6 THE STARRY PLOUGH An Camchéachta October/November 2002 October/November 2002 THE STARRY PLOUGH An Camchéachta 7 This is R e p u b l i c a n SPECIAL 25th ANNIVERSARY EDITION S o c i a l i s m ! The Irish Republican Socialist ideology of loyalism. Loyalism is Party is an organisation created a reactionary, sectarian and pro- by and for working class people, imperialist ideology, with which to aid working class liberation in we can make no compromise. Ireland and internationally with We recognise that nationalism in others who share that common the context of the Irish struggle is goal. The IRSP stands in the tra- progressive, but we also recog- dition of James Connolly, seek- nise that nationalism can play a ing an end to all forms of reactionary role. The national exploitation and the creation of a chauvinism of the Tories, The legacy of 32 county socialist republic, with National Front, etc. is counter- the working class collectively revolutionary and anathema to owning the means of production, socialists. The nationalism of an distribution, and exchange, as oppressed country is vastly dif- well as democratically adminis- ferent from such reactionary jin- tering society. goism. We support all struggles against imperialism throughout Socialism the world. The socialism we embrace is the kind that liberates, not enslaves. Class mobilisation We strive towards a society that Only by mobilising our class functions to meet human needs, north and south - Protestant, not the need for profit. Our Catholic and Dissenter - can the socialism is a means of liberat- goal of national liberation and ing our class from all forms of socialism be achieved. Workers oppression, whether economic, have distinct interests as a class, political, religious, cultural or ultimately opposed to any other social. It is a socialism that envi- class, we must join together as a sions our class controlling their class to win control of society. own destinies and that of the Seamus Costello nation as a whole. For a fighting union Republican Socialists commemo- militant stance. It was mainly due to the pressure of Costello in Ireland, and would have a programme of political action (Selected Works, p.45) In early 1976, the Army Council of a party to the construction of the Broad Front, and was willing to As republican socialists, we take rate this year the 25th anniver- and his supporters that the Official IRA adopted a more based on this understanding. Costello and his supporters were "National Liberation Army" issued its first statement. "The submerge its particular political outlook in a Broad Front (see National Liberation lesson from battles that have sary of the assassination of aggressive policy in 1971. But under the pressure of reformist at first busy laying the foundation and structures of their party. National Liberation Army was recently formed with the aim of for instance the experience of the Irish Front in Derry in 1977- The struggle for national libera- gone before us, in the communi- Seamus Costello. If he is unsur- elements, the Official IRA called a ceasefire in 1972. The strat- In April 1975 was the first national conference, the same year ending British imperialist rule in Ireland and creating a 32 coun- 78). Costello called for the Broad Front without clear indica- tion cannot be separated from ty and in the workplace. We the class struggle. Any attempt prisingly remembered as the egy of the Officials in the North was seeking to unite Catholic the party paper "The Starry Plough" was established and party ty Democratic Socialist Republic. As revolutionaries, we recog- tions of the dangers of popular frontism. The result is that the must reclaim our unions and to isolate one from the other will organise the unorganised. We founder of the IRSP and the and Protestant workers under the Civil Rights banner, reform premises were purchased in Dublin. But the party had to fight nise the paramount necessity for the existence of an armed party was unable to develop a clear ideology nor define its pol- result in failure. It is meaning- remain committed to the revolu- INLA, he should also be com- Stormont and demand a Westminster Bill of Rights. The for its very survival before even thinking of developing. The anti-imperialist organisation which will play an effective role in itics beyond the slogan "For National Liberation and Socialism" less to speak of a free nation, if tionary industrial unionism of memorated as one of the main Official leadership argued that military activity alienated the party was faced with very serious objective and subjective the current struggle. (.) After five years of struggle against and a vague call for the "Broad Front". However, this failure is the overwhelming majority Larkin and Connolly. As republi- architects of the left turn taken by loyalist working class and endangered electoral prospects in problems that crippled its development and growth. imperialism, the Irish people have victory within their grasp. not unique: from the 1930s Republican Congress to the remain oppressed, and national can socialists we see the cre- the then unified Republican the 26 counties. The Official leadership was totally out of step We see it as our task, as revolutionaries, that they are not League of Communist Republicans in the 1980s, no group sovereignty is lost through multi- ation of a fighting 'rank and file' national corporate control of the trade union movement as some- Movement during the 1960s. In with the mass struggle that was going on. They stated that the First, the Officials attempted to wipe out Costello's organisation deprived of victory through the acceptance of any compromise really solved the problem of the relation between the strategy economy just as much as by par- thing that still holds potential and contrast to Connolly, whose back- abolition of Stormont was a regressive measure ! They were before it got off the ground, beating, pistol whipping and solution negotiated without reference to the long term interests of party building and the constitution of the united popular front. tition. At the same time, some- we support the building of a rev- ground was the workers move- still stuck at the Civil Rights stage when the struggle against kneecapping its members, and on 20 February shooting dead of the Irish working class." The statement ended with a list of one who refuses to challenge olutionary shop stewards' move- ment, Costello came from the British rule was the main issue. No wonder that the Officials Hugh Ferguson. Until a ceasefire between the two organisa- 15 operations carried out since May 1975 ("New Army Added to objective (attacks on the movement) and subjective British imperialism in Ireland ment. conspiratorial politics of the lost a lot of political credibility with the Nationalist working tions was brokered in May, three comrades lay dead and over Announced", The Starry Plough n.10, January 1976, p.4) Due (resignations, political hesitations), the assassination of cannot claim to be fighting for socialism and the continuation of "secret army", understood their class. This political line was opposed by Costello and his sup- forty injured. But the Officials never lifted their directive to exe- to the lack of weapons and ammunitions, it was not easy for Seamus Costello in October 1977 by the Official IRA was a Equality partition props up the divisions in Our class faces daily, relentless limits, and developed a strategy porters. Strategically, Costello argued that there was too much cute Costello, and assassinated him in 1977. Those who had Costello's army to make an impact. In May 1977, the Starry decisive blow against the IRSP. To all intents and purposes, he the working class of Ireland that assaults inflicted on us from to reconstruct them on a left- emphasis on appeasing loyalists rather than defending refused to use their weapons against the armed forces of Plough stated for example: "There is little known about the was the party. He was the main political and organisational hold us back from our own liber- many quarters and a constant wing basis . Born in 1939, Nationalists, that the principal contradiction was partition and British occupation had not qualms about turning them against National Liberation Army (NLA) who have remained relatively brains behind the movement. It left the party in confusion and ation. We have no choice in onslaught of attempts to divide Seamus Costello applied to join not the reform of Stormont. Tactically, he criticised the absence fellow Republicans ! If the fighting with the Officials had been quiet since December 1975." ("National Liberation Army on the without direction. Today, the organisational strategy of the whether or not we wish to con- us. The IRSP oppose and fight sider the interconnection of the the IRA aged 16, and became of armed struggle and the over-emphasis upon electoralism in mostly concentrated in Belfast, it nevertheless had a debilitat- Offensive", The Starry Plough n.21, May 1977, p.6) The 1978 Republican Socialist Movement would differ significantly from against all forms of inequality national and class questions, and oppression, including that of the commander of an ASU in the 26 counties. One of the lessons of this period, is the neces- ing effect on the movement in the country as a whole. British Army document "Future Terrorist Trends" barely men- that of Costello in at least one important aspect: the stress on reality forces us to do so. women, travellers, lesbians, South Derry during the border sity for Republican Socialists of never being out of step with the Costello's supporters had also to cope with hostility of some tions Costello's organisation. The name of the group itself was collective leadership.