This is a repository copy of Consolation, individuation and consumption : Towards a theory of cyclicality in English funerary practice. White Rose Research Online URL for this paper: http://eprints.whiterose.ac.uk/129123/ Version: Accepted Version Article: Rugg, Julie Joyce orcid.org/0000-0002-0067-6209 (2018) Consolation, individuation and consumption : Towards a theory of cyclicality in English funerary practice. Cultural and Social History: the Journal of the Social History Society. pp. 61-78. ISSN 1478-0038 https://doi.org/10.1080/14780038.2018.1427339 Reuse Items deposited in White Rose Research Online are protected by copyright, with all rights reserved unless indicated otherwise. They may be downloaded and/or printed for private study, or other acts as permitted by national copyright laws. The publisher or other rights holders may allow further reproduction and re-use of the full text version. This is indicated by the licence information on the White Rose Research Online record for the item. Takedown If you consider content in White Rose Research Online to be in breach of UK law, please notify us by emailing [email protected] including the URL of the record and the reason for the withdrawal request. [email protected] https://eprints.whiterose.ac.uk/ Consolation, individuation and consumption: towards a theory of cyclicality in English funerary practice At the heart of the paper is the core contention that the literal scale of mortality – the size of the community and the number of dead that community has to deal with – is a more significant determinant of change in funerary practice than chronological periodization. Change over time in westernised funerary practice is generally understood in terms of dichotomised swings between periods when death was somehow hidden or ‘taboo’, and times during which death was regarded as ‘tame’, accepted and largely unproblematic.1 This paper suggests a new meta-narrative, in proposing that funerary practice is cyclical and has a recurring pattern: innovation, gradually absorbed as a mass option, provokes new innovation. This cyclicality is not seated within the desire for the lesser-status members of society to emulate the elite or garner ‘respectability’.2 Rather, it reflects a more essentialist search for consolation that is undermined by the threat to individuation by industrial-level scales of operation and professionalization. Within this framework, consumption is posited as a facilitator and the bereaved make active choices – depending on their unequal resources – amongst a range of products and services to secure consolation. The paper draws from a range of historic sources and offers a fresh interpretation of change in use from churchyard to cemetery and from cemetery to crematorium in the English context. The paper then reviews the ways in which the more recent development of natural burial reflects the repetition of the pattern. The material realities of mortality 1 This paper draws on data from multiple research projects on the disposal of the dead in the nineteenth and twentieth century in England.3 New reflections were provoked by recent research on churchyards and cemeteries in rural North Yorkshire from 1850-2007.4 The research was spatially specific, and aimed to encompass individual histories of the churchyards and cemeteries within a bounded geographic area, fringed by the North York Moors and the Yorkshire Dales, and containing hundreds of small and dispersed villages. Scawton is one such village, situated between the market towns of Thirsk and Helsmley, and scattered over a wide area. In 1890, its population was recorded as being 132.5 The parish population has not grown substantially since that time, and agriculture remains a principal occupation. At the centre of the village stands the church of St Mary, which was built in the twelfth century. Burials around the church have taken place for close to a thousand years, and historic maps indicate that, in all probability, the churchyard has not been extended. In the period of sixty years from 1840 to 1900, a total of nineteen interments took place.6 South Ottererington, to the north west of Thirsk, runs almost into the village of Newby Wiske. Both share the churchyard of St Andrew’s at South Otterington, which in the fifty years between 1813 and 1863 accommodated 289 interments. This was an average of between five and six burials a year: perhaps one every couple of months or so, if spaced evenly. Burials tend not to be evenly spaced, and so again it is likely that months could pass between interments: in the whole of 1820, just one burial took place.7 Both churchyards are still in use. This very bald information on interment in these small villages provokes a series of reflections on the ways in which the scale of interment might impact on the experience of death. Phillipe Ariès, always nostalgic, reflected on a time when ‘the death of a man still altered the space and time of a social group that could be extended to include the entire community’.8 This observation could even now be applicable in small village communities, but how could it ever be or ever have been the case in larger settlements where the scale of 2 death was exponentially greater? The demographics of mortality in the past tend to be dominated by analysis of increasing and decreasing death rates, regional and class differentiation and competing explanatory theories for change. The actual number of dead bodies does not necessarily feature in these accounts.9 Evidence of the scale of operation in larger cities in the nineteenth century is available in reports produced by public health officials. Perhaps the most startling is a slender Parliamentary report produced in 1889 and containing a tabular summation of burial practices in some of the largest cemeteries in England at that time, operating in London. The report aimed to gather data on the incidence of mass interments in common graves, but also – as contextual information – requested the number of burials that had taken place in the site to date. The majority of the 23 cemeteries had been in operation since the 1840s or 1850s, and the largest were over 40 acres in size. Brompton Cemetery, in use since June 1840, had taken 155,004 burials; Lambeth Cemetery, opened in 1854, had had 100,010; and interments in the City of London and Tower Hamlets Cemetery had – in its 48 years of operation – reached 247,000. This figure equates to over 5,000 burials a year or around two burials an hour if the site was open for eight hours a day, seven days a week, every day of the year.10 The two extreme experiences of village and city mortality, sitting at either end of a numeric scale, indicate that some account must be taken of the very basic materiality of death in the past, of the actual number of bodies to be disposed of at a given time and in a given place, and of how that number must have had an impact on funerary practice. This paper reflects on how that materiality can be accommodated in a meta-narrative of change. It is suggested that the scale of mortality drives change in funerary practice in very specific ways, and does so as a consequence of three interlinking and mutually intensifying factors: the deployment of strategies by the bereaved to secure consolation; the search for mitigation to possible threats to individuation posed by mortality; and the commercialisation of elements of 3 dying, death and the burial or cremation of the dead. The paper argues that, as a consequence, change in funerary practice has been and will tend to be cyclical. Consolation, individuation and consumption The paper rests on a bundle of contentions and ‘key words’ which require some unpacking and more exact definition: consolation, individuation and consumption. There are alternative interpretations and uses of these terms, and it is not the aim of this paper to address those in detail. It is also worth noting that terms do not denote emotions, but are activities and responses entangled with emotions and subject to a level of social construction which changes over time. Consolation As Davies observes, meaning-making is the ‘prime human project’, and takes place through multiple frameworks.11 Here it is argued that the very desire to make meaning in response to the inevitability of mortality is closely intertwined with a search for consolation. For Reich, consolation ‘disappeared from scholarly and public interest in the late 19th century’.12 To observe that consolation is needed in the face of mortality is perhaps mundane, but it remains the case the fact of mortality demands a human response. That response invariably includes activity which overtly or unconsciously secures comfort to ameliorate the negative emotions – fear, sadness, grief, anxiety – that generally follow a death. In anthropological terms, ritual activities are undertaken to address the rupture caused to society by the loss of one of its members.13 In some senses, addressing the ‘rupture’ is a rather less emotional way of describing the consolation that may be found by individuals attending the funerals of family or friends who see physical evidence that their kinship or community group continues to function, that the individual is not alone, and that others who they love are still alive. 4 However, anthropological accounts of funerary activity tend to sit in the realms of what is observable, and in describing funerary ritual do not necessarily question or even introduce the notion that such ritual may be enacted because it is, personally, comforting to the enactors. For example, Miller and Parrot give a detailed account of domestic ritual involving photographs, clothing and jewellery following loss in a South London community.