V. King Some observations on the Samin movement of North-Central Java. Suggestions for the theoretical analysis of the dynamics of rural unrest. In: Bijdragen tot de Taal-, Land- en Volkenkunde 129 (1973), no: 4, Leiden, 457-481 This PDF-file was downloaded from http://www.kitlv-journals.nl Downloaded from Brill.com09/27/2021 04:36:03AM via free access VICTOR T. KING SOME OBSERVATIONS ON THE SAMIN MOVEMENT OF NORTH-CENTRAL JAVA. SUGGESTIONS FOR THE THEORETICAL ANALYSIS OF THE DYNAMICS OF RURAL UNREST* In recent years the Samin peasant movement of north-central Java has received a good deal of attention from students of Indonesian colonial history. In particular there is Benda and Castles' article published in this journal in 1969 1 and the series of articles by The Siauw Giap.2 Their work is based mainly on Dutch official reports written before 1930, and together it offers a fairly comprehensive view of the Samin movement. However, since it was not the intention of these authors to attempt a comparative study of peasant movements, but simply to analyse the Samin movement in detail, I feit it would be profitable to present material from other studies of rural unrest in an attempt to place the Samin movement in some sort of theoretical framework. This approach necessitates a multi-causal analysis, bringing into focus a number of factors — social, economie, political and religious.3 I also offer some additional comments on the Samin movement which may * This article is a shortened version of a Master of Arts thesis completed at the London School of OrientaJ and African Studies (1971). The author wishes to express his gratitude to Professor M. A. Jaspan of the University of Huil, and Miss Barbara E. Ward for their valuable help and guidance, and for the suggestions given by Drs. The Siauw Giap and Professor H. J. Benda when the author was writing a B.A. dissertation on the Samin at the Centre for South-East Asian Studies, University of Huil. 1 Benda, H. J. and L. Castles, 'The Samin Movement', Bijdragen tot de Taal-, Land- en Volkenkunde 125 (1969), pp. 207-40. 2 The Siauw Giap, 'The Samin and Samat Movements in Java: Two Examples of Peasant Resistance', Revue du sud-est asiatique (1967/2), pp. 303-310 and Revue du sud-est asiatique et de l'Extreme Oriënt (1968/1), pp. 107-113, and 'The Samin Movement in Java: Complementary Remarks', Revue du sud-est asiatique et de l'Extreme Oriënt, (1969/2), pp. 63-77. 3 See Thrupp, S. L. (ed), Millennial Dreams in Action: Essays in Comparative Study (Comparative Studies in Society and History, Supplement 2), (The Hague, Mouton; New York, Humanities Press), for a discussion of the Downloaded from Brill.com09/27/2021 04:36:03AM via free access 458 VICTOR T. KING help to clarify points made by The Siauw Giap and Benda and Castles.4 The Siauw Giap's last article in his series was written after his reading of Benda and Castles' paper, in order to, as he says, '... concentrate mainly on those aspects of the Samin movement which had not yet received sufficient attention in the Benda-Castles paper'.5 He also decided '... to stress the minor controversial issues which are normal when independent students interpret an important social phenomenon'.8 While I agree that these differences in interpretation are more likely to occur when the data used (Dutch reports) are f ar from clear and unambiguous, I also suggest that their differing interpretations may, in part, be attributable to actual differences within the movement itself. Historical and Ethnographical Background A brief description of the Samin movement will provide a historical backdrop for the subsequent analysis. Much of this descriptive material has been taken from the above-mentioned authors' work. In Indonesia, during the colonial period, much unrest occurred, which expressed indigenous discontent with Dutch reforms and interference in village life. The origins of the Samin movement date from about 1890 when a Javanese peasant farmer, Surontiko Samin, began proselytising in Blora and Rembang regencies, north-central Java. In 1905 the move- ment first attracted the official attention of Dutch colonial authorities. At this time the Samin began to withdraw from village society, refusing to participate in the Dutch 'ethical policy'.7 They also made it known that the payment of taxes was not obligatory but simply voluntary contributions. problems involved in the causal analysis of religious movements. I do not consider psychological factors, as does Margaret Mead in 'Independent Religious Movements in Three Continents; A Comment on L. P. Mair's Article', Comparative Studies in Society and History Vol. 1 (1959), pp. 324-9, since I have neither the relevant data nor the analytical tools to discuss this particular dimension. 