Issue 46, September 2012 FIELD BULLETIN Perspectives on Chhetri identity and how these relate to federalism Introduction There has been a marked change in the discourse of many Chhetri actors about their identity since the end of Nepal’s conflict in 2006 when they first began to assert their ‘indigenousness’ and act politically on the basis of their identity. Since early 2010, various Chhetri groups have become increasingly active, both organisationally and politically, at the local and central levels1 and played an increasingly visible role in national level debates on federalism, identity and inclusion. Following a series of protests in the early part of 2012, in which Chhetri Samaj Nepal (CSN- see box: 1) and other groups demanded ‘Adibasi’ (indigenous) status, the Government of Nepal (GoN) announced on 18 May 2012 that it would categorise the Brahmin, Chhetri, Thakuri, Dasnami, Sanyasi and Dalit communities as ’Khas Arya Adibasi’. The Nepal Federation for Indigenous Nationalities (NEFIN) flatly rejected this decision2 and some Dalit organisations rejected the new categorisation3. According to the Asia Indigenous Peoples’ Pact4, the agreement was aimed to allow ‘certain groups to continue to dominate, muddle and diffuse the rightful entitlement of indigenous peoples to self- determination in the new constitution’5. The debate about who is, and who is not, indigenous to Nepal could play a major role in the process to negotiate the formation of provinces in a federal Nepal and the rights of the various communities living in them. The inclusion debate, as well as the debate over federalism, has led to the ’surfacing of fault-lines hitherto unknown or unappreciated’6 in Nepal. This Field Bulletin looks at the different perspectives on Chhetri identity in Nepal and how these relate to federalism, the peace process and the broader debate on identity and social inclusion in Nepal. It attempts to clarify why a Chhetri social organization, the Chhetri Samaj Nepal, has chosen to advocate for Chhetris to be classified as Adibasi and Khas, as this has not always been the case. It also examines the way in which identity in Nepal is constantly evolving and how the debates around 1 The Carter Centre Nepal Report: ‘Local Political and Peace Process Trends’ 23 November 2010. Available at; http://www.cartercenter.org/resources/pdfs/news/pr/nepal-release-trends-rpt-eng.pdf. 2 NEFIN press release, 20 May 2012. 3 Bishowkarma, I. Dalit Sewa Sangh General Secretary, interview. 4 Think tank on indigenous issues based in Bangkok, Thailand. 5 Asia Indigenous People’s Pact, press release, 18 May 2012. Available at: http://www.iwgia.org/news/search-news?news_id=509. 6 Mahat, RS (2005). In defence of democracy: Dynamics and fault lines of Nepal's political economy. New Delhi: Adroit Books. Perspectives on Chhetri identity and how these relate to federalism identity and ‘indigenousness’ are part of wider political tensions. Furthermore, it highlights some of the issues that could provoke future tensions between actors whose agendas contradict each other. Background Amidst the agitation by groups advocating for various political agendas in the lead up to the dissolution of the Constituent Assembly on 28 May Box 1: The Chhetri Samaj Nepal (CSN) 2012, there were a number of clashes between The Chhetri Samaj Nepal, a nationwide Chhetri activists of the National Integrity and Ethnic organization with its head office in Pokhara, claims that Goodwill Society (NIEGS)8 and Janajati groups such the word Chhetri is a Nepali form of the Sanskrit word Kshatriya and uses the word Kshatri interchangeably as NEFIN, Joint Tharuhat Struggle Committee and with Chhetri on their website7. While recognising that 9 factions of the Federal Limbuwan State Council . there are many other groups representing Chhetris, this Field Bulletin focuses on the CSN as one of the main On the surface these clashes were related to groups that possess a wide membership and a clear agenda that illustrates the various concerns of many competing or contradictory agendas regarding the Chhetris. form of a federal Nepal, although many commentators felt that they went beyond this and touched upon the wider issue of inclusion of previously marginalised communities in the Nepali state and a more inclusive political process10, particularly of Janajati communities. While these clashes garnered a great deal of attention, low level tensions between groups advocating on Chhetri issues and other identity-based groups have been ongoing since at least 2010 and observers have noted an ‘organisational drive’ by various Chhetri groups since the beginning of 201011. The Khas and the Chhetris The Nepali term Chhetri derives from the Sanskrit word Kshatriya, the Hindu warrior class or varna, comprising ‘kings, warriors, government bureaucrats and others who represent power’12. People of Kshatriya status are found throughout South Asia, including people of different nationalities and religions13. According to Nepal’s national population census of 200114, they comprised 15.5% of Nepal’s population and are found in almost all districts, but have their greatest concentration in the Far Western Region and Karnali region15 of the country. The Khas (as in Khas Arya Adibasi) people, on the other hand, are an ethnic group, which includes people claiming Brahmin, Chhetri and Thakuri status, with a distinct history, identity, language and 7 Please refer to: http://chhetrisamajnepal.com/contact_us. 8 The NIEGs comprises the Brahmin Samaj, Chhetri Samaj Nepal, Thakuri Samaj, Nepal Dasnami Samaj, Progressive Anti-Discrimination Society, Khas Chhetri Ekata Samaj, Dalit Uplift Service Association and Oppressed Classes Federation. 