International Influences and Local Adaptation in Urban Development A Research Note from Vinh City, Central Vietnam Tim Kaiser Abstract: As the built environment of urban areas is the result of interactions between different actors and power relations, researching urban dynamics in Vinh City in Central Vietnam’s Nghe An province reveals a rich field of international influences and local adaptations. Since the late 19th century, with the establishment of French Colonialism in Indochina, international influences have been a driving force behind the city’s development and have at the same time been adapted to local con- ditions. Three different economically thriving settlements were merged into the multi-centred city Vinh by the French colonial administration. After its destruction during the French and American Wars, Vinh had been reconstructed with help from the German Democratic Republic. From the 1990s on, inter- national cooperation promoting new priorities of community participation and sustainability in urban development became influential in Vinh City. Using (expert) interviews and participatory observation as well as document analysis and archival research, the author’s ongoing research analyses the po- wer relations and interactions between actors shaping the history and development of Vinh City. This research note introduces some of his preliminary findings, aiming at providing an overview of how different actors contributed to the particular development of Vinh City since the late 19th century. Key words: Vietnam; urban development; international cooperation; local adaptation [Submitted as Research Note: 15 March 2011, Acceptance of the revised reviewed manuscript: 19 September 2011] View from TECCO to Tower Quang Trung Zone C and the temporary Quang Trung market 18 Pacific News #37 • January/February 2012 Urban areas are the result of interactions between a large number of actors who try to put into concrete their visions of urbanity, thus expressing ideologies, political, social and personal agendas. The outcome of these interactions reflects the power relations shaping the urban envi- ronment. Applying this approach to an analysis of the history and development of Vinh City in Central Vietnam reveals the importance of international actors. Interactions between internati- onal influences and local adaptations have been part of urban development in Vinh City since the establishment of French colonialism in the region in 1885. Since then, different visions of urbanity were promoted by changing international actors and against the backdrop of shifting international power relations and politics. These were absorbed into local settings and adapted to social, institutional and political specifics, as well as geographic or climatic conditions. Historical background While urbanisation produced social the city on 21.8.1945 (Del Testa, 2007; Before the establishment of French phenomena found in urban (colonial) Chu Trọng Huyến, 1998). Colonialism in Nghệ An Province, Vinh centres in general, Vinh’s size and posi- had been a small but important centre tion in the colonial urban system resulted Vinh during the French and of regional trade and administration. Its in particular urban structures and social American Wars importance grew when it became the site phenomena. Firstly, the specifics of co- After 1945, Vinh experienced nearly 30 of the mandarinate examinations in 1770 lonial cities, such as ethnically-distinct years of war. In the French war, Vinh’s and with the construction of a citadel districts or display of the grandeur of destruction was mainly due to a “dest- on the orders of Emperor Gia Long in the mother country, were not prevalent. roy to resist” policy Hồ Chí Minh had 1802-1803 (Chu Trọng Huyến, 1998). This is partly due to the fact that, as a called for. In the first five months of re- In pre-colonial times Vinh had a small secondary centre, Vinh did not receive sistance, 1335 buildings, including 301 population of around 3000 inhabitants, as much attention and funds for urban multi-storey buildings, were destroyed. who served the imperial garrison and planning and development as Hà Nội After the Geneva Peace Conference in mandarins as well as transportation, rice (Del Testa, 2007; Logan, 2000). Secondly, 1954, Vinh was supposed to regain its export and handicraft enterprises (Del as a result of the absence of physical bar- role as an economic, administrative and Testa, 2007). Despite their importance, riers between different ethnic groups in educational centre. However, the efforts the citadel and the settlement did not combination with the relatively smaller to rebuild the city were destroyed during gain the status of an urban centre before foreign population the modern state and bombing campaigns in the American the French established their colonial rule economy were effectively run by the Vi- War. Vinh as an industrial centre, with in Indochina. etnamese by the late 1930s (Del Testa, the nearby harbour of Cửa Lò and its lo- In July 