Agnieszka Słaby Pedagogical University of Cracow Anna Franciszka Zamoyska, née Gnińska as protectress – scope of research1 Dynamic development of historiography concerning research on the political and economic activity of women shows the spectrum of their activities conduc- ted in the shadow of official or national policy. This was possible, among other things, due to the inclusion of women from the elites into a number of systems and networks of client dependencies.2 The latter posed an informal tool used to assert various interests, ranging from minor issues relating to family estate, 1 The article was prepared under the project funded by the National Center for Science, award- ed for the implementation of the scientific grant “Dobrodziejki i klienci. Specyfika patronatu kobiecego i relacji klientalnych w czasach saskich,” based on Decision No. 2015/19/B/HS3/01797, implemented in 2016–2019. 2 For more on female patronage, see S. Kettering, The Patronage Power of Early Modern French Noblewomen, “The Historical Journal” 1989, no. 32/4, p. 817–841; B.J. Harris, Women and Politics in Early Tudor England, “The Historical Journal” 1990, no. 33/2, p. 259–281; A. Johnson,“Vir - tue’s Friends”: The Politics of Friendship in Early Modern English Women’s Writing, Miami 2010; B. Stephenson, The Power and Patronage of Marguerite De Navarre, Women and Gender in the Early Modern World, Aldershot–Burlington 2004; S.A. Hickson, Women, Art and Architectural Patronage in Renaissance Mantua: Matrons, Mystics and Monasteries, Women and Gender in the Early Modern World, Farnham–Burlington 2012; B. Popiołek, Kobiecy świat w czasach Augu- sta II. Studia nad mentalnością kobiet z kręgów szlacheckich, Kraków 2003; eadem, Dobrodziejki i klienci. O patronacie kobiecym w XVIII w. in Patron i dwór. Magnateria Rzeczypospolitej XVI– XVIII w., ed. E. Dubas-Urwanowicz, J. Urwanowicz, Warszawa 2006, p. 385–395; K. Maliszew- ski, Relacja poczmistrza toruńskiego Jakuba Kazimierza Rubinkowskiego z „królową bez korony i pierwszą damą Rzeczypospolitej” Elżbietą Sieniawską w latach 1716–1728 in Gospodarka, społe- czeństwo, kultura w dziejach nowożytnych. Studia ofiarowane Pani Profesor Marii Boguckiej, ed. A. Karpiński, E. Opaliński, T. Wiślicz, Warszawa 2010, p. 122–127; A. Słaby, Rządzicha oleszycka. 248 | Agnieszka Słaby through filling offices, military and church vacancies to national politics at the highest levels, giving real power and money.3 The strength of past dignitaries was demonstrated above all by a dedicated group of supporters. Acquiring it was easier because of finances, but above all because of the meticulously and laboriously built network of dependencies, based on close attachment for one another, enforcement of a sense of gratitude and devoted service. Women could easily join in this unofficial range of activities, whether out of necessity (maintaining family estate) or passion, realizing their ambitions and abilit- ies. In the context of discourse over the activity of elites, including women’s activities at public level, the issue of maintaining the rights to the ordination by Anna Zamoyska, née Gnińska, until the eldest son Tomasz Józef becomes independent, arises interest. Many years of successful efforts showed that Anna Franciszka, despite many unfavourable circumstances, maintained her position, thus remaining among the elite of the country. It required consid- erable entrepreneurship, decision-making, flexibility and, most importantly, building a strong environment supporting her efforts to maintain the ordin- ation in a women’s management.4 This allows us to conclude that there was Dwór Elżbiety z Lubomirskich Sieniawskiej jako przykład patronatu kobiecego w czasach saskich, Kraków 2014 (with references). 3 For more on patronage in modern times, see A. Mączak, Korupcja w dziejach nowożytnych. Przegląd problematyki, “Kwartalnik Historyczny” 1986, no. 3, p. 779–803; idem, Klientela. Nie- formalne systemy władzy w Polsce i w Europie XVI–XVIII w., Warszawa 2000; idem, Nierówna przyjaźń. Układy klientalne w perspektywie historycznej, Wrocław 2003; idem, Rządzący i rzą- dzeni. Władza i społeczeństwo w Europie wczesnonowożytnej, Warszawa 1986 (ed. 2, Warszawa 2002); M. Czeppe, Kamaryla Pana z Dukli: kształtowanie się obozu politycznego Jerzego Augusta Mniszcha, Warszawa 1998; U. Augustyniak, Dwór i klientela Krzysztofa Radziwiłła (1585–1640). Mechanizmy patronatu, Warszawa 2002; D. Makiłła, „Dwór” i „patronat”. Dwa historyczno-so- cjologiczne pojęcia w historyczno-prawnym naświetleniu in Patron i dwór…, p. 179–186; K. Kuras, Współpracownicy i klienci Augusta A. Czartoryskiego w czasach saskich, Kraków 2010; U. Augu- styniak, Dwór i klientela Krzysztofa Radziwiłła (1585–1640), Warszawa 2001; idem, W służbie hetmana i Rzeczypospolitej: klientela wojskowa Krzysztofa Radziwiłła (1585–1640), Warszawa 2004; idem, Specyfika patronatu magnackiego w Wielkim Księstwie Litewskim w XVII wieku. Problemy badawcze, “Kwartalnik Historyczny” 2002, no. 1, p. 97–110; B. Popiołek, Najniższy podnóek, sługa i więzień pański – klientalne listy proszalne czasów saskich, “Krakowskie Stu- dia Małopolskie” 2011, vol. XVI, no. 16, p. 151–166; S. Kettering, Patrons, Brokers and Clients in Seventeenth-Century France, Oxford 1986; idem, The Historical Development of Political Cliente- lism, “Journal of Interdisciplinary History” 1988, no. 18/3, p. 419–447. 