CHAPTER 20 Moral Development and Moral Values Evolutionary and Neurobiological Influences Darcia Narvaez Morality covers the gamut of life—every action delve more pointedly into the underlying nature is governed by values—whether those we have and development of moral values. chosen or those we have implicitly absorbed. Most research in moral developmental psy- Our morality is shaped by multiple factors: chology has focused on isolated aspects of what we inherit, where we habitually put our moral functioning in individuals, such as moral attention, what actions we choose, and the per- reasoning and decision making in the face of ceptual sensitivities and capacities we develop hypothetical dilemmas (e.g., Kohlberg, 1984; from how we were raised. All these shape our Haidt, 2001; Turiel, 1983). For some decades, values and character. As a result, the study of under the influence of moral philosophical moral development requires a transdisciplinary concerns, moral developmental psychology fo- and transmethodological approach. Disciplin- cused on moral reasoning development under ary contributions from evolutionary systems the theoretical direction of Lawrence Kohlberg theory, clinical studies, and developmental and and his (mis)interpretation of Jean Piaget (i.e., personality research each provide insight into “hard stage” theory; Lapsley, 2006). Kohlberg the moral development of humanity. Method- (1984) studied the development of justice-based ologies of study must also be broad and address valuing through the assessment of moral judg- both a universalist and an individual-difference ment and reasoning, emphasizing a deonto- approach. The former seeks to find basic pat- logical framing of morality—what comprised terns across humanity—individuals and societ- one’s duty according to logical rationality ies—whereas the latter takes into account the (Kant, 1949). But Kohlberg was also keen to diversity of influences on the development of distinguish among different sets of values and, an individual’s moral dispositions. In this chap- in particular, to defeat moral relativism. He ter, contributions from multiple disciplines and wanted to demonstrate empirically the moral methods are included in an examination of the superiority of the lawbreaking actions of civil development of moral values. rights leaders such as Martin Luther King, Jr., and the moral inferiority of the law-upholding actions of an Adolf Hitler. His system assessed The Study of Moral Valuing the developmental shifts from preconventional to conventional to postconventional reasoning To begin, let’s examine a little history, from (where Martin Luther King, Jr.’s reasoning is moral judgment research to values lists, then categorized). Empirical studies of Kohlberg and 345 000-McAdams_Book.indb 345 8/29/2018 9:06:32 AM 346 III. MOTIVATED AgENTS the neo-Kohlbergian orientations that followed ham, Haidt, & Nosek, 2009); however it is no- show, with little doubt, that cognitive matura- table that the content of such items are shaped tion in interaction with intensive and variable according to the particular interests of Christian social experience leads to greater sophisticated conservatives (Suhler & Churchland, 2011). reasoning, especially when measured in tacit Values list studies demonstrate that individual ways, such as with recognition measures, in- differences in value priority vary by nationality stead of with measures dependent on verbal and political orientation. However, just because fluency (Rest, 1979; Rest, Narvaez, Bebeau, & particular values are favorably endorsed does Thoma, 1999). We might say that Kohlberg’s not mean that individuals act on those values in work was intended to measure moral values of particular situations. Similar to the judgment– intellectual thought—as measured by rationales action gap, there is often a value–action gap. For given for preferred actions in response to hy- example, social desirability inflates self-reports pothetical moral dilemmas. Kohlberg assumed of religious service attendance (Presser & Stin- that at the highest stage, an individual’s thought son, 1998), reflecting prescriptive values rather and action would align. But empirical evidence than being descriptive of actual behavior, which was thin for a relation between reasoning ca- is much lower, when time diaries are used in pacities and actual action. Noting the gap be- data collection (Brenner, 2011). This value–ac- tween making a judgment about what should be tion gap is well described by J. D. Vance in his done and action taken, broader conceptualiza- book Hillbilly Elegy (2016), in which he chron- tions of the propellants of moral behavior, such icles his upbringing in Kentucky. There, values as moral personality, were proposed (e.g., Blasi, of hard