CANADIAN INDIAN POLICY AND DEVELOPMENT PLANNING THEORY By ALAIN MACALPINE CUNNINGHAM Diploma in Town and Country Planning (Distinction) Nottingham College of Art and Design, 1966 M.A., History, Simon Fraser University, 1980 A THESIS SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY in THE FACULTY OF GRADUATE STUDIES School of Community and Regional Planning We accept this thesis as conforming to the required standard THE UNIVERSITY OF BRITISH COLUMBIA September 1995 © Alain MacAlpine Cunningham, 1995 In presenting this thesis in partial fulfilment of the requirements for an advanced degree at the University of British Columbia, I agree that the Library shall make it freely available for reference and study. I further agree that permission for extensive copying of this thesis for scholarly purposes may be granted by the head of my department or by his or her representatives. It is understood that copying or publication of this thesis for financial gain shall not be allowed without my written permission. p^ptfftrnent of gO^'*'^ ^tow^ /3S5t*M-'*^ The University of British Columbia Vancouver, Canada Date '2- e*f • % DE-6 (2/88) II Abstract: CANADIAN INDIAN POLICY AND DEVELOPMENT PLANNING THEORY This thesis addresses questions of how development planning theory has influenced policy• making for Indians in Canada and how it could be improved for making better policies in the future. These questions are considered around a nexus of central state-Indian relations. There is a focus on the multi-dimensional problems of poverty faced by many reserve communities, especially of those located in more rural and remote regions. The thesis criticizes the serious dualism within and between prevailing development doctrines and proposes remedies through a 'relational' approach. An original typology categorizes 'substantive' development planning theories into two opposing doctrines. The more dominant liberal assimilationist doctrine centers on modernization theory and internalizes blame on Indians for their "own" problems, but is challenged by radical autonomist doctrine which centers on underdevelopment theory (UDT) and its 'internal colony' variant, and contrarily externalizes blame onto the state. A third body of reformist planning is grounded in the practices of welfare statism. Relational analysis of the history of Indian policy shows that underdevelopment of Indian communities has been caused by the interaction of both external and internal causes. Liberal doctrine strongly influenced the central state's assimilative agenda during the 'traditional' era of Indian policy, including its oppressive 'reserve system' and landmark 1969 White Paper. It is agreed that radical criticism properly reveals the racism and Ill economic exploitation underlying state-sponsored process of 'internal colonization,' and also helps to explain the consequent rise of Indian ethnic nationalism. However, it is concluded that radical criticism does not adequately explain events in the 'contemporary era' where Indian leaders have more influence over policy-making, but have expended much of their energies pursuing a 'modernist' nationalist agenda in a power struggle with the central state. The resulting policy vacuum between the deadlocked liberal state and radical Indian positions has been filled by default with misguided reformist programs of welfare statism, with terribly destructive effects in many reserve communities. The criticism of current development theories when applied in practice is reinforced by their criticism as theories. The deficiencies of current 'substantive' development theories are shown to be endemic because of shortcomings in their underlying 'process' planning theories. In particular, the reductionist dualism of extreme liberal and radical development doctrines, which contributes to polarization in practice, is revealed. Instead of the current practice of applying single explanations and prescriptions to Indian policy-making, a relational approach is advocated which selectively combines liberal, reformist, and radical perspectives. The thesis concludes with an exposition of how a relational approach can be applied to examine widespread poverty and dependency in reserve communities as an interconnected 'external/internal' problem, and, leading from this, to propose mutually-reinforcing state and community actions. IV TABLE OF CONTENTS Abstract II List of Figure VIII Acknowledgements IX Chapter One: Introduction 1.1 The Proposal 1.2 Methodology 7 1.3 Typology of Development Theories 11 1.4 Applications of Development Theories to Indian Policy 19 PART ONE: HISTORICAL ANALYSIS OF INDIAN DEVELOPMENT POLICY Chapter Two: The Roots of Canadian Indian Policy 2.1 Overview. 28 2.2 Three Principles of Indian Policy -- 'Assimilation,"Civilization,' and 'Protection.' 