwill and fostering a sense of indebtedness in the official, which may be called upon at a later date when a need for preferential treatment arises. In 2019, as in 2016, more than half of bribes (57 per cent) paid to public officials were paid for purely personal and family reasons, while a quarter of bribes were paid for work or business reasons. In 12 per cent of cases, bribes were paid simultaneously for personal and business-related reasons, while the motivation was not known in 6 per cent of bribery cases. These shares were largely the same as in the 2016 survey. While bribes paid for (private) business reasons made up only a quarter of all bribes paid in 2019, the average cash bribes

109 Open Government Partnership.(2019). Nigeria Action Plan 2019-2021. 110 United Nations Office On Drugs and Crime, (UNODC)Vienna (2019). Corruption in Nigeria: Patterns and trends a second survey on corruption as experienced by the population. P.36

paid for work- or business-related reasons (NGN 9,148) was significantly larger than the average bribe paid for personal or family reasons (NGN 4,818).28 In addition, the average number of bribes paid per bribe-payer was roughly eight in the case of bribes paid for business reasons and five in the case of bribes paid for personal or family reasons. At the same time, irrespective of whether the payment of a bribe is motivated by personal or business-related reasons, the majority of bribes are either directly or indirectly requested by the public official, and unsolicited bribes only make up a small proportion of the total.111

In relation to the UNODC report's context in contrast with the national anti-corruption agenda on being transparent, it clearly shows that the public sectors are far away from embodying a governing pattern that supports a legitimate correlation between official persons and Nigerians. For such corruption to be reduced transparency must be obtained, through which public sectors’ governance can not be jeopardised by being irresistible allured by money. Consequently, in the UNODC survey, the Nigerian people were asked about their perception of the national anti-corruption policies and programmes towards combating the country's corruption. It showed a decrease in the perception survey during the year 2016 and the year 2019.

(Figure 8)112 The diagram above shows the people in different states and cities’ perception towards the national anti-corruption policy’s efficacy has decreased with approximately a forty per cent in the year 2019 compared to the year 2016 with almost a ninety per cent trust, meaning that the trust of the people in the government in combating corruption is relatively less.113

111 United Nations Office On Drugs and Crime, (UNODC). Vienna (2019). Corruption in Nigeria: Patterns and trends a second survey on corruption as experienced by the population.. P.36 112 United Nations Office On Drugs and Crime. (UNODC). Vienna (2019). Corruption in Nigeria: Patterns and trends a second survey on corruption as experienced by the population. P.27 113 Ibid. P.39

5. Result.

In this chapter, I answer my research question with the help of my theoretical perspectives: Governance and Legitimacy. Firstly, I start with presenting my research question and then answer it with a leading discussion.

- What is the current trend of corruption in Nigeria in relation to bribery and facilitation payment?

The current trend of corruption in Nigeria in relation to bribery is that the country’s public sector has a high level of direct demand of bribes in terms of public officials in direct contact for demands of monetary payments from the Nigerian citizens in return for their services rendered which is considered to be free. This rate of bribery is at a high level of corruption in Nigeria with an estimated amount of over ninety per cent of bribery practices between the government officials and citizens who encounter a direct request for money to officials on a daily basis. However when it comes to facilitate payments which is often given in favour of the civilian to government officials in pursuit of speeding up their legal procedures or for gaining certain governmental documents, the rate is relatively high with thirty-two per cent as of the year 2016 and in the year 2019 there was an increase of approximately five per cent. Apropos of these conceptualised variables’ results, I characterise them through theoretical perspectives on evaluating the actuality of the phenomena of combating corruption.

Legitimacy

Pardo and Prato characterise input legitimacy as being tied to the agreed rules or procedures of the state's governance whereby the institutions are as per usual to obey to the rules or policies implemented. However, in relation to the Nigerian public sector's system of governance, the institutions lack input legitimacy, whereby they comply with the national anti-corruption policies of not collecting bribes, but unfortunately these official persons demand bribes, which in the data shows that over sixty per cent of the bribes are directly demanded bribes from government officials (see figure 3 in the empirical). It is evident in the findings that bribery and facilitating payment are the most common forms of corruption within Nigeria’s institutions, whereby almost every Nigerian has encountered one of these conceptualised forms of corruption. And the findings show that the level of corruption is relatively high within the public sectors when comparing the time-span after the implementation of the national anti-corruption policies in the year 2016 with 2019, that officials are active in the direct request for cash (ninety-three per cent) even though it shows a decrease of six per cent in

