KAWAI, K., TERADA, R. and KUWAHARA, S. (eds): The Islands of Kagoshima Kagoshima University Research Center for the Pacific Islands, 15 March 2013 Chapter 3 Amami Island Religion - Historical Dynamics of the Islanders’ Spirit - Megumi TAKARABE and Akira NISHIMURA 1. Introduction into “aman’yu” (Amami period),” “aji’yu” (Lords enerally speaking, Japan’s indigenous Shinto period), “nahan’yu” (Ryukyu kingdom period), Gand exogenous Buddhism represent the ma- “yamaton’yu” (Shimadzu controlling period) and jority religions in Japan. These religions have been “america’yu” (American controlling period). Re- recognized as the spiritual pillars of the Japanese. cords are only available from the Naha period on- When compared with the history of religion in Ja- wards and it was the Ryukyu-dominated Amami Is- pan, “Amami Island religion” can be considered lands that welcomed the first unified regime. There unique for its history as well as for its distant loca- are two theories concerning this period, one that it tion from mainland Japan. This is because the reli- began in 1266 (SAKAGUCHI 1921, NOBORI 1949) and gious culture which has existed in various parts of one that it began in 1440 (Richo Jitsuroku). The the Amami Islands comprise a long-standing spiri- latter theory is currently the prevailing view. Ac- tual pillar of the islanders. In other words, the Ama- cordingly, the Amami Islands in the Naha period mi Islands have enjoyed a religious culture of the are said to have lasted for approximately 170 years Ryukyu legacy rather than that of mainland Japan. from 1440 to 1609. This religious culture informs the spiritual base of During the Naha period and the reign of the the Amami Islands today. For Amami islanders, second king SHO Shin (1477-1526) in particular, Buddhism, of course, and even Japan’s indigenous a centralized governance structure was estab- Shinto are nothing more than exogenous religions lished by the king whereby administrative officials introduced from mainland Japan. “ufuya” were dispatched from Naha and given In light of the above, this paper divides the reli- responsibility over the islands. “Noro” were se- gious history of the Amami Islands into early mod- lected to govern the appointment of the king and ern and modern eras. Whereas the early modern era to control all religious services in each settlement. consists of the “Ryukyu legacy religious culture The wives, daughters or sisters of the ufuya were period” and the “Satsuma legacy Buddhism intro- appointed as noro, with each generation of noro duction period,” the modern era entails the “exog- traveling to Naha to receive a “diploma (letter enous religion introduction and missionary period” of appointment).” Kikoe-Ogimi, the sister of the and the “present Amami Island religion.” Finally, Ryukyu king, reigned as the chief priestess of the this paper describes the ways in which people be- noro group scattered around the dynasty. lieved these religions, including the “religion of the This “noro belief” can be traced back to the tra- Amami Islands and its characteristics” in light of ditional “onari-gami belief” of the Ryukyu / Ama- this historical background. mi region. In other words, at some stage the onari- gami belief that sisters spiritually protect brothers 2. Amami Island religion in the early mod- transformed into an explicit political view more ern era suited to the age, namely, the noro belief that noro 2.1. Ryukyu legacy religious culture and noro would govern settlements and the country. Given belief this background, King SHO Shin’s clever, even ma- great deal of literature dealing with the his- nipulative, policy took advantage of the nature of Atory of the Amami Islands divides its history the islanders, notably their susceptibility to the au- 14 The Islands of Kagoshima thority of god and superstition; such a policy can be existed as well as female yuta; further, one can be- recalled in the legend of the fleeing Heike warrior come a yuta after studying the manners of rituals, of the 12th century. Regardless of what the Ryukyu such as praying and chanting the invocatory verses, king may have said or done, however, the point is under a master yuta for about three years according that the noro also spoke with the words and the au- to her or his ability (YAMASHITA 1977, 1982). thority of the king, where people are said to have A relationship between yuta and noro is also worshipped noro as they would the Ryukyu king. observed in old literature that describes yuta sit- The national centralized divine right system ting below noro during noro rituals. However, the utilizing noro in this way lasted for almost 140 period in which both yuta and noro were involved years and widely spread to all parts of the Amami in such rituals is unclear (ibid.). In contrast to noro Islands, not only to the Ryukyu kingdom. Noro who single-handedly seized control of settlement single-handedly seized