BACK TO THE VILLAGE? AN ETHNOGRAPHIC STUDY OF AN ANDEAN COMMUNITY IN THE EARLY TWENTY-FIRST CENTURY Francisco Ferreira Department of Geography Royal Holloway, University of London PhD thesis 1 SIGNED DECLARATION I, Francisco Araujo Ferreira, certify that the thesis presented by me for examination of the PhD degree is solely my own work other than where I have clearly indicated that is the work of others, and that the extent of any work carried out jointly by me and any other person is clearly identified in it. Francisco Araujo Ferreira RHUL student number: 100573341 April 2012 2 Thesis title: Back to the village? An ethnographic study of an Andean community in the early Twenty-first Century. Thesis abstract: This thesis is an ethnographic study of Taulli, a “Peruvian peasant community” (PPC) in the highland region of Ayacucho. PPCs are a paradigmatic type of Andean community with distinctive communal features and great historical significance. The thesis offers a detailed case study that contributes to an understanding of the maintenance, current role, and functioning, of these communities in the early Twenty-first Century. Additionally, this case study reassesses key theoretical and methodological approaches to the study of Andean cultures, defending the ongoing validity of community ethnographies and many aspects of 1960s-80s research in the Andean region (particularly its “long-termist” approaches). Specifically, the thesis examines the current role that the community (as a PPC) plays for the Taullinos -such as its respective advantages and disadvantages- in a context where far-reaching social change coexists with rich local traditions. On the one hand, it is argued that the community has become a channel through which Taullinos acquire access to new services and benefits, largely resulting from increased state intervention through unprecedented development-related initiatives. Despite their limitations and mixed results, it is shown how these initiatives partially adapt to and reinforce the local PPC status. The combination of this state intervention and other factors of change, especially emigration, are deepening local integration into national society and have brought remarkable improvements to the quality of life of Taullinos. Nonetheless, such processes are also hampered by severe problems and challenges, largely linked to a legacy of social exclusion and discrimination. On the other hand, it is argued that the community and local traditions continue to offer Taullinos a strong sense of identity and social cohesion, and some important practical advantages, in the context of social change. In particular, through their participation in the local communal organisation and ritual celebrations, which are key foci of this study. Furthermore, it is demonstrated how local traditions are dynamically reinvented to serve as a primary channel through which Taullinos experience and accommodate change. Therefore, although the local communal system is demanding and has many limitations, Taullinos unanimously accept and identify with it, and with the PPC status that guarantees its continuity. 3 ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS Throughout the long process of completing this piece of work, I have become indebted to many people and institutions, in many different ways and places. It is not possible to include all of them here, but I found necessary to mention some, apologising in advance to those I do not name. This thesis has been mostly researched, “fieldworked”, and written between two small villages, San Jerónimo de Taulli (Ayacucho, Peru) and Santa Maria de Paraños (Galicia, Spain), and a big city, London (UK). First of all, I have to thank the Taullinos, for welcoming me into their community and their lives. I am now a masa of Taulli, and treasure the friendships and experiences that resulted from my time there. They are the ultimate protagonists of this work, which obviously, could not exist without them. I also own gratitude to many people from neighbouring communities, and to others who were working in Taulli and the area during my fieldwork there. In Peru, I am also especially grateful to Cirilo Vivanco in Huamanga, and to Luis Millones in Lima for their advice, help and hospitality. I also want to thank Gabriel Ramón for his help with the spelling of Quechua words. In Paraños, my own village, I must mention my aunt Maruja, who made me fat and happy during the writing up; as well as to thank my family in Vigo -particularly to my mother and sisters- for everything. More specifically, I have to mention my old friend Miki for his help with the accompanying videos, my nephew Luis for his help with technical and practical stuff, and Ana for many other things. In London I have to thank, first and above all, Katie