13.2 (2012): 493-511 UDC 81'246.3(497.5 Istra)=111 Original scientific paper Received on 30.03. 2012 Accepted for publication on 30.05. 2012 Anita Skelin Horvat Vesna Muhvi-Dimanovski University of Zagreb My mother tongue … Croatian, Istrian, Local, … Depends where I am – The perception of mother tongue in multilingual settings Mother tongue is very often seen as bipartite, i.e. that it is indicated on two levels, the level of the individual and the level of the collective. Such ambiguity of the notion can cause certain tensions manifested as the tension between the individual speaker and his/her community, but also within the speaker (Škiljan 1992). On the other hand, today it is accepted that individual speakers can have more than one mother tongue. This is in accordance with the possibility to choose between dif- ferent identities expressed through language and the use of variants, by mixing idioms and languages, through bilingualism, etc. In the present paper the notion of mother tongue is analysed on both levels and in the specific context of a multilingual area. We tried to see how the notion of mother tongue is used and understood by its users, and how it is perceived and changed depending on e.g. the community, education, and personal life history. As the source for the analysis of the individual perception of mother tongue in- depth interviews conducted in Istria in spring of 2007 were used. Such an analysis is contextualised within the definition of the notion of mother tongue by officials and official documents, e.g. the authorities’ documents about language issues. Key words: mother tongue; Istria; language and identity; multilingualism. 493 Anita Skelin Horvat – Vesna Muhvi-Dimanovski: My mother tongue … Croatian, Istrian, Local, … Depends where I am - The perception of mother tongue in multilingual settings 1. Mother tongue The analysis in this paper focuses on some features of the rather complex notion of mother tongue, specifically on how mother tongue is being perceived in bi- lingual/multilingual settings and how it is perceived by its users. The focus of the analysis is thus put on the emic or “insider” perspective of the term. Even though mother tongue is a term used very frequently and in rather different con- texts, as well as by different users, it is not easy to define it. According to Lep- schy (2002: 4) the notion of mother tongue and native speaker “still remains elu- sive and hazy and its history difficult to ascertain.” Usually it is understood as the first language somebody learns, the “native language” or the language of so- cialization. Mother tongue is mostly the language of the homeland and the lan- guage of the group to which a person belongs, so very often both ethnic or na- tional identities, as well as regional ones, are strongly connected with the mother tongue. Mother tongue is seen as “one’s own” language, inseparable from per- sonal identity (cf. LaDousa 2010). All these ideas about the mother tongue have mostly been founded by romantic ideas of belonging and descent. Such a “ro- mantic” idea of mother tongue was also expressed by one of our interviewees who said that it was important to keep the mother tongue when you leave your birth place because “it is your mother tongue, it is your root, it is a kind of link with the place of your origin, of your family’s origin, some people from the past, and because it is a huge treasure; (it is a…) kind of your root.”1 Because of strong connotations the term mother tongue is sometimes replaced with others, like first language (L1), language of home or family, homeland lan- guage, native language, etc. Škiljan (1992: 9, 10) defines it as “the language that a child learns in its closest surrounding in processes of the basic and primary so- cialization, in processes which in our societies and civilization are symbolized by one’s mother.” Škiljan also theorizes that mother tongue is bipartite because it is indicated on two levels, the individual one (as the language of a person), and the collective one (as the language of the language community). The lan- guage community is thus defined by its mother tongue and as a community of speakers with the same mother tongue. On the other hand, as a language of a community and an individual, mother tongue cannot be easily defined because these two levels do not necessarily correlate – it is more common that they do not correlate. 1 This citation is from the corpus of interviews we used for analysis in this paper, which is elaborated later in the text. 494 13.2 (2012): 493-511 This kind of tension can be seen in the notion of mother tongue as understood for the needs of a country’s census. In the census only languages are recognized as mother tongues, never the dialects. Even if a person states that one or another regional or local variety is his/her mother tongue the census will admit only the language and it is very often the language of the community or the official lan- guage of the country. The language of the language community is usually identi- fied as the standard language, whereas the “real” mother tongue is not the same as this standard language. The latter is usually learned at school, and can be in- terpreted as the first learned second language, and in rather rare situations it is used as the first language. However, for the needs of official documents the standard or official or national language is usually proclaimed to be the mother tongue of the community and its members. On the other hand, the census does not accept the possibility that some of the members of the community have two mother tongues, because only one language has to be chosen.2 As it has already been mentioned we analyse this notion in a multilingual community that makes the concept of mother tongue even more problematic be- cause the idea behind this concept is the idea of one’s “native” language; the speakers in multilingual communities, on the other hand, use more than one lan- guage from their birth on. Many case studies have shown that for certain minor- ity groups the mother tongue is a dialect while the standard is something to be studied in school (even that is not always the case). The situation can get even more complex if such a minority group lives in another country where a differ- ent language is spoken.3 Such minority groups face an even more difficult situa- tion as they have to learn their own standard language beside the one of the ma- jority group. Ansaldo (2010: 617) suggests the dropping of the notion of mother tongue in such multilingual settings because “the related notions of expertise, inheritance and affiliation do not adequately identify sociolinguistic situations and that it is inaccurate to view people as belonging to only one social group.” Instead of such identification of people with only one group he suggests that identification should be with linguistic pluralism, and “not necessarily with a specific code. In such linguistically and culturally hybrid communities, it seems, the notion of mother tongue is at best significantly weakened, if not irrelevant, since mother and father tongues may in fact be different and equally important, and where a 2 For more details about the problem of one or more mother tongues and the political conse- quences of the question see, for example Pennycook (2002). 3 Cf. Weisgerber (1990). 495 Anita Skelin Horvat – Vesna Muhvi-Dimanovski: My mother tongue … Croatian, Istrian, Local, … Depends where I am - The perception of mother tongue in multilingual settings third linguistic code may also be fundamental to the identity of community members” (Ansaldo 2010: 621). In our paper we try to exemplify the way in which speakers in multilingual settings relate their identity/identities with more than one code, showing that for them mother tongue is constituted from different and equally important codes and that – what was rather new – in some situations the mother tongue changed (which more or less corresponds to ideas by Ansaldo mentioned above). 2. Istria as a multilingual, multicultural and multiethnic region Istria is a region whose larger part belongs to Croatia; smaller parts are in Slo- venia and in Italy. Due to a rather turbulent history it is a region of great lan- guage and ethnic diversity. Languages spoken in this region belong to two lan- guage families: that of South-Slavic and that of Romance languages. Slavic lan- guages spoken here are Slovenian in the Slovenian part, Croatian in the part that belongs to Croatia and Montenegrin in the small village of Peroj (Croatian part), spoken by a small group of descendants of ten families who settled there in 1657. The dialects of Slovenian spoken in the northern part are: šavrinsko and brkinsko/istrsko. The Croatian dialects of Istria are: akavian, Štokavian, Cakavian and some mixed or hybrid forms. The Romance languages and dia- lects used in Istria are: Istro-Venetian, a variant of the Venetian language, akin and similar to Italian, mainly spoken in towns at the north-western coast; Istro- romanian, spoken in some villages on the Mount iarija, akin to Romanian; Is- triot, the only autochthonous Romance language on the peninsula, which once may have formed an integral part of the post vulgar Latin diasystem, and finally standard Italian as the language of education in Italian minority schools and as a L2 in other schools in Istria. According to the 2001 census, the number of members of Italian national mi- nority in Croatia was 19,636 (0.44 percent), although the number of speakers claiming Italian as their mother tongue was somewhat higher (20,521 or 0.46 percent).