Patogh-Space Networks of Tehran

Patogh-Space Networks of Tehran

e.polis Volume IV, fall/winter 2011 36 Genuine, Protean, Ad Hoc Public Spaces: Patogh-Space networks of Tehran Sara Khorshidifard University of Wisconsin Milwaukee, Milwaukee, Wisconsin ABSTRACT: This paper is a glance into Tehran’s “landscape of modernity” and contemporary discourses of the city’s patoghs as informal, ad hoc, and temporary, socially constructed, public spaces. This paper, inviting for innovative multidisciplinary approaches to architectural and urban research, first, introduces every city’s demand for the “protean space,” and then, historically- theoretically, analyzes the contemporary urban landscape of patogh-space networks of Tehran to study some of their qualities as “protean spaces.” Ultimately, this paper “maps” a creative method for looking at Tehran’s “now” of architecture and urban space, not merely based upon the “old-school dialectics” of “tradition” versus “modernity,” but also focused on “dynamic, mutating, and transitory” elements of the city’s contemporary landscape. This paper follows a larger research that uses the analyses of ad hoc public/semipublic-semiprivate spaces of Tehran, those ambiguous, not-clearly- demarcated corners of the city and its urban life, to inquire about the possibility of the role(s) that architects, urban designers, and/or landscape architects might play in the creation of these “protean spaces.” It investigates the extent to which ad hoc, socially constructed spaces result from the informal interventions of ordinary citizens or design professionals. In contemporary Tehran, patoghs create modern dynamic landscapes for democratic discourse of the “protean self,” introduced by Robert Lifton. The inhabitant of the contemporary metropolis of Tehran is the “protean self,” essence of individuals’ postmodern self, not only mutable, well informed, and enlightened, but also far more sophisticated, perceptive, and urbane than the past.1 Being modern in Tehran demands resistance, challenges to identity, and constant (re)invention of spaces, places, meanings, and discourses. Universally, beyond architectural factors, public spaces of cities have convoluted political, economic, and social significance; therefore, this paper establishes connections to contemporary debates and issues across world regions to hook up to broader discourses, for example, the nexus of space, body, and control and public-private dynamics. Key words: Tehran, landscape of modernity, discourse, patogh, socially constructed public spaces, the “protean space”, (post)modern self, power. e.polis Volume IV, fall/winter 2011 37 1. Tehran’s Landscape of (post)Modernity: discourses, in this paper, I first introduce the “protean Discourses of Public Space space” metaphor, and then, analyze some of the aspects of the (post)modern urban landscape of the Often, with the intention of providing security and patogh-space networks of Tehran, or fazahaye- generating order, both authorities and design patoghi (Persian), to study some of their qualities as professionals control and limit the use of public “protean spaces.” The “protean space” is the spaces through “nonflexible” planning and “over- metaphor of creative and genuine network of socially deterministic” design strategies. As a result, urban constructed public spaces in cities, which public spaces become merely a “space for public simultaneously allow egalitarian (re)creation, maturity, use,” unimaginative and drained of dynamic urban life and protection of democratic discourses, self- and meanings for community and identity. This might representation, individualism, collective identity, and also lead to the creation of profit-oriented pseudo- pluralism. This paper per se is just a portion of a public realms that are frail for sociability and lack bigger study, my doctoral dissertation research that, urban delight, down affecting urban life and limiting later on, for my studies, I will be conducting on-site, individuals’ favorable use of public space. “auto-ethnographical” and “urban anthropological” fieldwork as well as a further extensive “interpretive- Ever since Tehran’s transformation from a sixteenth historical” studies inside Tehran. The subsistence of century village to a twenty-first century metropolis the impromptu, socially constructed patogh-spaces is today, multiple power dynamics have been a major factor that makes Tehran the well-suited (re)shaping the city’s fabric and political as well as context for my broader studies on the “protean space” socio-spatial structures. In particular, in the course of of cities. This paper is a discussion on socio-spatial the city’s organic growth, evolution, and mutations, in dynamics and certain physical attributes of Tehran’s times, certain high-handed ruling structures have patoghs, (Persian). Patoghs