Mykola Lazarovych «WE WILL GIVE OUR SOULS AND BODIES FOR OUR FREEDOM»: UKRAINE IN THE STRUGGLE AGAINST THE ARMED AGGRESSION OF THE RUSSIAN FEDERATION (2014–2018) Ichnia PC “Format” 2018 UDC 63.3 (4АНГЛ) 6 Л 17 Reviewers: G. M. Kuts, Doctor of political sciences, Professor of the department of Political Science, Sociology and Cultural Studies of Kharkiv National Pedagogical University named after G. Skovoroda; Y. I. Makar, Doctor of Historical Sciences, Professor, Head of the Department of International Relations of the Chernivtsi National University named after Yurii Fedkovych; I. S. Monolatii, Doctor of Political Science, Professor of the Department of Political Science of the Precarpathian National University named after Vasyl Stefanyk. Published at the request of the Ministry of Information Policy of Ukraine. FOR FREE DISTRIBUTION If you purchase this book, please, contact us [email protected] Lazarovych M. Л 17 «We will give our souls and bodies for our freedom»: Ukraine in the struggle against the armed aggression of the Russian Federation (years 2014–2018) / M. Lazarovych.; Translator T. Vratsuba – Ichnia: PC “Format”, 2018. – 332 p. Translator: Tetiana Vratsuba ISBN 978-966-1567-62-6 The new book by Professor M. Lazarovych contains a brief overview of the Russian- Ukrainian war that has been continuing in Ukraine since 2014. Its main reasons and preconditions, ideological principles and course of combat actions are described. The main stages of the forced annexation of Crimea by Russia, the occupation of separate districts of Donetsk and Luhansk regions, and the massive invasion of the Russian regular military forces to Ukraine were investigated. Moreover, the essence of the Russian hybrid war against the Ukrainian state, its types and ways of its implementation were analyzed. Considerable attention is paid to the processes of the revival of the Ukrainian Army, its victories and defeats, the role of the volunteer movement in strengthening the defense capability of our country. The peculiarities and tendencies of the reaction of the international community in violation of the territorial integrity and sovereignty of Ukraine were generalized, the nature of the policy of the agreements on the Russian Federation was clarified. It was determined that the Russian aggression against Ukraine became possible not only through the establishment of a de facto Nazi regime in Russia headed by V. Putin but also through the overwhelming support of his actions by the vast majority of the Russian citizens. The preliminary consequences and lessons of the Russian-Ukrainian war have been established. © Mykola Lazarovych, 2018 ISBN 978-966-1567-62-6 © PC “Format”, 2018 Mykola Lazarovych «WE WILL GIVE OUR SOULS AND BODIES FOR OUR FREEDOM»: UKRAINE IN THE STRUGGLE AGAINST THE ARMED AGGRESSION OF THE RUSSIAN FEDERATION (2014–2018) Dedicated to fellow soldiers of the Ukrainian-Russian War and their families! INTRODUCTION Over the centuries, Ukraine, as the great French philosopher Voltaire said, “always strived for freedom”1. This path was often followed by wars, famines, betrayals of leaders, thoughtless and cruel rebellions of masses, strifes and intrigues, when, as the famous Ukrainian writer and politi- cal figure Volodymyr Vynnychenko wrote in his diary, “Ukrainian history must be read with bromine”2. Just the fact that, according to the sci- entists, during 1914-1945, as a result of two world wars, organized by the communist oppression regime, collectivization and the Holodomor of 1921-1923 and 1932-1933, every second man and every fourth wom- an was violently killed in Ukraine3. Demographers claim that no other European nation, except the Jewish one, has suffered as much loss as Ukrainians did. Nevertheless, the history of Ukraine is described with majestic com- mitment and incredible sacrifices, heroism and courage. Hard and heroic historical way that Ukrainians have overcome is worth a great European nation. A new stage of the national-state revival of a Ukrainian society started in the mid-1980s. The first decisive step was the Declaration of State Sove- reignty by the Verkhovna Rada on July 16, 1990; second step – the Dec- laration of Independence of Ukraine on August 24, 1991; and the third – the All-Ukrainian Referendum on the Approval of the Declaration of In- dependence of Ukraine, which took place on December 1, 1991. Thus, after a long period of statelessness, Ukrainian people received another unique opportunity to establish their state as an equal member in the international community. Important milestones on this path in- cluded the Orange Revolution of 2004 and, in particular, the Revolution 1 Січинський В. Чужинці про Україну [Текст] / Володимир Січинський. – 5-те вид. – Ав- ґсбург : Видання Петра Павловича, 1946. – С. 64. 2 Винниченко В. Щоденник: 1911–1920 [Текст]: Т. 1 / Володимир Винниченко ; редакція, вступна стаття і примітки Григорія Костюка. – Едмонтон ; Нью-Йорк, 1980. – С. 285. 3 Грицак Я. Життя, смерть та інші неприємності [Текст] : статті та есеї / Ярослав Грицак. – К. : Грані-Т, 2010. – С. 44. 