Chronological List of Addresses, Speeches and Letters 1960 - 1969 1960 - 1969 Carmichael, Stokely, Berkely Speech-“Black Power,” October 1966 (Rhetoric #65) Chavez, Cesar, “Speech - God Help Us Be Men!” 1968 (Rhetoric # 88) (McIntire) Chavez, Cesar, Letter to E.L. Barr, Jr., regarding unfair labor practices for farm workers, Good Friday, 1969 (Letters 228) Chisholm, Shirley, “People and Peace, Not Profits and War,” March 16, 1969 (Carroll 279) Chisholm, Shirley, Speaks for the Equal Rights Amendment, May 21, 1969 Eisenhower, Dwight D., “Farewell Address,” January 17, 1961 (Carroll 219) (Rhetoric #18) Eisenhower, Dwight D., Jock Whitney regarding Bay of Pigs, April 24, 1961 (War 383) Goldwater, Barry, Acceptance of Republican Presidential Nomination, July 16, 1964 Johnson, Lyndon B., “The Great Society,” May 22, 1964 (PRES) Johnson, Lyndon B., Renunciation Speech, March 31, 1968 (PRES) Johnson, Lyndon B., “We Shall Overcome” (address to Congress), March 15, 1965 (PRES) (Carroll 259) (Rhetoric #10) (McIntire) Kennedy, John F., Address to the nation on the Cuban Missile Crisis, October 22, 1962 (PRES) (Carroll 224) (Rhetoric #49) Kennedy, John F., to Nikita Khrushchev, Letter Regarding the Cuban Missile Crisis, October 27, 1962 (Letters 164) Kennedy, John F., Address to the nation on Civil Rights, June 11, 1963 (PRES) (Rhetoric #48) Kennedy, John F., “Speech to the Greater Houston Ministerial Association,” September 12, 1960 (PRES) (Rhetoric #9) Kennedy, John F., Inaugural Address, January 20, 1961 Kennedy, John F., Address at the Berlin Wall, June 26, 1963 Kennedy, Robert, Speaks About Martin Luther King’s Death, April 4, 1968 Kennedy, Edward M., Televised statement about “Chappaquiddick,” July 25, 1969 (Rhetoric #62) King, Martin Luther, Speech Beyond Vietnam, April 4, 1967 King, Martin Luther, “I’ve Been to the Mountaintop,” April 3, 1968 (Rhetoric # 15) King, Martin Luther, “I Have a Dream” Speech", August 28, 1963 (Rhetoric #1) King, Martin Luther , Letter from the Birmingham Jail regarding nonviolent direct action, April 16, 1963 (Letters 208) Minow, Newton W., “Television and the Public Interest,” May 9, 1961 (Rhetoric #69) Morgan, Charles B. Jr., “Four Little Girls Were Killed,” 1963 (McIntire) Malcolm X, “The Ballot or the Bullet,” March 29, 1964 (Rhetoric #7) Malcolm X, Letter to his followers regarding relations with whites, 1964 (Letters 416) (will have to cross reference with The Autobiography of Malcolm X for exact date) Nixon, Richard, “Vietnamization” plans and speaks to the "silent majority" of Americans, Nov. 3, 1969 (Rhetoric #21) Reagan, Ronald, “A Time for Choosing,” October 27, 1964 (Rhetoric #25) Savio, Mario, “History Has Not Ended,” 1964 (McIntire) (Carroll 252) (Rhetoric #80) Wallace, George, Inaugural Address as Governor of Alabama, “Segregation Now…” January 14, 1963 (Carroll 228) Warren, Earl, “Eulogy for President Kennedy,” 1963 (McIntire) Source: http://www.americanrhetoric.com/speeches/stokelycarmichaelblackpower.html Carmichael, Stokely, Berkely Speech-“Black Power,” October 1966 (Rhetoric #65) Black Power Address at UC Berkeley Thank you very much. It’s a privilege and an honor to be in the white intellectual ghetto of the West. We wanted to do a couple of things before we started. The first is that, based on the fact that SNCC, through the articulation of its program by its chairman, has been able to win elections in Georgia, Alabama, Maryland, and by our appearance here will win an election in California, in 1968 I'm going to run for President of the United States. I just can't make it, 'cause I wasn't born in the United States. That's the only thing holding me back. We wanted to say that this is a student conference, as it should be, held on a campus, and that we're not ever to be caught up in the intellectual masturbation of the question of Black Power. That’s a function of people who are advertisers that call themselves reporters. Oh, for my members and friends of the press, my self-appointed white critics, I was reading Mr. Bernard Shaw two days ago, and I came across a very important quote which I think is most apropos for you. He says, "All criticism is a[n] autobiography." Dig yourself. Okay. The philosophers Camus and Sartre raise the question whether or not a man can condemn himself. The black existentialist philosopher who is pragmatic, Frantz Fanon, answered the question. He said that man could not. Camus and Sartre was not. We in SNCC tend to agree with Camus and Sartre, that a man cannot condemn himself.