bribery. Additionally, the public sectors which are supposed to partake in the anti-corruption policies are the sectors that are demonstrated as the most corrupt sectors, and this is a huge problem that hinders not just the governance of the state but also the effectiveness of their aid utilisation in providing the accountability performance that foreign donors are funding because there is a huge gap in the Nigerian government is accountable with aid alliances, whereby they fail to give account on official records in the utilisation of the economic aid given to them. One can argue that the reason for such behavioural stance of the official persons is that they lack the capacity of leading the state, which leads them into disregarding the country's anti-corruption policies and being open-minded to receiving payments to help render their service to the civilians and also demand bribes. This illustrates the governance principle process, according to Stoker, who argues that legitimacy should be a criterion for institutions because, through governance, accountability of the government can be attained. In contrast, we can see that the political legitimacy of Nigeria is low and can not be accounted for because due to corruption in their institution, information is censored. In relation to White's view on identifying a state's legitimacy is through examining the stance of the country's democracy through analysing its citizens' perceptions of the country's democracy, which was illustrated in the UNODC survey the year 2019 that the Nigeria people see corruption, that is bribery as common access within the public sector which four out of five persons have and still experience corruption on a daily basis. Apropos of White's argument that in measuring the degree of legitimacy, when the performance of legitimacy is high, it indicates that corruption is low, which can be easily detected from the government governing patterns, such transparency. But when legitimacy is low, it indicates that corruption is high, which is evident in the empirical data that the level of corruption in the public sectors of Nigeria (sixty per cent in 2019) shows that they lack legitimacy and can not account for their transparency, no direction of proper planning that is being followed up and no fear for the rule of laws. Although there was a decrease of six per cent from the year 2016 (sixty-six per cent) to 2019 (sixty per cent), it still indicates that corruption is high. Another issue identified is the central level of governance is not the rightful strategic tool to apply in a state that is constantly battling with corruption. And if foreign donors want more progress in the effectiveness of aid, then they have to demand stricter policies to developing countries and also assign expertise or delegates that can help monitor the utilisation of aid and also their commitment to the agenda. As we saw with the current President Mahummadu Buhari, who puts effort into implementing anti-corruption but the national agencies are not able to achieve the target/goal of the agenda because agencies operate on a large-scale nationally.

This also proves a point in Pardo and Prato’s argument on output or performance legitimacy, that in order for this legitimacy to be fully effective, it must be outlined in relation to the effectiveness and quality of public goods and services. This means that the Nigerian President firstly needs to reform his administration by listening to the people of Nigeria, and decentralise power because, through this, they would rightfully gain the trust of the people. A democratic reform based on the people’s desire will only help in re-shaping the state from a fragile society into a more stable state with well-functioning polity functions because the management of power in a democratic state can not progress when being ruled by authoritarianism instead of authority (good governance).

Governance.

Pardo and Prato characterise authority (good governance) needs trust by its people, and when leaders lose that, legitimacy becomes unattainable because authoritarianism of leaders hinders good governance due to obnoxious ways of power domination, which then leads to the crisis of democracy such as corruption. Because legitimacy is a criterion in democracy for a state's polity function, however when a state lacks such, their democracy is being jeopardised and can be only resolved by a democratic reform which they denote as a democratic contract with new policies being implemented. In relation to the finding, it is evident that the people's trust on the government's effectiveness towards combating corruption through the national anti-corruption policies had lessened to approximately a forty per cent decrease in the year 2019 compared to the year 2016 that had almost a ninety per cent trust, meaning that the trust of the people in the government in combating corruption is relatively less. One could argue that the lack of good governance or corrupt leaders in Nigeria has led the people in the distrust of the government. Which then makes it practically impossible that economic aid will help in solving such issues, which I cannot entirely agree with, because in order for aid to function the democratisation processes of the country fully has to be functioning, if not it is only a waste of money. As it was illustrated statistically on the Nigerian people's perception of the government's effectiveness from the year 2016 in comparison with the year 2019, it shows that the people in different states and cities perception towards the national anti-corruption policy's efficacy has decreased drastically from a ninety per cent in the year 2016 to approximately forty per cent, meaning that the trust of the people in the government in combating corruption is relatively less (see figure 8 in the empirical).

