‘AN Out-Of-datE word’ Grimond and the LEft Jo Grimond is the Liberal leader most often associated with attempts to realign British politics on the left, to create what he foresaw as ‘a new progressive movement’ taking in ‘the Liberals and most of the Labour Party’.1 On three occasions during his leadership he stirred up controversy in the Liberal Party by predicting or suggesting such a hen he stepped Pact ten years later, Grimond was down as leader, amongst the more apprehensive development, and the party had not members of the parliamentary yet never achieved established any party. In his Memoirs Grimond closer relation- makes little mention of it. any change. Matt Wship with Labour, and, although Why did a leader of Grimond’s its image and recruitment had in dynamism repeatedly embark Cole examines the some ways moved leftwards, this on this strategy, and then each relationship between had not significantly altered its time abandon it? Alan Watkins electoral base or its parliamentary expressed the bemusement of the Liberals and those representation. Grimond him- many commentators looking back self fought shy of such links when on Grimond’s career and his failed of what Grimond opportunities to establish them bids for realignment: called ‘an out of date seemed to arise, and even when cooperation with Labour politi- At two recent periods – in word’2 – the left. cians came about in the Lib–Lab 1959–61 and in 1964–66 – there 50 Journal of Liberal History 67 Summer 2010 ‘AN Out-Of-datE word’ Grimond and the LEft was a chance that, given reso- Before realignment politics. Figure 1 shows that in lute action by Mr. Grimond, There is a good deal of evidence the Commons, though he was a start might have been made that Grimond’s personal poli- slightly less reliable as a supporter on the radical alliance. Admit- tics were, as he claimed, strongly of Conservative measures than tedly the circumstances were progressive. In an unpublished his colleagues, Grimond joined not ideal; they never are; but passage of his Memoirs, he remem- in the Liberal MPs’ general pat- they were the best that Mr. bered that as a young man in the tern of voting predominantly Grimond could reasonably early 1930s ‘with my upbringing with the Conservatives. For at have expected. However, Mr. and temperament, it would have least one division he acted as a Grimond waited on events. been difficult not to be a Liberal. teller on the Conservative side of He gave reasons for not act- But I might I suppose have joined the lobby, and he was described ing. The Labour Party had the Labour Party.’4 In the euphoric in correspondence between Lib- made no approaches: the party atmosphere following the Sec- eral National and Conserva- was still committed to public ond World War and the arrival tive leaders as ‘very sensible and ownership: the time was not in office of a Labour government, well-balanced.’6 yet: there must be a real meet- he recalled later that ‘we were This apparent ‘drift to the ing of minds, and not a hastily all to some extent socialists’ and right’, as Megan Lloyd George concocted arrangement. But that ‘I had rosier visions of what called it, was a feature of the Lib- politicians cannot afford to might be achieved by govern- eral Party generally at the time, await the miraculous arrival of ments on behalf of communities.’5 reflected in the electoral pacts at a perfect world. They cannot He was, unlike any of his parlia- Bolton and Huddersfield, and in afford to wait until Parliament mentary colleagues in the 1950s, Churchill’s courtship of Clement is reformed and the machin- always opposed at the polls by Davies, and it was a trend from ery of government overhauled the Conservatives, and he voted the consequences of which Gri- and the Labour Party altered against the Conservative govern- mond could not isolate himself. in character. They must take ment in parliamentary divisions At a time of potentially fatal vul- things as they find them. And more often than any other Liberal nerability for Liberals, they could this Mr. Grimond, perhaps to MP between 1951 and becom- hardly decline to at least humour his credit, has always refused ing leader, and when he became Conservative approaches, and to do.3 leader the votes of Liberal MPs attempts by Basil Wigoder, A. P. were cast much more evenly Marshall and a group of MPs led Watkins points to a number fac- between government and opposi- by Megan Lloyd George to forge tors, but emphasises the judgment tion (see Figure 1). Grimond was a link with Labour had met with of Grimond himself in this mys- supportive of the Radical Reform contemptuous rejection before tery. An examination of opinion Group formed in 1954 to resist 1951.8 After that Lord Thurso and in the parties around him, how- the growing influence of libertar- Sir Andrew MacFadyean were ever, shows that realignment was ian free-market economists in the similarly rebuffed.9 Even upon inherently implausible, and