DEMOLITION AND RELOCATION OF HINDU TEMPLES IN MALAYSIA: PRAGMATIC RESPONSES OF INDIAN HINDU COMMUNITIES IN PENANG BY TEO SUE ANN A thesis submitted to the Victoria University of Wellington in fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy Victoria University of Wellington (2018) ABSTRACT This thesis examines the pragmatic responses of Indian Hindus when their century-old Hindu community temples face threats of demolition by the Malaysian government. I argue that their compliance with the demolition is a subtle and pragmatic political act that manipulates their political standing as a minority community in order to safeguard their temples. I analyse the effectiveness of such pragmatic acts of compliance by the Indian Hindu communities, and the implications of their compliance for the political and social significance, as well as the sacredness of their demolished temples. My ethnographic data is derived from in-depth interviews of the management committees and community members of three Hindu temples in Penang, and field observations of the rituals and ceremonies in these temples. During my fieldwork, these temples have either been demolished or are in the process of demolition. The management committees of these temples have relocated the statues of the deities into temporary buildings. My findings show that the Indian Hindu communities acquiesced to government demolition of their community Hindu temples to make way for development. In return for their compliance, the Hindu communities expected that the government is obligated to find new locations for them to rebuild their community temples. Their attempts to ensure the temples continuously exist in the area suggest that these temples, regardless of their shapes and sizes, have significance for the local Hindu communities. This significance it true both for members of the temple committee and the local Hindu community. Their compliance also suggests that the portability of these temples as sacred places. The importance of the thesis is in its insistence that Malaysian Indian Hindus as minorities are not necessarily powerless in the face of dominance of the government. Instead, these Hindu communities are actively engaging with their political and social realities with pragmatic and subtle political actions such as demonstrating compliance. By complying with the demolition of their community temples, the Hindu communities are not only able to manoeuvre their ways through the dominance of the government, but they can also Hindu communities. ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS This thesis is the result of the willingness and generosity of the participants to share with me their opinions and experiences, especially while they are in the midst of ensuring their community temples will continue to exist. They have my gratitude for their input, time and cooperation that have made this thesis possible. I am grateful to my supervisors Dr Rick Weiss and Prof. Joseph Bulbullia. Their support, patience, guidance and perseverance have been consistent throughout my PhD journey. Their supervision, comments and expertise have enabled me to grow academically. Dr Rick Weiss, who doesn’t hold back his constructive criticisms, has constantly challenged my intellectual boundaries and has enabled me to grow intellectually and emotionally. Through his guidance, I have confronted my limitations and weaknesses. His advice will remain valuable in my academic pursuits. I am grateful to Prof. Joseph Bulbulia, my secondary supervisor, who has given me much needed positive encouragement. His advice and critical comments have enabled me to see the course of my project more clearly. Throughout this journey, I have been very fortunate to have had a support team to keep my sanity anchored. Abri, who supported and encouraged me to pursue this PhD in New Zealand, and who has endured with patience all the challenges of the journey. I thank my family for understanding the necessity of my pursuing this degree, and for their support. I appreciate and am grateful to my friends for their reassurances and enthusiasm. I have been very fortunate to have landed at the doorstep of the Religious Studies Programme at Victoria University. For the last four years, the Department has been my home far away from home. I especially would like to acknowledge Aliki Kalliabetsos, for her support, understanding, friendship and care. I am grateful for the working environment that is intellectually stimulating, caring and supportive. The friendships that I have made will remain with me. Last but not least, I would like to acknowledge the financial contributions from the William Wallace Gibson Memorial Scholarship, the Victoria PhD Submission Scholarship and the Victoria Hardship Funds and Equity. Special thanks to the advisors from Student Learning Support for their helpful guidance in improving my English writing skills. Contents List of Abbreviations ........................................................................................................................................... iii List of Figures ........................................................................................................................................................ iv 1 Introduction ................................................................................................................................................... 1 1.1 Literature Review and Contribution of this thesis ................................................................. 3 1.1.1 The non-confrontational responses of the Indian Hindus ............................................ 3 1.1.2 The significance of Hindu temples....................................................................................... 13 1.1.3 Hindu temples as sacred places ............................................................................................ 18 1.2 Methodology ....................................................................................................................................... 22 1.3 Thesis limitations ............................................................................................................................. 27 1.4 Organisation of chapters................................................................................................................ 31 2 The politics of the issue of Hindu temple demolition ................................................................. 32 2.1 Indian Hindus as powerless minorities in Malaysia ........................................................... 33 2.1.1 History of Indian Hindus and the illegality of Hindu temples in Malaysia .......... 34 2.1.2 Dynamics and frictions among Malaysian Indian Hindu communities ................. 40 2.1.3 Political Marginalisation of Indian Hindus in Malaysia ............................................... 44 2.1.4 Religious Marginalisation of Malaysian India ................................................................. 48 2.1.5 Socio-economic Marginalisation of Indian Hindus ....................................................... 53 2.2 Politics of ‘temple cleansing.’ ....................................................................................................... 56 2.3 Conclusion ........................................................................................................................................... 62 3 Local politics of Hindu temples destruction in Penang .............................................................. 65 3.1 Penang under the governance of the Democratic Action Party (DAP) ........................ 66 3.2 History of land ownership in Penang ....................................................................................... 76 3.3 The Penang Hindu Endowment Board (PHEB) .................................................................... 80 3.4 Conclusion ........................................................................................................................................... 84 4 The temple in the estate ......................................................................................................................... 86 4.1 Historical narratives and previous events of the temple .................................................. 88 4.2 The process of demolition and relocation of the temple................................................... 95 4.3 Political rivalry between the DAP and the BN government ........................................... 102 4.4 Reactions of the estate Hindu community towards the demolition of the temple107 4.5 The endangered significance of the temple .......................................................................... 114 4.6 Conclusion ......................................................................................................................................... 124 i 5 The temple for the council workers ................................................................................................. 128 5.1 The successful demolition and relocation of this temple................................................ 131 5.1.1 The historical, political and social significance of the temple ................................ 132 5.1.2 Conformity and compliance as pragmatic and tactical acts .................................... 139 5.1.3 Ongoing negotiation and limits to conformity .............................................................. 144 5.2 Spatial claims of the new location ...........................................................................................