work, church attendance, and Christian 1983). Indeed, subsequent research has demon- behavior are widely espoused by community strated that self-reported second-order desires members yet also widely absent in those same (Frankfurt, 1988), desires about what desires people’s behavior. to have—one’s moral identity—influence one’s As mentioned, Kohlberg’s (1984) enterprise behavior beyond moral reasoning or judgment was driven by philosophical frames of explicit (Aquino & Reed, 2002). reasoning and moral intention as fundamental In another line of research examining the to an individual’s moral functioning. Values list types of values individuals profess, Rokeach prioritization studies are explicit tasks as well. (1979) identified lists of terminal values (e.g., a The study of explicit, verbalizable discourse world of beauty, wisdom) and instrumental val- has shown its limitations with the discoordi- ues (e.g., love, obedience), and determined that nation between advocacy and actual behavior. individuals prioritize them differently. More re- This is not a surprise, as psychology research cently and more systematically, Schwartz (1992, has shifted paradigms from a focus on the ex- 2005) identified a set of 10 values, tested them plicit to a focus on the implicit, understanding in 67 countries, and found similar distinctive that most human functioning emerges from au- structures across nations, and different cultural tomatic tacit processes not accessible to verbal motivational patterns. The values are placed explanation or, sometimes, awareness (Bargh into four main categories: openness to change & Chartrand, 1999; Reber, 1993). Which tacit includes self-direction and stimulation; self- processes guide behavior, including moral be- enhancement includes hedonism, achievement, havior, can change by situation in a unique per- and power; conservation is described by securi- son-by-context signature (Lapsley & Narvaez, ty, conformity, and tradition; self-enhancement 2004; Narvaez & Lapsley, 2005). Let’s bear embraces benevolence and universalism. Also these issues in mind as we examine morality in interested in cultural differences and based on more detail. Shweder’s (1993) earlier work contrasting the United States and India, Haidt (2012) focused What Influences Moral Values? attention on group differences in five (then six) values that he called moral foundations: Though What is a moral value? In this chapter, a moral most ethical traditions emphasize fairness and value is a perceptual–action feature of our caring for others, values of liberty, purity, hi- behavior, which can change situation by situ- erarchy, and ingroup over outgroup are also ation and moment by moment. Our actions highly prized by some individuals and groups. are always guided by what we perceive to be In fact, the latter values have been associated good in the moment. For example, if someone with American political conservatives (Gra- we like makes a joke at our expense, we take 000-McAdams_Book.indb 346 8/29/2018 9:06:32 AM 20. Moral Development and Moral Values 347 it as friendly teasing, but if someone we don’t further below, individual moral development is like does the same thing, we are insulted. Or, initially shaped by the community. Through our if we become upset after someone cuts us off experience with caregivers and the caregiving in traffic, lashing out in anger can feel like a environment as babies and small children, we fair or just action—tit for tat—a common re- develop the sensorimotor and neurobiological action in a culture of honor, in which feelings intelligence that undergird our social and self- that one was disrespected incite retaliatory be- habits that we carry forward into the rest of life havior (Nisbett & Cohen, 1996; Vance, 2016). (Siegel, 1999; Stern, 1985). In early life, these In contrast, when we maintain a mood of grati- experiences actually mold the very plastic but tude, we are more likely to help others (Moore immature neurobiology humans arrive with at & Isen, 1990; Morris, 1989). Strikingly, within birth, a neurobiology that expects particular an Amish community with cultural practices of supports to develop well. These neurobiologi- humility and grace, community leaders swiftly cal foundations continue to shape preferences forgave the actions of a neighbor who held their and values, undergirding social and moral life. daughters hostage, executed five and seriously Below, I examine these ideas more fully. wounded five others (before killing himself; Kraybill, Nolt, & Weaver-Zercher, 2008). Val- ues are reflected in the moods and mind-sets we Influences on Moral Values bring to a situation. Actions are guided by not only momentary valuing but also our habitual Let’s examine two general sets of influences choices