BIOPOLITICS AND BELIEF: GOVERNANCE IN THE CHURCH OF CHRIST, SCIENTIST AND THE CHURCH OF JESUS CHRIST OF LATTER-DAY SAINTS Lynita K. Newswander A Dissertation Submitted to the Faculty of Virginia Polytechnic Institute and State University In Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY: Planning, Governance, and Globalization Timothy W. Luke Maura J. Borrego Ann F. Laberge Rupa G. Thadhani April 1, 2009 Blacksburg, Virginia Keywords: Governance, Ideology, Religion and Politics, Mormonism, Christian Science, Comparative Religion, Foucault, Biopolitics Copyright 2009, Lynita K. Newswander Lynita K. Newswander Biopolitics and Belief: Governance in the Church of Christ, Scientist, and the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints ABSTRACT This dissertation offers an analysis of two American religions—the Church of Christ, Scientist (CS), and the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints (LDS)—and the ways that their particular/peculiar ideologies regarding the body govern the everyday realities of their respective memberships. Biopower is the political power used to control bodies and bodily actions, such as the care of oneself, and the details of personal family life. Belief can act as an especially powerful agent of biopolitical power as it inspires a lived faithfulness through its various theologies. What is more, the effects of biopolitical belief are often complicated by the mixed interests of Church and State, leaving the territory of the individual body a disputed claim. To better understand these disputes, this project utilizes a Foucaultian interpretation of the CS and LDS churches to better understand the roots of the biopolitical conflicts they confront. Specifically, the histories and contemporary practices of these religious organizations are analyzed through a genealogical method, using Foucaultian interpretations of the biopolitical, pastoral, and psychiatric powers they use to effectively govern the minds, bodies, and spirits of their people. A historical background of the CS and LDS churches traces the emergence of the biopolitical practices of each group by evaluating their groundedness in their current social-political milieus, and by making connections between their respective religious beliefs, practices, and government and the broader Jacksonian American political culture into which they were born. Additionally, this particular form of analysis poses important questions for the study of religion and politics today. Although most of the examples used in this study are historical, both the LDS and CS churches continue to hold on to many if not all of the theologies and doctrines which historically brought them into conflict with the US government. What has changed is not the belief itself, but the embodiment of it, and also the state and federal government reaction to it. Therefore, the theological histories and founding stories of these religions remain relevant to their contemporary status as extra- statal biopolitical forces within the US today. iii TABLE OF CONTENTS Abstract ii Index of Images vi Index of Maps vii Index of Tables viii Acknowledgements iv Preface xi Chapter One: Introduction: The Politics of Embodied Belief 1 Chapter Two: Christian Science and its American Setting 23 Chapter Three: The LDS Church and its American Setting 66 Chapter Four: The Biopolitics of the CS and LDS 111 Chapter Five: Corporeal Control and Moral Discipline: CS and LDS Uses of Pastoral and Psychiatric Power as Governance 134 Chapter Six: The Practical Pursuit of Zion: Geopolitics and Democratic Centralism in the Nineteenth-century LDS Church 159 iv Chapter Seven: Conclusion: Mind, Body, Spirit, Politics 200 References 214 v INDEX OF IMAGES Figure 1. Trademark of the Christian Science Church. 28 Figure 2. The Mother Church in Boston, Massachusetts. 29 vi INDEX OF MAPS Figure 3. Proposed State of Deseret, 1849. 187 Figure 4. Territory of Utah, 1857. 189 Figure 5. Utah. 1866. 194 Figure 6. Utah. 1874. 195 vii INDEX OF TABLES Table 1. Seven synonyms for God in Christian Science. 45 Table 2. Timeline of the movement of the LDS church. 74 viii Acknowledgements According to Mark Twain, good books and good friends comprise two-thirds of the formula for an ideal life. This dissertation would not have been possible without the companionship of both. I am greatly indebted to the contemporary scholars of Christian Science and Mormonism whose works have inspired my own path of inquiry. Most notably among these, I thank Armand Mauss for his careful guidance—which led to rich lines of questioning and another shelf-full of books. I am also grateful to the staff and volunteers at the Christian Science reading rooms in Blacksburg and Boston, and others at the Mother Church, the BYU libraries, and the LDS Church History Archives in Salt Lake City. I am additionally indebted to the anonymous members of both churches who consented to take part in interviews. These individuals have helped to make my research visits both