Review of General Psychology Copyright 2005 by the Educational Publishing Foundation 2005, Vol. 9, No. 2, 111–131 1089-2680/05/$12.00 DOI: 10.1037/1089-2680.9.2.111 Pursuing Happiness: The Architecture of Sustainable Change Sonja Lyubomirsky Kennon M. Sheldon University of California, Riverside University of Missouri—Columbia David Schkade University of California, San Diego The pursuit of happiness is an important goal for many people. However, surprisingly little scientific research has focused on the question of how happiness can be increased and then sustained, probably because of pessimism engendered by the concepts of genetic determinism and hedonic adaptation. Nevertheless, emerging sources of opti- mism exist regarding the possibility of permanent increases in happiness. Drawing on the past well-being literature, the authors propose that a person’s chronic happiness level is governed by 3 major factors: a genetically determined set point for happiness, happiness-relevant circumstantial factors, and happiness-relevant activities and prac- tices. The authors then consider adaptation and dynamic processes to show why the activity category offers the best opportunities for sustainably increasing happiness. Finally, existing research is discussed in support of the model, including 2 preliminary happiness-increasing interventions. The pursuit of happiness holds an honored such as “Are you happy?” and “Are you having position in American society, beginning with fun?” fit nearly every occasion (Markus & the Declaration of Independence, where it is Kitayama, 1994). Not surprisingly, the majority promised as a cherished right for all citizens. of U.S. residents rate personal happiness as very Today, the enduring U.S. obsession with how to important (Diener, Suh, Smith, & Shao, 1995; be happy can be observed in the row upon row Triandis, Bontempo, Leung, & Hui, 1990) and of popular psychology and self-help books in report thinking about happiness at least once any major bookstore and in the millions of every day (Freedman, 1978). Furthermore, the copies of these books that are sold. Indeed, pursuit of happiness is no longer just a North many social contexts in the United States have American obsession, but instead it is becoming the production of happiness and positive feel- ever more global as people seek to fulfill the ings as their primary purpose, and questions promises of capitalism and political freedom (Diener et al., 1995; Freedman, 1978; Triandis et al., 1990). It seems that nearly all people believe, or would like to believe, that they can Sonja Lyubomirsky, Department of Psychology, Univer- move in an “upward spiral” (Sheldon & Houser- sity of California, Riverside; Kennon M. Sheldon, Depart- Marko, 2001) toward ever greater personal ment of Psychology, University of Missouri—Columbia; well-being. David Schkade, Rady School of Management, University of California, San Diego. Is the pursuit of happiness merely a bourgeois This work was supported in part by grants from the concern, a symptom of Western comfort and Positive Psychology Network. We are grateful to Linda self-centeredness, a factor that has no real im- Houser-Marko, Kathleen Jamir, and Chris Tkach for con- pact on psychological adjustment and adapta- ducting library research and to Shelley Taylor, David Sher- tion? The empirical evidence suggests that this man, and the other members of Psychology 421 for valuable comments on a draft. is not the case. Indeed, a number of researchers Correspondence concerning this article should be ad- and thinkers have argued that the ability to be dressed to Sonja Lyubomirsky, Department of Psychology, happy and contented with life is a central crite- University of California, Riverside, CA 92521, or Kennon rion of adaptation and positive mental health M. Sheldon, Department of Psychological Sciences, 112 McAlester Hall, University of Missouri, Columbia, MO (e.g., Diener, 1984; Jahoda, 1958; Taylor & 65211. E-mail: [email protected] or sheldonk@missouri Brown, 1988). Bolstering this notion, Ly- .edu ubomirsky and her colleagues recently com- 111 112 LYUBOMIRSKY, SHELDON, AND SCHKADE piled evidence showing that happiness has nu- ples work? Do some work better than others? merous positive byproducts that appear to ben- Do the principles work better for some people efit individuals, families, and communities than for others? Are any positive effects of the (Lyubomirsky, King, & Diener, 2004; see also principles due, ultimately, to placebo effects? If Fredrickson, 2001). Furthermore, Lyubomirsky the book actually helps people “get happier,” et al.’s analysis revealed that happy people gain does the happiness boost last? Although it is tangible benefits in many different life domains possible that some of the advice given