6. Conclusion

In conclusion to this case study, it is too short of a period to conclude that economic aid is not effective in eradicating corruption. However, foreign donors can intervene with more robust policies with the periodical agenda commitments by demanding that recipient states like Nigeria, achieve output legitimacy outlined relative to the country's effectiveness and quality of public goods and services. Through that, the transparency of their governance will come forth and can not be jeopardised. Because the Nigerian government will be obligated to make a reform in their governing patterns that depict accountability for their actions within the institution in order to gain the trust of the Nigerian people. As the results show that Nigeria as a case study faces many issues regarding corruption like bribery, that has become normal amongst the civilians and the civil servants of the state. So giving economic aid to a country with corrupt leaders will not help facilitate socio-economic growth like eradicating corruption. Instead, it will get into the hands of the corrupt official persons who are only in power solely for self-establishment. Which proved a point in Charron’s argument on developing countries and I agree in relation to Nigeria. Because based on my empirical data it is evident that the legitimacy of the Nigerian government is very much low, and par contra of a low level of legitimacy the corruption is high. Signifying that corruption can not be eradicated if the Nigerian government does not strive for legitimacy first within the national institutions, because it is a major weakness that the government faces. If it means creating a political reform, such as implementing a mandatory training on anti-corruption policies for official workers, and increasing the salaries of these workers in order to avoid the allurement of being corrupt, then it should be prioritised and imposed.This is a suggestion of mine. Furthermore, one of the weaknesses identified in studying Nigeria is the lack of accountability on their governing patterns, making it extremely hard to evaluate the process and outcomes of aid allocated to them. The government censors the information they issue out, regardless of the president who promised a better; ‘Public Procurement and Fiscal Transparency,’ coupled with ‘Promoting Integrity within the Institutions’. With this, the Nigerian government showed that the Anti-Corruption Summit London 2016 agenda was not met, because the government failed to give proper accountability to the progress as to why these agendas were not met. Such as admitting that the national institutions are very much corrupt and the national anti-corruption agencies that fail to decentralise operational strategy's power into local regions rather than operating from a large central scale. Concerning this, it proves my stance on disagreeing with Bearce and Tirone’s arguments that donors should be non-specific in their demands as they cannot control the aid's

effects, either way. Instead, the goal of the aid should be to promote economic growth. I oppose this because being non-specific fuels bad governance, and utilising the aid politically in a fragile state only increases corruption and aid dependency. Whereby the corrupt political leaders during their administration can falsify the creation of reforms or programmes to receive funds during their reign continually. Hence pass on the burden to the next electoral candidate, whose administration will find it challenging to handle and fix democratic crises during their four-year rule. With this, it only makes them continually dependent on foreign aid, as it is evident that the Nigerian government continually receives aid without any progress. Notwithstanding, the government presented a new action plan towards combating corruption, by repeatedly re-attesting to use the same plan as the 2016 agendas but with a timeframe from 2019 to 2021. However, the government fails to depict a full progress report administration that outlines the previous years' results. Therefore, I conclude that for foreign aid to have a good effect on a fragile state like Nigeria who encounters democratic crisis like corruption, the economic aid should be given under stricter regulations with a signed contract to the recipient country seeking to obtain aid. Such as, firstly, demanding political legitimacy from the recipient country’s institutions before economically assisting them. For instance, as the Anti-Corruption summit London 2016 agenda was not met, the committeé should have imposed a sanction on Nigeria, because they fail to properly administer the anti-corruption policies. This means that both bilateral and multilateral donors should not only implement the anti-corruption policies for recipient countries to follow because it will only fade away with time, and with the leaders in power who are corrupt. Instead implement sanctions for recipient countries who are known to be politically corrupt. Through this, we will be able to see better improvements in these countries' institutions who will then be enforced to have a reform within their institutions that will promote a good governing pattern that embodies transparency and output legitimacy. Additionally, there were exciting topics on some issues that I would have further researched in my findings, but due to the limited time framework that I have on this research, I could not highlight this. The question is to examine if corruption is rooted in Nigeria due to the pre-colonial governmentality because dating back in history, as Nigeria was never a country. Instead, it was a home to over two hundred and fifty tribes with their territories. During that era, these tribes were known to be super protective and dominant of their tribes. Even when Nigeria gained her independence from colonial rule, tribalism led the country's first civil war due to the political tussle by regional states. That is, the Biafran war, which I explained in the introduction whereby the easterners (Igbos) fought to have a breakout state but lost due to famine and lack of ammunition in the region to continue the war, so they had to surrender to the federal Nigerian government that was

being ruled by the northerners (Hausa-Fulanis), andsouth-easterner (Yorubas). As these groups are predominantly still in power like the current President Muhammadu Buhari is of the Hausa tribe. It leads to questioning if present-day favouritism is considered another factor of corruption in Nigeria. To further research Nigeria's tribal favouritism as conceptualised corruption hinders political growth, as it demonstrates in the empirical data in (see figure 4), on reported incidents of bribes in some regions differ. With some regions with decreased bribes, and some regions with increased bribes in the country. Using favouritism as an indicator of corruption while using theoretical perspectives like critical choice theory to evaluate the stance of this concept of corruption.

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