6 Mykola LAZAROVYCH of Dignity of 2013-2014, which intended to become a point of no return for the Ukrainian society and indicated the beginning of new life based on the rule of law, democratic principles of development, human rights and freedoms, and a decent standard of living. The rally in support of the declaration of independence of Ukraine, 1991 After the declaration of independence, Ukraine’s special task was to establish a balanced and truly affiliate partnership with the Russian Fede ration (RF), while simultaneously effectively counteracting its possi- ble attacks on the sovereignty of Ukraine. After all, Russia for centuries held a fierce resistance to the formation of Ukrainian statehood. How- ever, as the future showed, the Russian political elite did not get rid of the imperial mindset and demonstrated an unwillingness to recognize new independent states, including Ukraine, as its equal partners. Only two days after the declaration of Ukrainian independence, a request was received from the Kremlin, stating that Russia reserves the right to re- consider the borders of the republics that would exit the USSR4. 4 Здобуття незалежності України 1991. Історія проголошення, документи, свідчення [Текст] : у 2 т. Т. 1. – Житомир : Рута, 2011. – С. 86; Здобуття незалежності України 1991. Історія проголошення, документи, свідчення [Текст] : у 2 т. Т. 2. – Житомир : Рута, 2011. – С. 57; Травин Д. Я. Очерки новейшей истории России [Текст]: Кн. 1 : 1985–1999 / Д. Я. Травин. – Санкт-Петербург : Норма, 2010. – С. 14. «We will give our souls and bodies for our freedom» 7 Since then, despite the declared strategic partnership between Ukraine and Russia, topics such as the “Russian status” of Crimea and the Black Sea Fleet continued to spread among Russian politicians and Russian media as well as the so-called problem of violation of the rights of “Russian-speaking population” abroad, and so on. Parliament of the RF has repeatedly adopted resolutions that were not only an open inter- ference in the internal affairs of our country but also contained several territorial claims to it. Thus, in May 1992, the former Verkhovna Rada of the Russian Federation issued an official statement that the acts on the transfer of the Crimean region to Ukraine had no legal force since their adoption. On July 9, 1993, the highest legislative body of the Russian Federation adopted a resolution “About the status of the city of Sevasto- pol”, which stated that the Ukrainian city has “Russian federal status in the administrative-territorial boundaries of the city district as of Decem- ber 1991”5. This serious violation of international law was condemned by the United Nations Security Council. In an effort to force Ukraine to concessions, Russia, at least seven times in the course of three years, has transferred the procedure for the conclusion of the Russian-Ukrainian Treaty on Friendship, Cooperation, and Partnership, which was established in 1995 but signed only on May 31, 19976. For a long time, Russia without any reason was delaying the delimitation of the borders between our countries. Only in January 2003, at the time of the arrival of President Vladimir Putin to Kyiv, the Treaty on the Land Border between Russia and Ukraine was finally signed7. But the status of the Sea of Azov and the Kerch Strait is still not defined. The parties can not reach an agreement due to the excessive claims of the Russian Federation. 5 Здобуття незалежності України 1991. Історія проголошення, документи, свідчення [Текст] : у 2 т. Т. 1... – С. 72–73, 86, 578, 676, 697, 707, 710–714, 716–717; Здобуття не- залежності України 1991. Історія проголошення, документи, свідчення [Текст] : у 2 т. Т. 2... – С. 19, 32–37, 375, 703. 6 Договір про дружбу, співробітництво і партнерство між Україною і Російською Федерацією [Електронний ресурс] // Центр дослідження безпекового середовища «Прометей». – 1997. – 31 трав. – Режим доступу : https://prometheus.ngo/docs/ukraine-rf/. 7 Здобуття незалежності України 1991. Історія проголошення, документи, свідчення [Текст] : у 2 т. Т. 2... – С. 485, 788; Лазарович М. Ілюстрована історія України : корот- кий курс лекцій / М. В. Лазарович. – 4-те вид., виправл. і доповн. – Тернопіль : Джура, 2018. – С. 518. 8 Mykola LAZAROVYCH In 1954, the 300th anniversary of the “reunification” of Ukraine with Musco- vy was widely celebrated in the USSR. In accordance with the historical and cultural ties, an ethnic and territorial affinity of Ukraine and Crimea, the Verk- hovna Rada of the USSR on February 19, 1954, issued a decree on the inclu- sion of the Crimean region into the Ukrainian SSR [Чекаленко Л. Історія процесу перепідпорядкування Кримської області Україні [Текст] / Л. Чекаленко // Віче. – 2014. – № 5. – С. 9–11]. The poor post-war years in Crimea, and the inability of Russia to provide the population and the Black Sea Fleet, first of all, with food has led to a situation when the government and the Verkhovna Rada of the Russian Soviet Federative Socialist Republic (RSFSR) voluntarily initiated the issue of transferring the pe- ninsula to the Ukrainian SSR.