in this from their positive state of mind, including and other similar books could well be appropri- larger social rewards (higher odds of marriage ate and effective, the authors provide almost no and lower odds of divorce, more friends, stron- empirical research in support of their claims. ger social support, and richer social interac- One receives little more guidance from con- tions; e.g., Harker & Keltner, 2001; Marks & temporary academic psychology. Of course, re- Fleming, 1999; Okun, Stock, Haring, & Witter, search psychologists have identified many pre- 1984), superior work outcomes (greater creativ- dictors of people’s happiness or subjective well- ity, increased productivity, higher quality of being. For example, well-being has been shown work, and higher income; e.g., Estrada, Isen, & to be associated with a wide variety of factors, Young, 1994; Staw, Sutton, & Pelled, 1995), including demographic status (e.g., Argyle, and more activity, energy, and flow (e.g., Csik- 1999; Diener, Suh, Lucas, & Smith, 1999; My- szentmihalyi & Wong, 1991). ers, 2000), personality traits and attitudes (e.g., Further supporting the argument that subjec- Diener & Lucas, 1999), and goal characteristics tive happiness may be integral to mental and (e.g., McGregor & Little, 1998). However, a physical health, happy people are more likely to limitation of previous research is that the vast evidence greater self-control and self-regulatory majority of studies have been cross sectional and coping abilities (e.g., Aspinwall, 1998; and have reported between-subjects effects Fredrickson & Joiner, 2002; Keltner & Bon- rather than investigating well-being longitudi- anno, 1997), to have a bolstered immune system nally and examining within-subject effects. In (e.g., Dillon, Minchoff, & Baker, 1985; Stone et addition, very few happiness intervention stud- al., 1994), and even to live a longer life (e.g., ies have been conducted. Thus, researchers still Danner, Snowdon, & Friesen, 2001; Ostir, know surprisingly little about how to change Markides, Black, & Goodwin, 2000). Also, well-being, that is, about the possibility of “be- happy people are not just self-centered or self- coming happier.” Doubtless, part of the reason ish; the literature suggests that happy individu- for this neglect is the difficulty of conducting als instead tend to be relatively more coopera- longitudinal and intervention studies. The prob- tive, prosocial, charitable, and “other-centered” lem is further compounded by the tendency of (e.g., Isen, 1970; Kasser & Ryan, 1996; Wil- applied mental health researchers to focus on liams & Shiaw, 1999). pathology rather than on positive mental health In summary, happy individuals appear more (Seligman & Csikszentmihalyi, 2000) and by likely to be flourishing people, both inwardly the thorny issues raised when theorists speculate and outwardly. Thus, we argue that enhancing on how people “should” live their lives to max- people’s happiness levels may indeed be a wor- imize their potential for happiness (Schwartz, thy scientific goal, especially after their basic 2000). However, we believe the principal rea- physical and security needs are met. Unfortu- son for the neglect of this question is the con- nately, however, relatively little scientific sup- siderable scientific pessimism over whether it is port exists for the idea that people’s happiness even possible to effect sustainable increases in levels can change for the better. For example, happiness. the happiness-boosting techniques proposed in the self-help literature generally have limited Historical Sources of Pessimism grounding in scientific theory and even less empirical confirmation of their effectiveness Three considerations serve to illustrate the (Norcross et al., 2000). Consider a representa- depth of this pessimism. First is the idea of a tive best seller, You Can Be Happy No Matter genetically determined set point (or set range) What: Five Principles for Keeping Life in Per- for happiness. Lykken and Tellegen (1996) spective, by Carlson (1997). Do the five princi- have provided evidence, based on twin studies SPECIAL ISSUE: ARCHITECTURE OF SUSTAINABLE HAPPINESS 113 and adoption studies, that the heritability of (1978) showed that, after 1 year, lottery winners well-being may be as high as 80% (although a were no happier than controls, and furthermore more widely accepted figure is 50%; Braungart, recent paralysis victims were not as unhappy as Plomin, DeFries, & Fulker, 1992; Tellegen et one would expect. Further evidence of hedonic al., 1988; cf. Diener et al., 1999). Whatever the adaptation comes from findings of remarkably exact coefficient, its large magnitude suggests small correlations between happiness and that for each person there is indeed a chronic or wealth