David Kamholz Proto-SHWNG morphology David Kamholz <[email protected]> The Long Now Foundation, PanLex project The reconstruction of Proto-SHWNG morphology 1 Introduction • Proto-SHWNG is a high-level subgroup of Proto-Austronesian (Figure 1), first put on a firm empirical basis by Blust (1978) • About 40 SHWNG languages are now spoken on South Halmahera, the Raja Ampat islands, Cenderawasih Bay, and the lower Mamberamo river (Figure 2 on the next page) • Kamholz (2014) proposes a new subgrouping of SHWNG languages on the basis of morphological innova- tions, regular sound changes, and irregular phonological developments (Figure 3 on page 3) • Kamholz (2014) locates the homeland of Proto-SHWNG in southern Cenderawasih Bay • There is little previous work on Proto-SHWNG reconstruction; van den Berg (2009), by far the most ambitious previous attempt, is useful but relies on questionable subgrouping assumptions • Goal: To reconstruct, if possible, the Proto-SHWNG subject and inalienable possessive marking paradigms, assuming the subgrouping of Kamholz (2014) • Methodology: iterative bottom-up and top-down reconstruction, using data collected in Kamholz (2014) Proto-Austronesian Formosan Proto-Malayo-Polynesian Western Malayo-Polynesian Proto-Central-Eastern Malayo-Polynesian Central Malayo-Polynesian Proto-Eastern Malayo-Polynesian Proto-South Halmahera–West Proto-Oceanic New Guinea Figure 1: The higher branches of the Austronesian family tree, after Blust (2013: 729–743), originally appearing as Blust (1977). Nodes in italics are not proto-languages, but rather are cover terms for multiple primary branches. 13-ICAL – 1 – Academia Sinica, Taipei, July 19, 2015 David Kamholz Proto-SHWNG morphology Figure 2: Map ofRaja the Ampat SHWNG archipelago. region, with South Halmahera languages marked. The Raja Ampat language As, also marked, is spoken on the mainland just east of the 13-ICAL – 2 – Academia Sinica, Taipei, July 19, 2015 13-ICAL David Kamholz Proto-Southern South Halmahera Proto-South Proto-Central-Eastern Halmahera South Halmahera Proto-Ambel-Biga Gebe Proto-RASH Proto-Ma’ya-Matbat Tandia Fiawat Moor As Proto-SHWNG Waropen – 3 – Warembori Proto-Central Yapen Proto-Biakic Proto-Western Yapen Yoke ... Proto-Yapen Proto-Cenderawasih Kurudu Bay Proto-Eastern Yapen Wabo Academia Sinica, Taipei, July 19, 2015 Proto-Southwest Proto-Yaur-Yerisiam Cenderawasih Bay Umar Proto-SHWNG morphology Figure 3: Kamholz (2014)’s subgrouping of SHWNG languages. David Kamholz Proto-SHWNG morphology 2 Defining innovations of SHWNG subgroups • Proto-RASH: *R > ∅; 1sg and 2sg subject infix ‹y› • Proto-South Halmahera: 2pl subject prefix f-; 1pl.in inalienable possessive suffix -d • Proto-Central-Eastern South Halmahera: paradigmatic innovation in inalienable possessive marking; lex- ical innovations noted by Blust (1978) • Proto-Southern South Halmahera: loss of inalienable possessive marking; lexical innovations noted by Blust (1978) • Proto-Ambel-Biga: inalienable possessive