Willis for being the best supervisor I can think of, and a fantastic person. Her endless support, help, and patience have been fundamental throughout these years. Henry Stobart has been a great adviser and his feedback, output, and example have been of enormous help; while Frank Meddens and Colin McEwan also contributed as advisers. In Egham (Surrey), I am grateful to the staff of the Department of Geography of Royal Holloway, particularly to Jenny Kynaston, who helped me with the production of illustrations. In the UK I also due special thanks to my PhD examiners, Margaret Bolton (University of Aberdeen) and 4 Bill Sillar (University College London), whose comments in the viva and requests for amendments led me to redefine and greatly improve the text. My PhD has been linked to the multidisciplinary project “Inca ushnus : landscape, site and symbol in the Andes”. It has been an honour and a pleasure to work and share so much with the members and collaborators of this project, and I feel privileged for having been part of it. The project and my research were generously funded by the Arts and Humanities Research Council of the UK through its Landscape and Environment Programme (award number: 2006/129324). The other institutions involved were Royal Holloway, University of London, the University of Reading, and the British Museum in the UK, and the Universidad Nacional San Cristóbal de Huamanga (Ayacucho) in Peru. My gratitude to all these institutions. Any merits this piece of work may owe much to all these contributions and help, while the flaws are my responsibility entirely. 5 To the people of Taulli and to my aunt Maruja 6 TABLE OF CONTENTS Page INTRODUCTION 15 The “Inca ushnus ” project and the research as a beginner 21 Introduction to the Andes and to Andean Anthropology 25 Fieldwork experience and research orientation 29 Community studies and Anthropology 36 Methodology 40 Thesis structure 48 CHAPTER 1: CONTEXT 52 I. Peruvian peasant communities (PPCs) 52 Ancient precedents: Pre-Hispanic ayllus 53 The colonial period 55 Independence and “legal limbo” 61 Legal recognition and state protectionism 63 Current situation 67 II. Andean anthropology and community studies 70 Initial period (mid-1940s - mid-1960s) 71 “Classical” period (mid-1960s – mid-1980s) 76 “Revisionism” and “fragmentation” (late-1980s-2000s) 84 Early Twenty-first Century: A personal perspective 90 III. Andean rituals 94 Andean communities’ ritual life 97 Concluding comments 101 CHAPTER 2: TAULLI 104 The community and the region 104 Geographical context 110 Communications and infrastructures 113 Economy and emigration 120 Education and health 125 7 Development and the environment 132 A case study: water supply 140 Religion 145 History 148 Concluding comments 155 CHAPTER 3: ORGANISATION 158 I. Local communal authorities and institutions 159 Civil offices and institutions 161 Communal assemblies and elections 164 Traditional offices and institutions: the varayuq hierarchy 170 Varayuq sponsorship and Andean redistribution 173 Other traditional offices and institutions in Taulli and its area 176 Interactions between civil and traditional authorities 181 II. The concepts of ayllu and Andean dualism 186 The case of Taulli and the Qaracha area 189 III. Religious and ritual configuration of the landscape 194 Taulli’s chapels, crosses, and “corners” system 194 Other features of the local “sacralised landscape” 199 IV. Social configuration of the community 202 Economic differences between local households 204 Concluding comments 205 CHAPTER 4: WORK 208 I. The agricultural cycle in Taulli 209 Planting-sowing period (late-October - December) 210 Growing period (January – mid-May) 213 Harvest period (mid-May - July) 214 Rest period (August - mid-October) 216 Interpretation and ritual dimensions of the agriculture cycle 217 Gendered dimensions of work 220 II. Access to water and land 222 Irrigation in Taulli 223 8 Land in Taulli 229 III. Access to a workforce 235 Andean reciprocity and work exchange systems: ayni and minka 235 God- and co-parenthood (padrinazgo and compadrazgo ) 240 Communal work 245 IV. Ecological adaptation 248 Murra’s model and later contributions and critiques 249 Ecological adaptation in Taulli 252 Concluding comments 256 CHAPTER 5: CELEBRATIONS 259 Main communal celebrations 260 I. Christmas ( Navidad ), 18 th -27 th December 264 Apaykus and rehearsal days (18 th -22 nd ) 265 Central days (23 rd -25 th ) and avíos (26 th -27 th ) 267 Interpretation of Taulli’s Christmas 273 II. Carnival ( Carnaval ), February-March 275 Friday of Carnival: Cortamonte in Taulliwasi 277 Early days: Saturday to Monday of Carnival 279 Central day: Tuesday of Carnival 284 Ash Wednesday: final cortamonte and groups’ avíos 286 Interpretation of Taulli’s Carnival 287 III. August’s