4 An attempt at clarification has centred round The Siauw Giap's discussion of the social status of the Samin. See in particular his last article (1969), op. cit., pp. 63-71. Benda and Castles' discussion of the economie basis of the Samin movement, op. cit., pp. 219-24, and the relation of the Samin move- ment to the abangan peasantry, ibid., pp. 235 and 240 also requires further clarification. 6 The Siauw Giap, ibid., p. 64. 8 ibid., p. 64. 7 The 'ethical policy", introduced in 1901, was designed to increase the prosperity and welfare of the indigenes, and to rectify many of the inequities which had resulted from Dutch colonial rule. It included the provision of village credit banks, treasuries, Bengal breeding bulls, village council houses, Downloaded from Brill.com09/27/2021 04:36:03AM via free access THE SAMIN MOVEMENT OF NORTH-CENTRAL JAVA 459 The main period of Samin activity lasted from 1905 to about 1920.8 According to official reports the movement never exceeded 3,000 in number. Initially, the Samin remained obstinately non-violent, but later, outbreaks of a more aggressive nature did occur.9 Surontiko Samin was arrested in 1907, alter rumours of his possible involvement in a messianic uprising. He was exiled to Sumatra and died there in 1914. Meanwhile his disciples in particular the Samat of Pati — the founder of the Samatist cult, Surohidin and Pak Engrak continued to spread their own 'brand' of Saminism. In general followers of Samin adhered to a particular belief system which they themselves called the 'Religion of Adam' (Agama Adam). The Samin did not believe in Allah or any other divinity. They did not share the Muslim concept of God. Instead they held the belief that 'God is within me' and that each man was responsible for his own salvation. In Samin teaching there was also frequent reference to the sexual act or relationship. The Samin attached great importance to the bond of marriage and always treated their wives with great respect. The earth also occupied a central place in Samin belief. They regarded the role of the peasant as vital since it was he who tilled the soil and had close ties with 'Mother Earth'. It is therefore not surprising that the Samin were noted for their success and industry as cultivators. Their fields were always the best tended in the village. The above beliefs were accompanied by simple ethical teachings such as 'do not be idle; do not steal; if insulted remain silent; do not ask money or food from anyone, but if anyone asks money or food of you, give it'.10 The Samin were therefore credited with such traits as honesty, schools, housing improvements, paid night-watchmen, school-teachers etc. But the cost of these services was met, in large part, by village contributions of land, money and labour (The Siauw Giap, op cit., 1968, pp. 107-113). lts benefits were therefore at best marginal. 8 An intensification in Dutch govemmental control also provoked uprisings in the Outer Provinces in the early 1900's. See J. M. van der Kroef, 'Culture Contact and Culture Conflict in Western New Guinea', Anthropological Quarterly, Vol. 32, No. I. (1959), pp. 134-160 and 'Messianic Movements in the Celebes, Sumatra and Borneo', by the same author in Thrupp, S. L. (ed), op. cit., pp. 80-121. However, in Java, where Dutch control was of longer duration, agrarian unrest occurred throughout the nineteenth century. See for example Sartono Kartodirdjo, The Peasant's Revolt of Banten in 1888: lts Conditions, Course and Sequel; A Case Study of Social Movements in Indonesia (The Hague, 1966). 8 Benda and Castles, op. cit., pp. 212-13. w J. E. Jasper, The Jasper Report, Verslag betreffende het onderzoek inzake de Saminbeweging ingesteld ingevolge het Gouvernementsbeslu.it van 1 juni 1917, No. 20 (Batavia, 1918), p. 3. Downloaded from Brill.com09/27/2021 04:36:03AM via free access 460 VICTOR T. KING generosity, patience and industry. They also adhered to the ethic of equality and 'brotherly love'. Lastly, they regarded themselves as the upholders of true Javanese peasant culture. They were fiercely independent, the nuclear family being the key structural unit within the Samin community, and they preferred to cultivate their own fields without neighbourly help. In addition, they rejected the essentially alien belief systems of Hinduism, Islam and Christianity, since these influences only served to corrupt the Javanese peasant way of life.11 They therefore dissociated themselves from the Islamic santri, the Hindu-influenced prijaji, and even from the nominally Muslim abangan peasantry.12 During the 1920's the movement was mentioned as a minor irritant to colonial authority and little was heard of it again until the early 1950's when Indonesian government reports stressed successful Samin assimilation into the newly-independent Indonesia.13 However, in 1967 interest in the Samin was revived in connection with the Mbah Suro uprising which occurred in the Samin heartland.14 Since the abortive 11 Benda and Castles, op.