From global to local: Human mobility in the Rome coastal area in the context of the global economic crisis* Armando Montanari Barbara Staniscia Sapienza University of Rome ABSTRACT This paper focuses on the way problems caused by global changes overlap with local problems in coastal zones. It verifies the existence and dimensions of the global-local phenomenon by examining the impact of the recent international economic crisis on the core and ring administrative subdivisions of the coastal zone of the Rome metropolitan area from 2008 to 2010. In particular, it compares housing market trends with available statistics on tourism and migration to provide an indicator of the economic crisis. The results of the research show that to some extent, there is a connection between a drop in house prices and a decreased flow of human mobility. KEY WORDS: coastal zone, Rome metropolitan area, human mobility, tourism, migration, housing market RÉSUMÉ DU GLOBAL AU LOCAL: LA MOBILITÉ HUMAINE DANS LA ZONE CÔTIÈRE DE ROME SUR FOND DE CRISE ÉCONOMIQUE MONDIALE Cet article traite de la façon dont les problèmes causés par des changements globaux interfèrent avec les problèmes locaux dans les régions côtières. Il vérifie l’existence et la taille du phénomène local-global, en examinant l’impact de la récente crise écono- mique mondiale sur le noyau et les franges des zones côtières de la région métropoli- taine de Rome durant la période 2008-2010. En particulier, il compare l’évolution du marché immobilier avec les statistiques disponibles sur le tourisme et les migrations pour fournir un indicateur de la crise économique. Les résultats de la recherche mon- trent que dans une certaine mesure, il y a une relation entre une chute des prix des loge- ments et un flux plus faible en termes de mobilité humaine. MOTS-CLÉS: zones côtières, région métropolitaine de Rome, mobilité humaine, touris- me, migration, marché immobilier * Acknowledgement The research leading to these results has received funding from the European Community’s Seventh Framework Programme FP7/2007-2013 under grant agreement n° 244251. BELGEO • 2011 • 3-4 187 INTRODUCTION wo apparently unrelated phenomena – mutual implications. Coastal zones tend Thuman mobility and the economic cri- to be particularly affected by global sis – began to overlap in certain areas of changes. This paper examines the com- the world towards the end of the first bined impact of the two phenomena on a decade of the third millennium. Both phe- specific coastal area where problems nomena are global in terms of size and caused by the economic crisis have impact, and both are now affecting spe- spread through the territory as a result of cific aspects of local communities, cul- human mobility (the term is used here to tures and environments. Although each of encompass the flow of people, goods and these phenomena has been extensively information). The first part of the paper researched, they have rarely been stud- reviews theoretical considerations on the ied together. Examining the areas where two subjects, while the second focuses they overlap complicates the analytical on a particular case study – the coastal framework, but allows us to gain a better, stretch of the Rome metropolitan area more detailed understanding of their (RMA) in Italy. THEORETICAL BACKGROUND: HUMAN MOBILITY, COASTAL AREAS AND ECONOMIC CRISES Over the past few decades, researchers in Organization (UNWTO) figures, interna- various branches of social science have tional tourist arrivals have topped one bil- extensively analyzed many aspects of lion, and this figure is expected to double migration and the way it shapes social, over the next two decades. UNTWO also economic and cultural change in coun- estimates that domestic tourism repre- tries of origin as well as host countries. sents four to five times the volume of inter- These studies have been undertaken in national tourism. Population geography the wake of large-scale migration flows studies have so far largely used “push- starting from the early 20th century, when pull” theories (Dorigo and Tobler, 1983) the foreign-born population made up 12.5 based on empirical evidence of domestic per cent of the total U.S. population. By and international migration in industrial the last decade of the second millennium, and rural societies. Individuals migrate to the number of foreign-born citizens and areas offering better employment second-generation immigrants in America prospects than their normal place of resi- had grown to 20 per cent of the popula- dence. Such flows, traditionally generated tion, and it is estimated that they will com- by bilateral agreements between govern- prise more than 30 per cent of the total ments, were followed by migration for rea- U.S. population by 2025. In the European sons of family reunification and to join net- Union, on the other hand, foreign-born works of relatives and friends. Research residents, including people born in other has essentially focused on flows between member states, accounted for less than 9 countries, paying little attention to flows per cent of the total population in 2005. between specific places. This occurred Tourist flows, another component of since there were not relevant differences human mobility, are also showing an in terms of composition, organization and upward trend. According to World Tourism objectives of migration flows between two 188 From global to local: Human mobility in the Rome coastal area in the context of the global economic crisis countries, from place to place. Any contin- equacy of research into social mobility, uation of the process – with well-defined which has deliberately ignored the way forms of return migration – followed the social classes, gender and ethnic groups same logic in the opposite direction, from intersect with regions and towns. the destination country back to the origin Research has remained anchored to a country. The connection between local static concept of human society by and global was, therefore, hierarchical, neglecting the study of new factors such conditioned by decisions taken at central as horizontal networks, mobility and fluidi- government level. ty. The new approach can be interpreted While the various branches of social sci- on the basis of the parameters of a sociol- ences take a substantially similar view of ogy of fluids, where there are no points of the nature of migration, there is no shared departure or arrival and no specific refer- multidisciplinary approach in the research ence scapes, and where particular direc- about migration. Brettel and Hollifield tions and speeds are more important than (2008) point out that geography focuses purpose. Hence, factors such as viscosity on motives and methods to explain the and temporalities come into play. Fluids spatial pattern of migration, using macro, can escape through the wall of the scape meso and micro-level approaches and into capillaries. Power is diffused and predominantly drawing on relational, exercised through capillary relations and structuralist and transnational theories on the intersection of fluids. Cresswell (2006) migration (Jackson, 1989; Bonnet, 1996; provides a further interpretation. He Silvey, 1999; Liu, 2000; Bailey, 2001; argues that human mobility implies the Walton-Roberts, 2004; Montanari and presence of complex beings – pedestri- Staniscia, 2009; Staniscia, 2009). ans and dancers, pilots and athletes, Hardwick (2008) reviews the use of socio- refugees and city dwellers, tourists and spatial, transnational and social network businessmen, men and women – and theories in population geography examines the interfaces created between research in recent decades. Wright, Ellis physical bodies in movement and repre- and Parks (2005) offer a comparative sentations of mobility to understand situa- analysis of conventional and modified tions that otherwise would be impossible spatial assimilation theories. Alongside to interpret (Adey, 2010). the study of these themes in population Since the 1970s, when migration engen- geography research, other branches have dered by bilateral agreements between begun to examine the concept of human governments came to an end, it has been mobility – comprising phenomena that increasingly difficult to measure and eval- have grown to such an extent that they uate the phenomenon from an exclusively can no longer merely be assimilated with quantitative viewpoint. International migra- migration or tourist flows. Cresswell (1993, tion has become a largely spontaneous 1997) introduces a geographical reading phenomenon over the past several years, of mobility, which in his view is, in social even though it can be traced to clearly science research, a concept as important identifiable economic, political and social as the themes of place, space and soci- causes. Using traditional statistical tools, it ety. In particular, Cresswell (2006) distin- is only possible to register the number of a guishes between movement and mobility, specific category of immigrants – those arguing that movement is mobility who have decided to reside in a place dif- abstracted from contexts of power (Adey, ferent from their country of origin and are 2010). “legally” entitled to do so for a period of Two geographers (Hall and Williams, over one year. It is also possible to regis- 2002) and a sociologist (Urry, 2000) have ter tourist arrivals, i.e. the number of peo- emphasized the need for research into dif- ple who reside in an officially recognized ferent “mobilities” – of people, goods, accommodation