control of religious services rituals and politics, yuta only dealt with personal as well as exercised political control through ag- problems and played the role of a so-called popular ricultural work and the collection of annual taxes religious person who summoned the spirits of the in settlements across various parts of the Amami dead and performed divination and exorcism. As Islands. They also received top sitting positions. As such, the religious functions sought from noro and the basis of a theocracy, the noro became deeply yuta were completely different. Nevertheless, they involved in all aspects of the lives of islanders. fostered the religious and spiritual unification of That is, islanders offered their rice and wine to noro individuals and entire settlements during the Naha and sought instruction in all aspects of life such as period. sowing, harvesting and childbirth. The noro wore The Ryukyu legacy of the noro and yuta be- white-sleeved dresses and were adorned with gold liefs, as illustrated in the noro theocracy and in hair ornaments. Their clothing was comparable to the traditional magic of the yuta, are said to have those of powerful families and was admired by formed the basis of Amami culture. However, upon commoners and their daughters (Nazeshi-shi Hens- entering the era of direct Satsuma clan control and huiinkai 1983a). In addition, even the wives of the particularly after their introduction of the brown highest-ranked officers were ranked below noro in sugar planting and purchase system in 1859 (An- the events presided over by noro (ibid.). sei 6), noro and yuta began to become the target of oppression from the clan. This is because the noro 2.2. Ryukyu legacy religious culture and Yuta had claimed the island forests and wilderness as belief “kamiyama (god’s mountain)” and had forbidden Comparably, the yuta (shaman) were introduced to land clearing by individuals without permission. Amami Islands from Ryukyu during the Naha pe- In response, the clan, who envisaged increasing the riod. As mentioned previously, the wives, daugh- sugar cane cultivation of various areas, considered ters or sisters of administrative officials were ap- the presence of noro and yuta as a significant inter- pointed as noro during the rule of King SHO Shin ference to agricultural development (ibid.). and were succeeded by next-generation females in Oppression continued intermittently in the the same family line or by female relatives. Yuta, on modern era where noro and yuta were considered the other hand, are individuals who suddenly devel- as harmful age-old folk beliefs and superstition. oped an abnormal mental state (although there were Noro barely escaped this oppression and contin- differences in the degree of abnormality between ued to exist for a period after the Second World individual yuta) as a result of what was determined War. However, the succession among and between to be divine possession. It was unpredictable who women ceased; their existence as a theocracy even- would be possessed by god and when and where tually died out. Yuta, however, remained behind the this possession would occur. The period from scenes and escaped oppression. Today, new yuta which yuta appeared in Ryukyu and Amami soci- have appeared, with some yuta carrying out their ety is not clear. Incidentally, male yuta also have activities in the islands. Clients now visit the yuta 15 Kagoshima University Research Center for the Pacific Islands to ask about the fortunes of their family members in completely unrelated to the people of Amami. Nor the new year. Others seek the yuta to discuss their can the presence of Buddhist practices amongst the worries about life and health conditions. In each common people over a long period of time simply case, clients usually offer the yuta money, bags of be devalued as a lesser religion. For example, folk salt, and small bottles of kokuto shochu (sugarcane customs roughly comparable to Buddhist practic- distilled spirit). es remain in their own form. The mainland-style tomb system found in old existing tombs and the 2.3. Satsuma legacy Buddhism introduction islanders’ Buddhist practices observed in their daily period rituals are evidence of such customs. For example, Following Ryukyu rule, the Amami islands were these rituals include the worshipping of memorial subject to direct control of the Satsuma clan for ap- tablets on Buddhist altars, the burning of incense proximately 260 years from 1609 (Keicho 14) to and the speaking of the Buddhist languages, “Ho- 1871 (Meiji 4), heralding the Yamato period. The hji” (Buddhist memorial service) and “Tattchu” (a Satsuma clan immediately introduced Zen Bud- minor temple in the site of main temple). These dhism to the Amami Islands, marking the intro- Buddhist practices can be understood as having duction of Buddhism to the people of the Amami been actively incorporated, first, by island officials Islands.