BOLOGNA CENTER JOURNAL OF INTERNATIONAL AFFAIRS Somaliland: Building New Institutions and the Tradeo" between Democracy and Stability Sarah Cooper Ever since the collapse of the central Somali state in 1991, the unrecognized northern state of Somalia, Somaliland, has operated under independent parallel institutions of governance. Upon achieving de facto independence, Somaliland faced the twin challenges of restoring peace and forming new political institutions. Development practitioners often point to the relative peace, stability and modest economic growth that Somaliland has enjoyed since this time as proof that democracy delivers. "is paper, however, seeks to debunk the myth of a democratic Somaliland and contends that a closer analysis of the history of this transition and of Somaliland’s governing institutions reveals that the territory’s leaders prioritized peace over democracy. "e composition and role of the Guurti or House of Elders, the continuing role of the clan system in politics, and the explicit limitation on the number of political parties constrict political space. However, they also encourage peace by giving all of the major political actors a stake in the territory’s governance. Somaliland’s recent political trajectory shows how to transform a politics of war into a politics of consensus, and suggests that power-sharing arrangements—rather than deep democratization—may play an important transitional role in post-con#ict countries. Introduction bicameral legislature is divided into an upper chamber known as the Guurti “"e Republic of Somaliland, the secessionist or House of Elders, comprised of northwestern slice of Somalia that declared unelected members nominated by the independence in 1991, has a far better clan authorities, and a lower chamber, democratic track record than any of its the House of Representatives, comprised neighbors despite, or perhaps because of, a of 82 directly-elected representatives. In dearth of assistance from the international recent years, Somaliland has achieved community.” 1 relative peace and stability while the southern territories of Somalia continue Ever since the collapse of the central to su"er from profound insecurity and Somali state in 1991, the unrecognized a lack of legitimate governance. As a northern state of Somalia, Somaliland, result, there has been a tendency amongst has operated under independent parallel development practitioners to treat institutions of governance. A president Somaliland as Somalia’s photographic is elected for a #ve-year term and negative. Whereas Somalia is viewed as holds the power to nominate ministers a country beset by intractable con9icts subject to parliamentary approval. A between militarized clans, Somaliland 88 VOLUME 16 | REVISIONS is frequently depicted in development !e Somali Clan System and Political literature as a peaceable territory governed Mobilization by democratic institutions that transcend clan cleavages. Takaa ama bur ka anaw ama badhtanka kaga jiri. (Either lead or be led by your clan, !is paper seeks to debunk the myth but do not stand aside.) of a democratic Somaliland through — Somali Proverb2 a careful analysis of the history of its independence movement and political !e Somali clan system has underpinned transition. Faced with the twin challenges social relations in the region ever since of restoring peace and developing new its earliest recorded history and is crucial political institutions, Somaliland’s de to any understanding of current political facto independence leaders consistently dynamics. Somalis believe that they prioritized peace over deep democratic are descended from the same mythical reforms. !e composition and role of founding father Samaale, whose o"spring the Guurti or House of Elders, the formed the six major Somali clans: the continuing role of the clan system in Dir, the Darod, the Isaaq, the Hawiye, politics, and the explicit limitation on the the Digil and the Rahamwayen.3,4 In the number of political parties, in particular, territory of present day Somaliland, the constrict political space but encourage predominant clans are the Isaaq, the Dir peace by giving all of the major political and the Darod/Harti.5 In pre-colonial actors a stake in the governance of Somalia, clans primarily functioned the territory. !e Somaliland example as emotive kinship groups that could therefore suggests that power-sharing mobilize resources on a large scale to arrangements may play an important cope with the harsh realities of the transitional role in post-con9ict countries. Somali climate and territory. Drought Although Somaliland is not a paragon and security imperatives constantly of democracy, its populace has made rearranged constellations of power signi#cant achievements rebuilding their between the clans, preventing the rise of nation and transitioning from a politics a permanent institutionalized hierarchy. of war to a politics of consensus in a short Clan membership thus served as one period of time. !ese gains should not of many vectors for transmitting social be understated. Clan identities remain expectations. Individuals also owed central to any understanding of politics allegiance to immediate family members, in Somaliland and any future political one’s direct lineage, and clan-families reforms must strike a delicate balance comprised of several allied clans.6 between promoting consensus and power-sharing amongst clans, while also Clans #rst began to function explicitly providing ample political space for new as political units at the time of voices and actors. independence. From the late nineteenth century onwards, the British administered 89 BOLOGNA CENTER JOURNAL OF INTERNATIONAL AFFAIRS northern Somalia—including the clan ties proliferated, as clans and then present-day territory of Somaliland— sub-clans that felt marginalized in larger primarily valuing the region as a port of parties organized to form their own supply for their military base at Aden. parties. By the time of the 1964 elections, When Southern Somalia came under Somalia had more political parties per Italian administration, the colonial capita than any other country excepting authorities played a more active role in Israel.8 Although the #rst prime minister, encouraging development, particularly Abdirashid Ali Shermaarke, took care to during the Fascist period, during preserve a regionally balanced cabinet, which time the colony was viewed as a clan-based in#ghting over the electoral potential homeland for Italy’s surplus spoils soon paralyzed his administration population. In 1948, the United Nations and paved the way for Siyad Barre’s ceded control of southern Somalia to military coup in 1969. Italy under a ten-year trusteeship. !e Italians began to prepare the colony for !e Breakaway of Somaliland independence, and the British followed suit. !e two former colonies immediately “Having experienced the devastation faced questions of how to unite di"erent wrought by a regime based on dictatorship currencies, judicial systems, police forces, and a policy of divide and rule to which the government structures, requirements for country was subjected for over twenty years; joining the army, and systems of taxation and ever vigilant of the return of such a and education. Reconciling the relative regime… "e people of Somaliland hereby underdevelopment of the formerly approve and proclaim to the whole world… British north also proved di:cult, and that this constitution has been adopted as the northern fears of marginalization in the nation’s Constitution.”9 uni#ed territory exacerbated tensions along a north-south axis that presaged Following his October 1969 military the attempted secession of Somaliland coup, Siyad Barre immediately suspended in the 1990s. For example, the June Somalia’s constitution, outlawed all 1961 national constitution submitted political and professional organizations for rati#cation bore no signi#cant and instituted a policy of Scienti#c modi#cations from a draft constitution Socialism.10 To maintain power in the the Italians had helped the south to design, absence of widespread public support, and many northerners felt excluded from particularly after the failed Ogaden the constitution-making process.7 War with Ethiopia from 1977 to 1978, Barre increasingly relied on clan-based With the introduction of electoral patronage, fostering rivalries through the politics in Italian Somalia in 1954, strategic distribution of government posts, candidates began to mobilize votes from arms, and funds to keep his opponents within their clan families. Political parties divided.11 !e government also mobilized with weak ideological platforms but clear inter-clan rivalries through explicit 90 VOLUME 16 | REVISIONS divide and rule strategies.12 Over time, religious leaders, intellectuals, and former members of Barre’s own Marehan clan army o:cers organized to form the Somali from within the Darod came to occupy National Movement (SNM) and began a disproportionate share of key posts in to carry out guerrilla activities against the the government and military. From the government in Mogadishu.18 !e ensuing 1980’s onwards, Barre also depended period from 1987 to 1991, when armed on foreign aid from the United States con9ict broke out between the central and the Western powers to maintain his government and the SNM, took a terrible increasingly tenuous grip on authority. toll on Somaliland. SNM rebels laid siege to several towns, including Hargeisa— Despite some initial enthusiasm for the regional capital and former capital