¹ Were he to condemn himself, he would then have to inflict punishment upon himself. An example would be the Nazis. Any prisoner who -- any of the Nazi prisoners who admitted, after he was caught and incarcerated, that he committed crimes, that he killed all the many people that he killed, he committed suicide. The only ones who were able to stay alive were the ones who never admitted that they committed a crimes [sic] against people -- that is, the ones who rationalized that Jews were not human beings and deserved to be killed, or that they were only following orders. On a more immediate scene, the officials and the population -- the white population -- in Neshoba County, Mississippi -- that’s where Philadelphia is -- could not -- could not condemn [Sheriff] Rainey, his deputies, and the other fourteen men that killed three human beings. They could not because they elected Mr. Rainey to do precisely what he did; and that for them to condemn him will be for them to condemn themselves. In a much larger view, SNCC says that white America cannot condemn herself. And since we are liberal, we have done it: You stand condemned. Now, a number of things that arises from that answer of how do you condemn yourselves. Seems to me that the institutions that function in this country are clearly racist, and that they're built upon racism. And the question, then, is how can black people inside of this country move? And then how can white people who say they’re not a part of those institutions begin to move? And how then do we begin to clear away the obstacles that we have in this society, that make us live like human beings? How can we begin to build institutions that will allow people to relate with each other as human beings? This country has never done that, especially around the country of white or black. Now, several people have been upset because we’ve said that integration was irrelevant when initiated by blacks, and that in fact it was a subterfuge, an insidious subterfuge, for the maintenance of white supremacy. Now we maintain that in the past six years or so, this country has been feeding us a "thalidomide drug of integration," and that some negroes have been walking down a dream street talking about sitting next to white people; and that that does not begin to solve the problem; that when we went to Mississippi we did not go to sit next to Ross Barnett²; we did not go to sit next to Jim Clark³; we went to get them out of our way; and that people ought to understand that; that we were never fighting for the right to integrate, we were fighting against white supremacy. Now, then, in order to understand white supremacy we must dismiss the fallacious notion that white people can give anybody their freedom. No man can give anybody his freedom. A man is born free. You may enslave a man after he is born free, and that is in fact what this country does. It enslaves black people after they’re born, so that the only acts that white people can do is to stop denying black people their freedom; that is, they must stop denying freedom. They never give it to anyone. Now we want to take that to its logical extension, so that we could understand, then, what its relevancy would be in terms of new civil rights bills. I maintain that every civil rights bill in this country was passed for white people, not for black people. For example, I am black. I know that. I also know that while I am black I am a human being, and therefore I have the right to go into any public place. White people didn't know that. Every time I tried to go into a place they stopped me. So some boys had to write a bill to tell that white man, "He’s a human being; don’t stop him." That bill was for that white man, not for me. I knew it all the time. I knew it all the time. I knew that I could vote and that that wasn’t a privilege; it was my right. Every time I tried I was shot, killed or jailed, beaten or economically deprived. So somebody had to write a bill for white people to tell them, "When a black man comes to vote, don’t bother him." That bill, again, was for white people, not for black people; so that when you talk about open occupancy, I know I can live anyplace I want to live. It is white people across this country who are incapable of allowing me to live where I want to live. You need a civil rights bill, not me. I know I can live where I want to live. So that the failures to pass a civil rights bill isn’t because of Black Power, isn't because of the Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee; it's not because of the rebellions that are occurring in the major cities. It is incapability of whites to deal with their own problems inside their own communities.