productive and pleasant, and their insight has truly helped me to understand and appreciate the perspectives of both traditions. For the spark that inspired this work, I owe thanks to the dozens of professors and friends who have shaped my course of study at Virginia Tech. Specifically, I must recognize the contributions of Virginia Fowler, Fritz Oehlschlaeger, Kelly Belanger, Bruce Pencek, Barbra Ellen Smith, Patricia Nickel, Wolfgang Natter, Karen Hult, and countless others who encouraged me to question the assumptions that the world would offer me, and prompted me to combine my interests into an interdisciplinary path of study. The scope of this dissertation has been refined with the unflagging help of committee members Tim Luke, Maura Borrego, Ann Laberge, and Rupa Thadhani. It was at Tim’s suggestion that I first turned toward my own religion as an object of study, ix and for the rich personal rewards of this continuing project I will always be thankful to him. Additionally, Tim has tirelessly (and amazingly!) read through countless drafts of this document. He and Maura have been my friends and mentors throughout this process—their critique has kept me grounded and their expectations have given me hope. Ann has provided important feedback on my analysis of Foucault and my discussion of enlightenment. And Rupa’s encouragement has been invaluable to me as I’ve worked my way through graduate school, conference presentations, and this dissertation. I feel greatly blessed to have each learned from each one of them. Most importantly, I would have been utterly incapable of completing this project had it not been for the love and support of my husband, Chad. As two graduate students in one household for the past several years, we have relied on one another for much more detailed feedback, editing, and many more pages of revisions than most couples could endure. Chad’s unflagging commitment has motivated me to trudge along, and his groundedness and faith have reminded me of what is most important. Any inaccuracies or failings that remain in this work are solely my own. x Preface The basic questions this dissertation asks are about governance, faith, and power. In particular, with regard to the everyday life of an individual, where does public/secular governance end and private/spiritual governance begin, and, in what ways does religious government set/define/negotiate these boundaries and appropriate standards for behavior in each sector? To answer these questions, I look to the cases of the Church of Christ, Scientist, and the LDS church. Because of my close personal connection to one of these faiths, I feel the need to begin with a private disclosure. The research presented in the following study is intensely personal to me, and because personal attachments can affect objectivity, I admit that this is something I have struggled with at times. I am a devout member of the LDS church, and have little interest in removing myself completely from that perspective. It is from this particular standpoint that I gain much of my academic as well as personal curiosity in the subject. My journey through academia to this particular area of research is deeply personal and has been guided by my own efforts to sort out my place as an LDS woman scholar. As I progressed through my graduate studies, I felt the stretching of my identity as I worked harder and harder to reconcile the academic knowledge I was gaining with my deeply-seated spiritual ideals of truth. Perhaps not surprisingly, it was as I was studying feminism and religion that I realized that the problems I met in my lived experience were also worthy of critical scholarly attention. And so I began to put together a program of research that would allow me to combine my academic interest in political theory with my personal fascination with faith and the power of belief. xi My experience as a member of the LDS church gives me an insider’s perspective which is complemented by my critical scholarly approach. Because of my intimate knowledge of LDS beliefs, practices, and resources for study, I have been able to put together what I believe is a thorough and well-rounded analysis of the faith. An additional advantage gained by this association is that I have used my knowledge of the LDS church as a starting point for my investigation of Christian Science. This type of interpretation may reveal an unconscious bias by inspiring the kinds of questions I have asked and the specific avenues I have pursued. Still, I believe that my own recognition of the possibility of bias has encouraged me to redouble my efforts at truly understanding and appreciating the Christian Science faith as an insider would. All of this curiosity does not equal expertise, however. Despite my personal familiarity with the LDS faith and my best efforts to study Christian Science, I must admit that I continue to be mystified by both religions because the more carefully I study Christian Science and Mormonism, the more unreachable they become.