are distinctively been manipulating their “power over” urban public spontaneous, in (re)formation, and “protean,” in spaces. For example, according to Abbas Milani, spatial (re)structuring, the ad hoc and impermanent during the Qajar dynasty period in Iran, 1848-1896, public space type in the Iranian culture. Nasir Al-Din Shah’s “final modern intervention” in Tehran included “an inept attempt at turning 1.1. Multidisciplinarity of Urban Research teahouses into centers for a panoptic system of Studying urban space and place, in particular, the surveillance.”2 As Milani asserts, the Shah (King), public space of cities, demands innovative more than anything else, “liked modernity’s system of multidisciplinary approaches; thus, in this paper, I social control” to a degree that, during his first visit to establish various connections to contemporary Europe, he “hired an Austrian count to establish a debates and issues across world regions. For modern police force for Iran.”3 Not just during the instance, universally, beyond architectural factors, reign of Qajar kings, but throughout Tehran’s whole public spaces of cities have many convoluted political, history, although not always successful, many economic, and social significances; therefore, my attempts have been made in order to control the city’s research connects to broader discourses on the urban spaces, in particular, public spaces. nexus of space, power and control over it as well as some of the aspects related to the public-private I argue that one of the leading consequences of, often dynamics. As Kim Dovey puts it, multiple power extreme, controlling strategies over space has been phenomena are “mediated” in built forms and design professionals must immerse in the “practices of the (re)creation of a uniquely improvised, temporary, 7 and “protean” social space typology called patogh. power,”6F as they “frame” spaces and places of One of the strengths, of the concept and the space everyday life, which are planned and designed according to “certain interests…amenity, profit, status type, of patoghs is that they are relatively democratic 8 given that they can take multiplicity of interpretations and political power.”7F Moreover, as Ali Madanipour and embrace compound meanings and discourses. asserts, citing Benn and Gaus, “dimensions of For example, Mitra, an Iranian woman living in publicness and privateness,” such as “access, agency, and interest,” are amongst the factors to be Diaspora, calls her personal weblog “Patogh-E-Mitra” 9 4 8F and defines it as “a place where you feel good.”3F considered. There might never be any ideal from of 5 Discourses of “power over,” as Kim Dovey explains,4F public space, as only a perfect, utopian, model of are important aspects within the urban landscapes. what Jurgen Habermas describes as “the public One other significance of the existence of patogh- sphere” may be "made up of private people gathered spaces in Tehran is that they give power to or, as together as a public and articulating the needs of 6 10 9F Dovey puts it, “empower” the users.5F Within Tehran’s society with the state.” One reason is that, in landscape, although noticeably, and predominantly, reality, contemporary public domains and urban increased after the political, social, and cultural landscapes are often plagued with non-design, non- changes brought by the 1979 revolution, the architectural, and/or external forces and factors such application of various means and method of control as commercialization and privatization of the public over the public, semi-public/private, and even private realms as well as the various invasions that “the spaces of one’s home have not merely been recent state,” with certain ideology, “the economy,” and “the phenomena. Therefore, to better understand these media” might reinforce on space. e.polis Volume IV, fall/winter 2011 38 Due to multiple power relations within urban fabrics, According to Mazumdar, urban planners and the spaces intended for public use are not ideal designers as well as architects can also act as “mini “public” arenas. On the one hand, manipulated autocrats,” if they consider themselves in a role and and/or corrupted power-over strategies, superior position of “making and enforcing decisions unconstructive management and/or extreme about people’s lives.”12 controlling strategies that can mainly be executed by states, authorities, and economical organizations, can Therefore, in this paper, I use the analyses of ad hoc influence and pressure the efficient and creative use public/semipublic-semiprivate spaces of Tehran, of the space. On the other hand, these bureaucracies those ambiguous, not-clearly-demarcated corners of and/or peer pressures are not the only factors limiting the city and its urban life,

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