1885 French troops landed in 2007). Thirdly, while Vinh’s develop- cation on the Trường Sơn supply route the nearby river harbour Bến Thủy. They ment relied on a large number of indus- to the war in the south was the target of were quickly able to seize Vinh, from trial workers, these maintained close ties bombing raids from 1964 on. In response, where they set out to suppress resistance with surrounding villages. The resulting the city was evacuated in 1965. What in the countryside (Chu Trọng Huyến, flows of people and information between could be reconstructed during the war 1998). A résidence was established in the countryside and city were critical to the was destroyed in the bombing campaign same month and Vinh soon became the strong communist movement in Nghệ of 1972. When the Paris Peace Accord centre of the colonial economy of Nghệ An, culminating in the Nghệ-Tĩnh Soviet was signed in January 1973, Vinh had An and neighbouring Hà Tĩnh province Movement of 1930-1931, and playing been nearly totally destroyed (Hoàng (Del Testa, 2007). an important role in the liberation of Ngọc Anh et al., 2003). Urban development under French colonialism In the following years, Vinh and the two nearby settlements of Bến Thủy and Trường Thi each developed as ad- ministratively separate centres. Vinh gained the status of an urban centre in 1898 / 1899, continuing its pre-colonial role as the administrative and commer- cial centre of northern Central Vietnam. Bến Thủy developed as a port that ser- ved the colonial economy as a transport hub and an industrial zone. From 1908 onwards, Trường Thi became the site of Indochina’s second largest railroads repair workshop. These three separate settlements each thrived on their res- pective specialisation and had gained the status of separate towns until they were merged to form Vinh – Bến Thủy Quang Trung Zone C with the new TECCO Towers, for which residential building C1 City in 1927 (Chu Trọng Huyến, 1998). was demolished in 2004 Pacific News #37 • January/February 2012 19 Buildings of Quang Trung Project: The plan for reconstruction tial buildings with cultural, sports and Residential Buildings reflected historical structures public facilities into integrated urban Public Buildings and characteristics of Vinh. space. Most apartments were designed realised When Vinh’s former inhabi- to be inhabited by only one family, and demolished tants had returned to the city had private facilities for cooking, wa- 500 km not realised after the bombing had stop- shing etc. “Most notably, it was strongly ped, old streets, remaining influenced by East German principles of burned-out buildings and the built environment that in the 1960s ) a the citadel’s remains ser- embraced a new ‘culture of privacy,’ as ( 1 ved as points of reference well as independent living” (Schwenkel, y a for spontaneous construc- forthcoming). w h tion and were incorporated While some adaptations to local con- g i H into the plan (Mönnig, 1987). ditions were intentionally designed, the l a Vinh’s history as a city that new residents also modified the buil- n o was formed from three dif- dings and area to their needs. Nearly i t a ferent settlements was also all open space between the buildings N taken up. While the citadel was turned into vegetable gardens and / area and Bến Thủy regained additional housing and storage space their role as commercial cen- was created through make-shift loggias. t e e tre and port, Trường Thi was However, this phenomenon could be r t S to become the location of ad- limited in comparison to other cities by g ministrative buildings. designing a base storey for these func- n u r A major part of the coope- tions (Mönnig, 1989). T ration was the construction Despite its housing function, the Quang g 100 m n a of the Quang Trung residen- Trung project also served political pur- u tial area. poses. It was a showcase of what soli- Q Quang Trung Street / National Highway 1(a) The area was planned to darity between socialist countries could consist of 36 five-storey re- achieve, as well as of the bright future a sidential buildings as well as modern socialist state promised its peo- educational, entertainment, ple. Its location on Highway No. 1 was communal and cultural faci- chosen as a symbol of hope for the suc- lities. Apartments of different cessful liberation of the whole country Pacific News Cartography: © Claus Cartens Source: Khu 2011, Quang Trung, Mat bang quy hoach chung. sizes were designed accor- (Mönnig, 1987). Fig. 1: Plan for the construction of Quang Trung residential area, realised and not-realised buildings. The location of the ding to the prevalent family Although the project of Quang Trung old citadel is visible in the West. structure with households of was successful in its goal to provide up to eight persons; each per- housing for many people in only a short Reconstruction as a socialist city son was to be allocated 4m² of living time, the project faced a number of pro- For help in reconstructing cities and space.