9 UN RCHCO Field Bulletin, Issue 41: Confrontation over federalism: Emerging dynamics of identity-based conflict and violence. Available at: http://www.un.org.np/headlines/rchco-field-bulletin-issue-41. 10 Jha, P (2012) ‘Forging a Nepal for all its peoples’. The Hindu, 22 May 2012. 11 The Carter Centre Nepal Report: Local political and peace process trends’ November 23, 2010. Available at: http://www.cartercenter.org/resources/pdfs/news/pr/nepal-release-trends-rpt-eng.pdf. 12 http://hindustudentscouncil.org/index.php?option=com_content&view=article&id=116&catid=48. 13 For example, the Muslim Kadia community of Gujerat claims Kshatriya status, while several Muslim families in Pakistan’s Punjab claim Rajput (Kshatriya) status. See http://kshatriyasociety.com/miscellaneous/rajpakistan.htm. 14 Available at: http://cbs.gov.np/wp-content/uploads/2012/Population/Caste%20Ethinicity%20Population.pdf. 15 The Karnali region in the Mid Western Region of Nepal comprises Humla, Mugu, Dolpa, Kalikot and Jumla districts. It is one of the poorest areas of Nepal and has only limited access by road and air. Page 2 of 9 Perspectives on Chhetri identity and how these relate to federalism culture16 and roots that date back for at least two thousand years in what is now Nepal17. The Khas are considered to be a distinct group of Indo-Aryans who moved into the Mid and Far Western Regions of Nepal since before records began18. Their religion was and, to some extent, still is a “form of Hinduism, pre-Buddhist Bon and Tibetan Buddhist traditions”19. There are some people in the Karnali region of Nepal who still identify themselves as Khas, yet do not claim Chhetri status and are not considered to be Chhetris by other Nepalis20. In the words of Dor Bahadur Bista21 (himself of Khas heritage), “Many Nepalis and most western scholars think that all Khas are Chhetri”22, but there are many Khas who are not Chhetris and, likewise, many Chhetris who are not Khas. The ‘tagdhari’23 (or thread-wearing) Chhetris perceive the Khas as low caste Shudra24, as they do not observe many orthodox Hindu customs25. Some Khas political actors argue that the Khas did not observe the Hindu caste hierarchy until the supposed arrival of Brahmins in western Nepal in the thirteenth century26 and therefore should be treated as a group distinct from the Brahmins, Chhetris and Thakuris, although this view is increasingly contested by some Chhetri groups27. While many of today’s Chhetris may have Khas heritage, Bista points out that “The fact is that a vast majority of the Khas have never been Hindu-ised, let alone ‘Chhetri-ised’. Thus, while it may be true that today’s Chhetri of Nepal branched off from the Khas, what has happened is that the descendants of the original Khas remained distinct, remote and deprived”28. Sources of tension over the terms Adibasi and Janajati Although often used synonymously, different understandings of the terms Adibasi and Janajati exist, which has been a source of contest and tension between groups such as NEFIN and the CSN. In its literal sense, Adibasi means ‘first settler’, but it is commonly translated into English as ‘indigenous’, while Janajati is translated as ‘indigenous nationality’ and defined by the GoN in the National Foundation for Development of Indigenous Nationalities (NFDIN) Act 2002, as “A tribe or community having its own mother tongue and traditional rites and customs, distinct cultural identity and social structure, and written or unwritten history”. Although Janajati and Adibasi are distinct in meaning, even some Janajati actors accept that the difference is not always easy to explain29. 16 Adhikari, SM (1998) The Khasa Kingdom, Niraula Press. 17 Singh, NK (1997) Nepal: Refugee to ruler. A militant race of Nepal. New Delhi: APH Publishing. 18 Tucci, G (1962) Nepal: The discovery of the Mallas. New York: Dutton. 19 Dhunghel, R (2011): Revisiting the history of the formation of Nepali society, Research paper, Tribhuwan University, Nepal. 20 Krause, I-B (2002): The Shahas of West Nepal. Political autonomy and economic dependence in former Nepalese community. New Delhi: Adarsha Books. 21 Dor Bahadur Bista is a writer, anthropologist and social scientist in Nepal. 22 Bista, DB (1995): ‘The Khas of Chaudabisa.’ Himal, May 1995.