4 For more on the issue of environmental support in managing the ordination and the fate of the first Ordinate’s widow in Zamość; see P. Tyszka W cieniu wielkiego kanclerza – Barbara z Tar- nowskich Zamoyska, Warszawa 2015. Anna Franciszka Zamoyska, née Gnińska… | 249 a network of connections and groups whose work and support influenced the success of the subtreasurer’s widow Zamoyska, and at the same time ask a question: was she only a party seeking support, or did her strong influence result in her becoming the addressee of supplications and requests? Which areas of interest were addressed? And finally, to what extent did she respond to such requests? Consequently, one might also wonder about the existence and scope of her patronage in times of independent rule. Anna’s correspondence alone allows to conclude that she maintained a wide corresponding circle, which encourages to take an interest in the issue of protectorate. The basis for tracing the fate of Anna Franciszka, the great subtreasurer, is an extensive correspondence collected in the Central Archives of Historical Records in the Zamoyski Archive and in the Library of Zamoyski Ordination in the National Library. A set of letters from the Zamoyski Archive are mainly letters of Anna Franciszka addressed to her family, mainly to her sons, as well as a large set of letters in an alphabetical order addressed to Zamoyska. It is not possible to discuss the entire activity of Anna Franciszka in such a short text, hence the purpose of this article is only to recognize the scope of the subtreasurer’s activities in the area of protectorate and to indicate research postulates in the field of female patronage. Anna Franciszka Zamoyska, née Gnińska was born around 1655 in the fam- ily of the governor of Chełmno, Jan Chryzostom Gniński (died in 1685), later sub-chancellor of the Crown5 and Dorota, née Jaskólska6 (died in 1679/1682). From the beginning of his political career, Gniński was closely associated with the royal court. In 1645, he participated in a deputation sent by Władysław IV to Paris to bring Maria Gonzaga to Poland and he supported a pro-French party until 1669. After the election of Jan III Sobieski, he became his close associate and a supporter of the royal decisions, in exchange he was appointed a member of diplomatic missions on peace matters with Turkey, as well as a deputy of the royal council or the tax tribunal. The Gniński family had five children – three sons: Jan Chryzostom, the abbot of Wągrowiec, later (from 1690) the Bishop of Kamieniec, Jan, the governor of Bracław (from 1694 the governor of Pom- erania), and Władysław, staroste of Radzyń and Gródek and two daughters: 5 Jan Gniński became the sub-chancellor in 1681, after resigning from the post of the governor of Chełmno and accepting ordination as a priest after the death of his wife; see A. Przyboś, Jan Gniński in Polski słownik biograficzny, vol. 18, Wrocław, p. 149–151; Z. Żygulski, Światła Stam- bułu, Warszawa 1999, p. 245, 249, 251, 342. 6 H. Wiśniewska, Świat płci żeńskiej baroku zaklęty w słowach, Lublin 2003, p. 286, 294. 250 | Agnieszka Słaby Anna Franciszka, the wife of Marcin Zamoyski, the great subtreasurer of the Crown, and Konstancja Dorota, Cistercian abbot in Ołobok.7 Franciszka grew up in a politically involved house, closely associated with the environment of the royal court. Her parents were keenly interested in the current affairs of the country, Dorota herself was involved in the management of family estate in the absence of her husband. As for the period in question, we are well acquainted with the warm relationship of Anna Franciszka with her parents, especially with her father, with whom she kept lively correspondence, confessing her concerns.8 Her family and partner atmosphere of the house def- initely influenced her personality, determined attitude and management skills. In 1675, Gnińska married Marcin Zamoyski, the IV Ordinate, with a huge dowry in the amount of one hundred thousand zlotys.9 The Zamoyski family had four sons – Tomasz Józef (died in 1725), Michał Zdzisław (died in 1735), Marcin Leopold (died in 1718), Jan Franciszek and a daughter Marianna Teresa