that Liberal Party, becoming its Presi- taking up the leadership in 1956, – to the extent that it is significant dent in 1958. Left: ‘He needs Grimond did not change his tone – Grimond’s personality and per- However, this implied left- me’: Harold or that of the party substantially. sonal political philosophy account ward disposition does not seem Wilson and Jo Official policy had been set very for the attempt as much as for the to have affected Grimond’s over- Grimond (The clearly against any national pacts failure of realignment. all approach to parliamentary Guardian, 1965) in 1955, and an early series of Journal of Liberal History 67 Summer 2010 51 ‘an Out-Of-datE word’ new Liberal–Labour relationship, ‘even up to a merger’, at a party on the same weekend that Gri- mond gave his interviews,16 and Bill Rodgers found in a discussion with Mark Bonham Carter set up by the Sunday Times to explore the idea of realignment that they ‘reached a surprising measure of agreement’.17 Such an unexpected and con- troversial departure requires expla- nation. Grimond had evidently been amongst those less keen on the role of the Liberals as a prop to Tory governments in the first articles setting out ‘New Liberal’ Figure 1: Conservative victory, he gave half of the decade, and Churchill’s strategy and policy under Gri- Percentage interviews to The Guardian and retirement and the Suez episode mond in Liberal News made no of votes cast The Observer calling for the for- had convinced even those who had mention of realignment.10 Two with the mation of a joint movement of been advocates of a deal with the years later Grimond published The Conservatives Labour and Liberal supporters: Tories that their liberal creden- Liberal Future, in which he gave by Liberal MPs tials had expired. The weakness no hint of any arrangement with in Commons I would like to see the radical of Labour now made an appeal to Labour, but rather asserted that divisions, side of politics – the Liberals the left apparently more promising, ‘Socialists … were prepared to use 1951–637 and most of the Labour Party – and the Labour leader since 1955, the State even if it meant over- make a new appeal to people to Hugh Gaitskell, was already seek- riding personal liberty’, a prin- take an active part in all sorts of ing to reform the party’s approach ciple which had led to the rise of real political issues. There must to trade unions and nationalisa- National Socialism, that national- be a bridge between Socialism tion. Lastly, Grimond now had isation had been ‘a fiasco’ and ‘the and the Liberal policy of co- alongside him in parliament an ally promise of endless welfare bene- ownership in industry through in the campaign for realignment in fits to be handed out by the grand- a type of syndicalism coupled the new MP for North Devon, Jer- mother state … is incompatible with a nonconformist out- emy Thorpe. It was Thorpe who with freedom’, and most wither- look such as was propounded made speeches and wrote a piece ingly that ‘a Liberal must submit on many issues by George in the Evening Standard at this time his beliefs in the private enterprise Orwell.13 reassuring Liberals that their inde- system to a more radical criti- pendence was not under threat, cism than is now provided by the ‘I have always thought there and that it was business as usual for Labour Party.’11 Roger Fulford’s should be a really strong pro- Liberal campaigning regardless of authoritative (though not author- gressive movement as an alterna- realignment. ised) book for the general election tive to Conservatism,’ Grimond Nonetheless, Grimond’s sug- of the same year, The Liberal Case, was reported saying on the front gestions met with anxiety and was studiously equidistant in its page of The People. ‘The elec- rejection in both Liberal and assessment of the relative appeals tion result might well create the Labour Parties and he was forced of the Labour and Conservative atmosphere for this to happen. into a quick rearguard action in Parties in a balanced parliament: At the moment I cannot say that further newspaper interviews and he set out three principles gov- I shall offer any kind of deal to a radio broadcast on Any Ques- erning Liberal cooperation which the Labour Party. But I shall be tions. Opinion at the top of the might affect either party in the meeting certain people next week Labour Party was already hostile same way, starting with a demand and it is likely that the possibility to any relationship with the Liber- for electoral reform to which the of a deal will at least come under als: in a speech the previous year, Labour Party showed no signs of discussion.’ The ‘certain people’, Party General Secretary Mor- responding.12 The priority of Gri- the paper assumed, were his col- gan Phillips had dismissed talk mond’s early period in the leader- leagues in the leadership of the of a deal with the Liberals say- ship, when he sought to ‘get on’, Liberal Party.