LA CIMADE AND NON-GOVERNMENTAL AID FOR MIGRANTS IN SOUTHERN FRANCE: AN ANALYSIS OF THE CAUSES AND IMPLICATIONS OF FRENCH ANTI-IMMIGRATION SENTIMENTS AND THE POTENTIAL BENEFITS OF AN APPLIED ANTHROPOLOCIAL APPROACH Submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for Departmental Honors in the Department of Anthropology and Sociology Texas Christian University Fort Worth, Texas May 2, 2014 ii LA CIMADE AND NON-GOVERNMENTAL AID FOR MIGRANTS IN SOUTHERN FRANCE: AN ANALYSIS OF THE CAUSES AND IMPLICATIONS OF FRENCH ANTI-IMMIGRATION SENTIMENTS AND THE POTENTIAL BENEFITS OF AN APPLIED ANTHROPOLOCIAL APPROACH Project Approved: Lisa Vanderlinden, Ph.D. Department of Anthropology and Sociology (Supervising Professor) Miguel Leatham, Ph.D. Department of Anthropology and Sociology Marie Schein Ph.D. Department of Modern Language Studies iii ABSTRACT In this thesis, I show that pervasive prejudice and anti-immigration sentiments in Béziers, France create social and political impediments for migrant and refugees, as well as struggles for the aid organizations that seek to assist refugees in their plights to attain asylum in France. Additionally, grassroots movements aimed towards lessening anti- immigration sentiments in France appear to be a possible source of improvement for the heavy burdens on refugee-aiding organizations, the lacking integration efforts, and the sense of intolerance in France. By highlighting the operations and struggles of one particular branch in Béziers, I begin this analysis with a discussion of La Cimade, a non- profit and non-governmental organization that aims to protect the rights of French migrants and refugees. To provide some context, I then discuss the larger French setting in which the Béziers branch of La Cimade exists so that I may then demonstrate how the organization and its difficulties likely exist because Béziers is a microcosm of a larger French macro-context of intolerance. Next, I highlight some struggles that refugees and migrants face as foreigners due to macro-level discrimination and then address the Roma people in France, how their struggles differ from those of other migrants in France, and La Cimade’s interaction with them in Béziers. Through an applied anthropological approach, I then identify a specific plan that may help La Cimade operate more efficiently and provide more effective assistance to the migrant and refugee populations of Béziers. My analysis concludes with a discussion of the importance of grassroots movements in France’s fight to change negative mentalities towards multiculturalism and diversity, to end discrimination, and to provide Liberté, Egalité, and Fraternité to all. iv ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS I would like to say a warm thank you to my thesis committee Dr. Lisa Vanderlinden, Dr. Miguel Leatham, and Dr. Marie Schein. During this whole research process and the last four years, you three have guided me tremendously in my endeavors and have helped to make me the student and person I am today. Without you constantly challenging me to take new opportunities and take advantage of all chances to learn something new, I would likely have not accomplished something as extensive as this thesis. I also would like to acknowledge my family - Michelle, Patrick, and Claire. Thank you for all your support and your help with keeping me sane through it all. I love you. v TABLE OF CONTENTS CHAPTER ONE ..................................................................................................................1 Overburdened and Under-Supported: An Aid Center Struggling to Offer Assistance CHAPTER TWO ...............................................................................................................23 A Nostalgic and Fearful France: Literature and Theoretical Framework Pertaining to Migration in Modern France CHAPTER THREE ...........................................................................................................37 Everyday Strife: An Analysis of the Common Struggles Faced By Refugees in France CHAPTER FOUR ..............................................................................................................65 The Outcasts of Europe: Treatment and Assistance of Roma in France CHAPTER FIVE ...............................................................................................................88 La Cimade The Microcosm: One Organization’s Relation to the Macro-Political and Social Context in France REFERENCES ................................................................................................................116 1 CHAPTER ONE Overburdened and Under-Supported: An Aid Center Struggling to Offer Assistance Béziers, France: Political Tension Cloaked by a Guise of Idealism Sitting and drinking an espresso