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Ann Arbor, MI 48106 I . __________ .,.____ ------------··-----· PAKISTAN: THE STRUGGLE FOR DEMOCRACY HISTORICAL PERSPECTIVE AND FUTURE PROSPECTS 1947 - 1989 by Shahid Hasan Tirmazi submitted to the Faculty of the School of International Service of The American University in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of Master of Arts in International Relations Signatures of Committee: ___ Chair: 'l0V( ’ L Dean of School of International Service /; C IlLL Date 1990 The American University im Washington, D.C. 20016 frHE m m s i n ma m COPYRIGHT BY SHAHID HASAN TIRMAZI 1990 ALL RIGHTS RESERVED i i PAKISTAN: THE STRUGGLE FOR DEMOCRACY HISTORICAL PERSPECTIVE AND FUTURE PROSPECTS 1947 - 1989 BY Shahid Hasan Tirmazi ABSTRACT The purpose of this study is to understand why a stable political system has not developed in Pakistan. The aim of this study is to show that the problem lies in the state system itself. In other words the authority structure of the state, as inherited from British India, provides the focal point for the country's politics. While it is true that political parties, religious movements, ethnic violence and legislative activity seems to dominate the political scene, it is essentially to the structural dynamics of the state that one must ascribe the primary responsibility for shaping the political events after independence. For, this reason, in the framework of this study, the legal and constitutional authority, occupies central stage, and the political actors are seen as either trying to seek patronage from it or trying to limit its legitimizing potential. This, it seems, is the best way to understand the number of crisis that have befallen Pakistan. i i i ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS I thank Dr. Alan R. Taylor and Dr. Brady Tyson for their enthusiastic support and understanding. Their expert and invaluable practical advice at each stage enriched my work immensely, and enabled me to progress steadily towards a successful conclusion of my research. I also thank all my other professors at the American University who were always there when I needed help. Special thanks to Professor's A. Said, and William C . 01 son whoes he 1p I would never be able to repay. I am very appreciative of the assistance provided by my friends and collegues. Special thanks goes to Andrea Irby, Graduate Counseling Office, for all her help. I do not think I would have ever taken on this project if not for her help. In addition I would like to thank Sharon Abboud, Syed Tariq, and Tim Seman for all their help. My greatest thanks are to my mother and father, for thier undemanding support and forbearance. I am deeply grateful to them, and to my sister's and brother-in-law, for just being there. I dedicate this work to my father and mother; Mahmud and Nayeema Hasan Tirmazi. I assume full responsibility for any errors which may exist in this study. Table of Contents r a S T R A C T ........................................................ ii ACKNOWLEEGEEENTS................................................. iii INTRODUCTION ’ . 1 CHAPTER CTE : FOLMJATIONS CF P A K I S T A N .............................. 10 Section One : The State ....................................... 13 Section Two : The Muslim Problem ............ 29 CHAPTER TWO : TEE BEGINNING AISD END OF PARLIAMENTARY SYSTEM 1947-1950 41 Section One : Pakistan's Problems ........................... 43 Section Two : The State ....................................... 59 CHAPTER THEE : TEE ERA OF GENERAL M0HAM1AD AYUB KHAN 1950-1969 . 66 Section One : The Daydream ................................... 68 Section Two : Economic Strategy ............................. 30 Section Three : The Nightmare ................................ 86 CHAPTER FOLR : TEE SEEDS OF A fEW P A K I S T A N ........................ 91 Section One : The Changing of the S y s t e m ...................... 93 Section Two : East Pakistan Crisis : The Second Option ....... 102 • Section Three : The Reasons Why Democracy Failed .............. 106 CHAPTER FIVE : PEEPLES POWER VS. STATE POWER : TEE BHUTTO YEARS 1971-1977 ................................................... Ill Section One : The Pakistan Peoples Party Government ........... 114 Section Two : Reforms of the Pakistan Peoples Party Government . 119 Section Three : The Downfall ................................. 128 Section Four : The Second Failed Attempt at Establishing De m ocracy ..................................... 134 CHAPTER SIX : RULE OF FORCE : 1 9 7 7 - 1 9 0 B ........................... 139 Section One : Consolidation of P o w e r ........................ 140 Section Two : Islamization .................................. 149 Section Three : Quasi-Civilian Regime ........................ 156 CHAPTER SEVEN : TEE STATUS OLD FE-ESTAELISHED - TEEfEW DEAL .... 166 Section One : The Road to the Elections....................... 167 Section Two : Pakistan People's Party Rule .................. 171 CONCLUSION ........................................ 176 BIBLIOGRAPHY INTRODUCTION Mohtrama Benazir Bhutto's Pakistan Peoples Party (PPP) won 92 out of 204 National Assembly seats, when the second free general elections in Pakistan were held on November 18th 1988. The first free elections were held in 1971. The election campaign of the PPP was based on the slogan that the only true representatives of Pakistan are the ones that are elected by the people. This slogan had carried them through the martial law period of 1977-1988, and also remained their password throughout the elections. The other agenda on the PPP manifesto included "civil rights for all", "land reforms", "governmental reforms", and "industrial reforms". The campaign slogans of the PPP, and the speeches by Mohtrama Benazir pointed to the fact that Pakistan was going to be a united nation over the next five years. The day of the Generals had passed, the day of the people had come, and therefore, a free and prosperous nation was going to be reborn. Twelve months later, however, one does not yet see the promised changes. Economic disarray, civil liberties' violations, government conflicts with opposition groups, continuing army presence in civil life, and ethnic violence still prevail on the political landscape. In other words nothing has changed. The faces might have been replaced by new ones but the policies have not changed. As of today, a number of government officials as well as the general public seems to be losing hope in Benazir Bhutto's ability to rule. During the previous regimes, whenever the ability to rule came in question, the result was always authoritarian repression. Firstly, there would occur a general crackdown on opponents and on the general public. The lack of legitimacy of those regimes was always covered-up by the use of slogans such as Islam, unity, and threat of international conspiracy. When - 2 - these steps did not solve the problems, then martial law was enforced in major cities. Finally, when nothing helped, then the army with all its might would step in and enforce martial law in the whole country, and the regime in power would fade out of the picture. Now, if history can be used as a guideline for the events of the present, we can visualize the following unfolding events. The current regime has filed charges against a number of opponents, the most talked about is the one filed against Fazle-ul-Haq, the last governor of the North-West Frontier Province. Similarly, one of the provincial governments has filed criminal charges against a federal minister. The government of Benazir Bhutto has also tried to bypass the provincial governments of Punjab and Baluchistan through the introduction of programs such as the "Peoples Work Program". Added to the list is the conflict which was started by the government of Benazir against the governments
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