Introduction Chapter 1 Introduction Introduction 1.1. Adpositions: Characteristics and classification This section provides a description of the main characteristics of Hungarian adpositions. Section 1.1.1. will describe their basic properties: those that distinguish them from other word classes and those that may be used as characteristics of the whole class. Section 1.1.2. then turns to the introduction of the various types of adpositions we will discuss in detail in the book and, and section 1.1.3. introduces their syntactic uses. Since this purpose of this section is to provide a background to the detailed description throughout the volume, it is inevitably… Idézend ők: Marácz, 1986; Marácz, 1989, ch. 8; Kenesei, 1992; Heged űs, 2006; Asbury et al., 2007; Asbury, 2008; Rákosi, 2010; Dékány, 2011; Heged űs, 2013; É. Kiss, 1999; É. Kiss, 2002, ch. 8; Creissels, 2006; Trommer, 2008; Spencer and Stump, 2013; Dér (2012, 2013); É. Kiss (2002) and Surányi (2009ab); Dékány-Heged űs 2015 1.1.1. The basic properties of adpositions The category of adpositions is different from the other main word classes; that is, from nouns, verbs and adjectives in important ways. This section will first list the most important distinguishing properties of the class and then will present … 1.1.1.1. Distinguishing properties The class of adpositions is a relatively closed class; although it is not impossible to add new members to it – new adpositions grammaticalize from members of other classes from time to time – new adpositions are not created by simple derivational processes or “closed” class – EZ PERSZE NEM IGAZ A RENDES ADVERBIUMOKRA, csak a névutókra, igeköt őkre… Adpositions have a relatively invariant form as well, the only expception being the group of “infelcting” postpositions that can bear agreement markers. In general, adposiitons are not marked for number, which makes them different from nouns and adjectives and are not marked for tense either, making them different from verbs as well. The so-called case-like (or inflecting) postpositions agree with their pronominal complement in person and number but do not agree with regular DP complements. case assignment vs case-like adpositions Adpositions are relational; they express a relation between two items, the so-called Figure and the Ground (REF) 1.1.1.2. Identifying adpositions - pronominalization: spatial pro-forms - position (within PP?,within DP?, within clause) - modification - stress? -copying onto the demonstrative 1.1.2. types of adpositions postpositions suffixes particles adverbs 1.1.3. syntactic uses of adpositions This section introduces the sytnactic uses of adpositional phrases, which will be discussed in more detail in the following chapters: argument PPs in chapter XX, predicative PPs in chapter XX, and PPs as modifiers in chapter XX. 1.1.3.1. PPs as arguments Adpositional phrases may be used as arguments selected by a verb, a noun or an adjective. Adpositions themselves may also select for a PP as their complement? (1) Mari a vonat-ra vár. Mari the train-Sub wait ‘Mari is waiting for the train.’ (2) Pál hisz csodák-ban. Pál believe miracle.Pl-Ine ‘Pál believes in miracles’ (3) a. vár [PP DP -rA] b. hisz [PP DP -bAn] (4) a. küzd valami ellen fight something against ‘fight against something’ b. eltörpül valami mellett dwarfed_by something next_to ‘dwarfed by something’ c. kiáll valami mellett make_a_stand something next_to ‘make a stand for something’ (5) a. büszke valamire proud something.Subl ‘proud of something’ b. elégedett valamivel satisfied something.Ins ‘satisfied with something’ (6) a. interjú valakivel interview somebody.Ins ‘interview with somebody’ b. tiltakozás valami ellen protest something against ‘protest against something’ c. hír valamir ől news something.Del ‘news about something’ 1.1.3.2. Predicative use Adpositional uses are very often predicates in the clause, in which case they are not simply a selected argument of the verb but they are predicated of a noun phrase in the clause; that is why they are often referred to as secondary predicates - complements with copular verbs: (7) a. Péter a kertben van. Péter the garden.Ine be.3Sg ‘Péter is in the garden.’ b. A létra a fa mellett maradt. the ladder the tree under remain.Past.3Sg ‘The ladder remained under the tree.’ locatives (8) a. Kati a fotelben ül. Kati the armchair.Ine sit.3Sg ‘Kati is sitting in the armchair.’ b. A taxi a ház el őtt áll. the taxi the house in.fornt.of stand.3Sg ‘The taxi is in front of the house.’ directionals (9) a. A hal a tóba ugrott. the fish the lake.Ill jump.Past.3Sg ‘The fish jumped into the lake.’ b. Anna a város mellé költözött. Anna the city next_to move.Past.3Sg ‘Anna moved next to the city.’ - supplements coreferent with subject: (10) Mari a vállalat igazgatójaként sok jót tett a városért. Mari the company director.XXX much good.Acc do.Past.3Sg the city-XXX ‘As the director of the company, Mari did a lot of good for the city.’ corefernt with object (11) Mindenki feketé-n issza a kávét. everybody black-Sup drink.3Sg.DefObj the coffee.Acc ‘Everybody drinks coffee black.’ ambiguous (12) A taxis részegen ütötte el a biciklistát. the taxi.driver drunk hit.Past.3Sg.DefObj the biker.Acc ‘The taxi driver hit the biker drunk.’ 1.1.3.3. Attributive use cannot be attributes directly -i - való (lév ő) - 1.1.3.4. Adverbial use 1.2. A formal classification of adpositions and adpositional phrases (case markers, case-like Ps, case assigning Ps, PPs grammaticalized into ADVs, etc.) 1.2.1. Introduction This section will provide a formal classification of adpositions and adpositinal phrases. We shall first discuss case suffixes in section 1.2.2, then we turn to postpositions in section 1.2.3. Intransitive Ps will be the topic of section 1.2.4. Section 1.2.5 will compare the different classes of adpositions and provide some conclusions. 1.2.2. Case suffixes I. The inventory and form of case suffixes A. Inventory Drawing the boundaries of the Hungarian case system and thus delineating case suffixes from other nominal suffixes is not a trivial task. There are altogether 15 suffixes that are accepted as case markers by everybody. These are listed in (13) (see Table 1 for the allomorphs and basic semantics of these suffixes). (13) Accusative, Dative, Inessive, Illative, Elative, Superessive, Sublative, Delative, Adessive, Allative, Ablative, Instrumental, Translative, Causal,Terminative At the same time, everybody accepts that the inventory of cases is larger than these 15 suffixes; the debate concerns how many and exactly which suffixes should be added to the list. There are two types of suffixes that are problematic in setting up a definite list of cases. The first type is the Nominative case, which has a phonologically zero exponent. Is Nominative a case in Hungarian or not? The answer to this question is ‘yes’ in most works (the most notable exceptions are Olsson (1992) Payne and Chisarik (2000)). The second problematic suffix-type is suffixes with limited productivity, such as the Sociative or the Essive- modal. Should all, some, or no suffixes with limited productivity be counted as case markers? Most of the disagreement in the literature stems from the dilemma of where to draw the line between fully productive and less productive suffixes. In Table 1 we collected all suffixes that have been accepted to be cases in at least one of the following works: Lotz (1939) , Antal (1961), Tompa (1961, 1968), Rácz (1968), Vago (1980), Kornai (1989), Olsson (1992), Abondolo (1998), Kenesei, Vágó and Fenyvesi (1998), Payne and Chisarik (2000), Moravcsik (2002) and Kiefer (2000, 2003). Table 1: Suffixes which have been accepted as cases in the literature SEMANTIC CLASS NAME OF CASE ALLOMORPHS MEANING ACCEPTED AS CASE BY structural Nominative -∅ — everybody but Payne and Chisarik (2000) and Olsson (1992) Accusative -t, -at, -et, -ot, -öt, -∅ — Dative -nak, -nek possessor, goal, recipient lexical; spatial Inessive -ban, -ben at interior, in Illative -ba, -be to interior, inside Elative -ból, -ből from interior, from inside Superessive -n, -on, -en, -ön, rajt- at exterior/surface, on Sublative -ra, -re to exterior/surface, onto Delative -ról, -ről from exterior/surface Adessive -nál, -nél at proximity, near Allative -hoz, -hez, -höz to proximity Ablative -tól, -től from proximity lexical; other Instrumental -val, -vel with something or somebody Translative(-essive) -vá, -vé into (expressing change of state) Causal(-final) -ért for (reason, aim) Terminative -ig until, as far as Essive-formal -ként as (role) Antal (1961), Tompa (1961, 1968), Rácz (1968), Vago (1980), Kornai (1989), Olsson (1992), Kenesei, Vago and Fenyvesi (1998), Kiefer (2000, 2003), Moravcsik (2002) Temporal -kor at (time) Tompa (1961, 1968), Rácz (1968), Vago (1980), Olsson (1992), Kenesei, Vago and Fenyvesi (1998), Payne and Chisarik (2000), Moravcsik (2002) Essive-(modal) -ul, -ül as (mode) Tompa (1961, 1968), Rácz (1968), Vago (1980), Olsson (1992), Kenesei, Vago and Fenyvesi (1998), Kiefer (2000, 2003), Moravcsik (2002) Formal -képp, képpen as Tompa (1961, 1968), Rácz (1968), Vago (1980), Kenesei, Vago and Fenyvesi (1998), Moravcsik (2002) Distributive- -nta, -nte, -onta, - every (time unit) Tompa (1961, 1968), Temporal/Iterative anta, -ente, -önte Rácz (1968), Vago (1980), Olsson (1992), Kenesei, Vago and Fenyvesi (1998), Moravcsik (2002) Sociative -stul, -stül, -astul, - with something or Tompa (1961, 1968), estül, -ostul, -östül, somebody Rácz (1968), Vago (1980), Olsson (1992), Kenesei, Vago and Fenyvesi (1998), Moravcsik (2002) Multiplicative -szor, -szer, -ször X times (number) Tompa (1961, 1968), Vago (1980), Olsson (1992), Kenesei, Vago and Fenyvesi (1998) Modal -lag, -leg Tompa (1961, 1968), Kenesei, Vago and Fenyvesi (1998) Locative -tt Tompa (1961), Vago (1980), Olsson (1992), Kenesei, Vago and Fenyvesi (1998) Modal-essive -n, -an, -en -ly Tompa (1961, 1968), Kenesei, Vago and Fenyvesi (1998) Distributive -nként, -enként, - Tompa (1961, 1968), onként, -önként Rácz (1968), Vago (1980), Olsson (1992), Kenesei, Vago and Fenyvesi (1998) (14) illustrates the use of each suffix.