at an outdoor café in the city center of Béziers while vendors set up at a flower market across the street, I felt like I was experiencing the ideal day that most people associate with Southern France. I had spent the morning at an impressionist art exhibit, had admired the stained glass and gargoyles of the 12th century Cathédrale Saint-Nazaire, learned about the city’s Roman roots, and even ate a fresh baked baguette with cheese for lunch while enjoying the mid-summer 75-degree weather. As I sat and sipped my coffee and gazed out at the people strolling by, I felt content with a break from the American hustle and bustle of life and like I could forever stay in Béziers. Not only would I be happy attending the almost bi-monthly festivals such as The Festival of the Bull and The Festival of Wine, I adored the small-town feel, the close proximity to the Mediterranean Sea, and the ability to cheaply eat fantastic cheese and produce. While these were my feelings upon arriving to Béziers, I quickly learned that the city possesses strong racial tensions that lie simmering beneath its appealing surface. Béziers receives a large numbers of migrants each year. The warmer climate and lower costs of living than in metropolitan areas like Paris, Lyon, and nearby Montpellier bring many migrant families to Southern France. During the last ten years, the foreign- born population has rested at about 9% or 234,000 people (Lacan 2012). While the number of migrants living in France has not changed much in the last decade, political 2 beliefs of many ethnic French have1. The stance of Raymond Couderc, Mayor of Béziers and representative of the people from 1997 to March of 2014, has become progressively more far-right2 or conservative during his time in office. This can be seen in his denial of education for Roma children in 2006 and again in 2008 (Rencontrer Tsiganes 2007) and his three appeals during the summer of 2013 to Minister of Interior, Manuel Valls, to force Roma camp closures outside of Béziers, which were implemented in August of 2013 (Midi Libre 2013). Couderc provided justification for his actions but all excuses are rendered invalid when we consider how children in France between six and seventeen- years-old have a right to an education no matter where they live and how the Roma living situations did not pose immediate danger. It is therefore possible that Couderc’s actions originated in his own anti-immigration sentiments rather than his concern for the law or people’s safety. Although Couderc held his position as Mayor of Béziers for sixteen years, in the spring of 2014, he prepared to step down from his position (Trabuchet 2013). Theoretically, there was potential for a less rightist and more liberal candidate to take his place. However, this was not the case due to how 25% of Béziers’ voters align with the extreme-right and very conservative ideals of the Front National (FN) party (Perrault 2013). There may be even more people who are in favor of these ideals despite not being 1 I use the term ethnic French to refer to the people who call themselves the Français de Souche and see themselves as having French roots or as being “blood French.” In contrast to the ethnic French are the French denizens and residents who live and work in France, sometimes for several generations, but ultimately have roots outside of France. While they may see themselves as French due to their adopted language and culture, the ethnic French do not and call these people d’origine immigrée (of immigrant origin) and therefore make the assumption that to be “French,” one must have French roots. 2 In France, people explain the political scale as rightist versus leftist, which would translate to conservative versus liberal in the United States. When I say that something is rightist, I also mean that the idea, policy, or person is conservative. The most conservative ideas are of the extreme-right. 3 official party members. While Robert Ménard is not the official FN candidate for mayor, he claimed the summer before elections, “I am not ashamed to be with the FN. I am very proud,” (Mollaret 2013). This statement was therefore enough to assume that upon his election, Ménard would support and potentially increase in Béziers the anti-immigration sentiments, actions, and legislation often associated with FN policy. The discrimination that lies beneath the surface of Béziers is reflective of the dangers of intolerance that exist on a national level. In this thesis, I show that pervasive prejudice and anti-immigration sentiments in Béziers, France create social and political impediments for migrant and refugees, as well as struggles for the aid organizations that seek to assist refugees in their plights to attain asylum in France. Additionally, grassroots movements aimed