plural suffix -n/-no • Proto-Maˈya-Matbat: epenthetic final o on words with Fall or Low Fall tone; 1pl.in inalienable possessive suffix -n • Proto-Cenderawasih Bay: 2sg subject infix ‹u› and 3sg subject infix ‹i›; 3sg vocalic conjugation subject prefix dy- • Proto-Biakic: *u, *i, *ə > e ~ ə in final closed syllables of polysyllabic words; paradigmatic innovation in subject marking; paradigmatic innovation in inalienable possessive marking • Proto-Yapen: 2sg vocalic conjugation subject prefix bu- • Proto-Western Yapen: various innovations in inalienable possessive marking (3sg -mpai, 3sg -na/-ni, plu- ral -mi/-mu); plural vocalic conjugation linking consonant -t- • Proto-Central Yapen: 2sg vocalic conjugation subject prefix w- (from Proto-Western Yapen *bu-) • Proto-Eastern Yapen: 2sg vocalic conjugation subject prefix b- (from Proto-Yapen *bu-) • Proto-Southwest Cenderawasih Bay: *z > ∅; irregular *u > i in PMP *punti ‘banana’ • Proto-Yaur-Yerisiam: *ŋ > ∅ 3 Reconstruction of Proto-SHWNG subject and inalienable possessive marking • Tables 1–2 contain reconstructions of the subject marking paradigm of Proto-SHWNG and its subgroups1 • Tables 3–4 contain reconstructions of the inalienable possessive marking paradigm of Proto-SHWNG and its subgroups • It is (apparently) possible to reconstruct both paradigms; some cells have multiple reconstructions • Subject markers: consistently prefixing; infixes not reconstructible to Proto-SHWNG • Inalienable possessive markers: prefixing in the singular; prefixing, suffixing, or both intheplural 1. Transcription closely follows original source orthography. The principal deviations from IPA are ’ = [ʔ], g = [ɡ], gh = [ɣ], gw = /gʷ/, j = [dʒ], ng = /ŋ/, v = [β], y = [j]. Bracketing in reconstructed forms follows the conventions introduced by Ross (1988): (x) indicates that it cannot be determined whether x was present; [x] indicates that the item is reconstructible in two forms, with and without x. In synchronic paradigms, (x) indicates that x is not present in all contexts; [x] indicates that x is optional in all contexts. Commas separate equivalent forms, with the selection of form determined by phonological context, inflection class, or dialect. Semicolons separate forms which belong to distinct subparadigms that the comparative table does not otherwise differentiate. 13-ICAL – 4 – Academia Sinica, Taipei, July 19, 2015 David Kamholz Proto-SHWNG morphology 1sg 2sg 3sg V C V C V C Buli ik- i- m- m- n- n- Maba k- k- m- m- n- n- Patani y-, k- ‹i›, y(i)-, ki- m(y)- m-(‹i›) n- n- Sawai k- k- m- m- ∅ ∅ pCESH *k-, *y- *k-, *‹i› *my- *m-‹i› *n- *n- Gane [ek-]k- ek- [em-]m- em- [en-]n- en- Taba k= k= m= m= n= n= pSSH *k- *k- *m- *m- *n- *n- Gebe y- ‹y› my- m-‹y› n- n- pSH *k-, *y- *k-, ‹y› *my- *m-‹y› *n- *n- Ambel y- ‹y› ny- n-‹y› n- n- Biga y- ya- m- ma- n- na- pAB *y- *‹y› *my- *m-‹y› *n- *n- Kawe y- ‹y› my- m-‹y› ny- n-‹y› Maˈya (S.) y- ‹y›, ya- my- m-‹y›, ma- ny- n-(‹y›), na- Matbat k- k- m- m- n- n- pMM *k-, *y- *k-, *‹y› *my- *m-‹y› *n- *n- As ‹y› (i-)‹y› m-‹y› m-‹y› n- n- Fiawat y- ye-‹y› m- ? n- ? pRASH *k-, *y- *k-, *‹y› *my- *m-‹y› *n- *n- Biak y- ya- w- wa-, ‹w› d- i-, ‹y› Dusner y- ya-, ∅ w- wa-, ‹w› nd-, ndi- i-, ‹i› Meoswar y- a- w- ‹u› d- ‹i› Roon y- ya-, i- w- wa- t- i- pB *y- *ya- *w- *wa-, *‹w› *d- *i-, *‹y› Busami ya- ya- w- ? s- ‹i› Munggui y- e- w- ‹u› ty- ‹y› Papuma y- e- w- ‹u› t- ‹i› Pom y- i- w- ‹u› dy- ‹i› Serui-Laut ya- y- w- ‹u› d- ‹i› pCY *y- *ya- *w- *‹u› *dy- *‹i› Ambai i- i- bu- ‹u› di- ‹i› Ansus ya- e- bu- ‹u› d- ‹i› Wandamen y- i- bu- ‹u› di- ‹i› Wooi y- ∅, i- bu- ‹u› ty- ‹y› pWY *y- *ya- *bu- *‹u› *dy- *‹i› Kurudu ay- a(y)- b- ‹u› d- ‹i› Wabo ai- a- b- o- d- ‹i› pEY *ay- *a- *b- *‹u› *d- *‹i› pY *y- *ya- *bu- *‹u› *dy- *‹i› Yaur igw- i- agw-‹u› a-‹u› ‹i› ‹i› Yerisiam ne-j- ne- a-gu- a-‹u› i-di- i-‹i› pYY *j-? *i- *agw- *a-‹u› *dy-? *i-‹i› Umar e- e- a(w)- a-‹u› j- i-‹i› pSCB *j-? *i- *aw- *a-‹u› *dy- *i-‹i› pCB *y- *ya- *aw- *‹u› *dy- *‹i› Moor i=gw- i= a=(gw-) a= j- ∅ Tandia ? ya- ? a(m)- ? i- Waropen r-, y- ra-, ya- agh-, a(u)- a- i(y)- ∅, i- Warembori ∅ i-, e-, ya- w- (w)a- y- i-, ya-, ∅ pSHWNG *y- *ya- *aw- *a- *y- *i- Table 1: SHWNG singular subject markers, divided into vocalic and consonantal conjugations. 13-ICAL – 5 – Academia Sinica, Taipei, July 19, 2015 David Kamholz Proto-SHWNG morphology 1pl.in 1pl.ex 2pl 3pl 3pl.inan Buli t- k- f- d- Maba t- k- f- d- Patani t- k- f- r- Sawai t- k- f- r- pCESH *t- *k- *f- *d- Gane et- am- ef- i- Taba t= a= h= l= pSSH *t- *am- *f- *d-? Gebe t- k- f- d- pSH *t- *am-, *k- *f- *d- Ambel t- | ∅ am- m- | mim- l- | la- Biga t- m- m- l- pAB *t- *am- *m- *l- Kawe t- w- m- w- | ∅ Maˈya (S.) t-, ta- m-, ma- m-, ma- w- | ∅; wa- Matbat t- n- m- n- pMM *t- *m-? *m- ? As t- am- m- l- | si- Fiawat t- l- m- l- | ∅ pRASH *t- *am- *m- *d- Biak kw- | ko- nkw- | nko- mkw- | mko- s- | s(i)- n- | n(a)- Dusner t- | to- nd- | ndo- mt- | mto- s(i)- | s(i)-, so- n- | na- Meoswar k- | ko- ingg- | inggo- mk- | mko- s- | sko- Roon k- | ko- ngg- | nggo- mak- | moko- s- | si-, se- n- | na-, ne- pB *t- | *to- *nd- | *ndo- *mt- | *mto- *s- | *si- *n- | *na- Papuma ta(N)- anta(N)- minta(N)- e(N)- Pom ta(N)- anta(N)- minta(N)- ti(N)- Serui-Laut tat- | ta- amet- | ame- met- | me- et- | e- pCY *tat- *amat- *met- *et- Ambai tat- | ta- amet- | ame- met- | me- et- | e- Wandamen tat- | ta(N)- amat- | ama(N)- met- | me(N)- set- | se(N)- si- Wooi tat- | ta(N)- mat- | ma(N)- met- | me(N)- het- | he(N)- pWY *tat- *amat- *met *set- Kurudu t- nam- mi- | min- si- pEY *t- *nam- *mi- *si- pY *t- *am- *m- *si- Yaur o’- om- am-‹u› oh-‹i› h-‹i› Yerisiam ne-k- ne-m- a-mu- | a-m-‹u› i-hi- hi- pYY *k- *m- *am-‹u› *ih-‹i› Umar t- em- am-‹u› ih-‹i› pSCB *t- *am- *am-‹u› *ih-‹i› pCB *t- *am- *m- *si- Moor ∅ n- | ∅ n- | ∅ ti=n-, ti=j- | ti= ti=j- | ti= Tandia ite- ami- mu(m)- si- Waropen (i)k- | ∅, i- angg- | a- m[ingg]- | mi- ki- Warembori k- | kV- am- | amV- m- | mV- t- | tV- pSHWNG *t- *am- *m- *si- Table 2: SHWNG plural subject markers.