31 2.3 Setting Up the 'Reserve System.' 43 2.4 Westward Expansion, Treaty-Making, and Indian Economic Exploitation. 50 2.5 Conclusions. Chapter Three: The Failure of the 1969 White Paper 3.1 Overview. 52 3.2 Seeking New Directions: The Hawthorn Report, 1966-1967. 54 3.3 A "Final Solution to the Indian Problem: Planning the 1969 White Paper. 62 3.4 What the White Paper Said, and How it Was Received. 71 3.5 Conclusions. 78 V Chapter Four: The Decline of Reserve Communities Into Welfarism 4.1 Overview. 80 4.2 Background Comments on the Indian Nationalist Movement. 86 4.3 Case Study One: The NIB/DIAND Socio-Economic Development Strategy. 94 4.4 Case Study Two: Northern Regional Development Projects. 107 4.5 Conclusions. 119 Chapter Five: Indian Nationalism and the Push for Self-Government 5.1 Overview. 121 5.2 A Comparative Model of Self-Government Powers. 124 5.3 Legislative Approaches Towards Indian Self-Government. 132 5.4 The First Ministers' Conferences on Aboriginal Constitutional Rights. 140 5.5 The Self-Government Package of the CharlotteTown Accord. 147 5.6 Conclusions. 164 PART TWO: PROPOSALS FOR INDIAN DEVELOPMENT PLANNING Chapter Six: Review of Current Development Theories 6.1 Overview. 167 6.2 Modernization Theory. 171 6.3 Underdevelopment Theory (UDT). 178 6.4 Canadian Staples Theory. 187 6.5 Functional Regional Theory. 191 6.6 Territorial Regional Theory. 197 6.7 Community Economic Development (CED) Theory. 204 6.8 Conclusions. 211 vi Chapter Seven: Critique of Development Theories 7.1 Overview. 213 7.2 Planning Process Model. 215 7.2.1 Multi-Dimensional Ways of Knowing. 219 7.2.2 Multi-Dimensional Power Relations. 221 7.2.3 Perspectives on Social Integration. 225 7.2.4 Closing the Loop: the Public Interest and Planned Intervention. 228 7.3 Epistomological Critique of Development Theory. 233 7.3.1 "Positivist" Assimilation Theory. 234 7.3.2 "Utopianist" Autonomist Theory. 239 7.4 Critique of Dualist Assumptions in Development Theories. 246 7.5 Some Proposed Correctives to Dualism. 251 7.6 Conclusions. 256 Chapter Eight: Conclusions 8.1 Overview 258 8.2 The Undevelopment of Indian Community Competencies. 261 8.3 The Role of the State for Facilitating Indian Development. 281 8.4 The Role for Community Action. 289 Footnotes and References 301 Bibliography 330 vii LIST OF FIGURES 1 Planning Paradigm Model. 8 2 Differentiation of Development Theories by Social Groups. 1 2 3 Categories of Development Theories. 14 4 Primary Distinctions Between Development Doctrines. 15 5 Counterpart Development Theories. 17 6 Incorporation Options for Indian Governments in Canadian Federalism. 128 7 Ideal Types of Local Autonomy. 129 8 Optional Political Arrangements and Associated Powers of Local Autonomy. 130 9 Respective Positions on Indian Self-Government During the 1980's. 146 10 Organization of Development Theory Review. 170 11 Variants of Canadian Staple Theory. 188 12 Elements of Planning Process Theory. 216 13 Typology of Planning Traditions. 232 14 Examples of Downward "Cumulative Causation" in Diminished Community Competencies. 264 VIII ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS I wish to express thanks for the support of my wife, Jill Anderson Cunningham during the lengthy writing of this dissertation. My father, Frank Firman Cunningham provided invaluable advice. I also wish to express my gratitude to the faculty and staff of the School of Community and Regional Planning at the University of British Columbia for all their assistance. 1 CHAPTER ONE. INTRODUCTION 1.1 The Proposal This dissertation came about from the writer's first hand experiences working with Indian people, concerns about endemic problems of poverty in many reserve communities, and interests in development theory. The dissertation has three purposes. First, to analyze the historical evolution of Canadian Indian policy and how it led to contemporary problems of Indian poverty. Second, to trace the direct influence of development theory on the making of Indian policy, and to also examine policy critiques by development theorists in the field. Three, to identify what is valid in current development theories and what are serious shortcomings, and to propose improvements which could be applied to future Indian policy. The analysis of Indian policy covers two distinct eras. The first era of 'traditional' policy• making covers unsuccessful attempts by colonial and then federal/provincial governments to force Indian assimilation by means of the repressive 'reserve system, against strong but largely passive Indian resistance. The second phase of 'contemporary' policy-making starts with the federal government's watershed 1969 White Paper which proposed to totally dismantle the failed reserve system and to remove