'UNVEILING' CANADIAN AID AND MILITARY INTERVENTIONS IN AFGHANISTAN: POLITICIZED REPRESENTATIONS OF AFGHAN WOMEN by Alison Kekewich Submitted in partial fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts at Dalhousie University Halifax, Nova Scotia May 2010 © Copyright by Alison Kekewich, 2010 Library and Archives Biblioth6que et 1*1 Canada Archives Canada Published Heritage Direction du Branch Patrimoine de l'6dition 395 Wellington Street 395, rue Wellington Ottawa ON K1A 0N4 Ottawa ON K1A 0N4 Canada Canada Your file Votre reference ISBN: 978-0-494-69839-6 Our file Notre reference ISBN: 978-0-494-69839-6 NOTICE: AVIS: The author has granted a non- L'auteur a accorde une licence non exclusive exclusive license allowing Library and permettant a la Bibliotheque et Archives Archives Canada to reproduce, Canada de reproduire, publier, archiver, publish, archive, preserve, conserve, sauvegarder, conserver, transmettre au public communicate to the public by par telecommunication ou par I'lnternet, preter, telecommunication or on the Internet, distribuer et vendre des theses partout dans le loan, distribute and sell theses monde, a des fins commerciales ou autres, sur worldwide, for commercial or non- support microforme, papier, electronique et/ou commercial purposes, in microform, autres formats. paper, electronic and/or any other formats. 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The Reality Of War 17 2.5 Conclusion: Challenging Gendered Oppression 20 Chapter 3: Theoretical Framework And Research Methodology 22 3.1 Introduction: Negotiating Discourses Of Difference 22 3.2 Postmodernism 23 3.3 Postcolonialism 27 3.4 Tensions Between The 'Posts' 29 3.5 Feminism: Bridging The Divide 36 3.6 Research Methodology 48 3.7 Conclusion: An Integrated Approach 52 iv Chapter 4: 'Unveiling' Representations Of Afghan Women In Canadian Newspapers 54 4.1 Introduction: The Media - An Instrument Of War 54 4.2 Gender And The News 57 4.3 The Problem Of Progress 60 4.4 Victimized Afghan Women: Agency Denied 63 4.5 Veiled Afghan Women 66 4.6 Outliers 68 4.7 Conclusion: (Re)producing The 'Other' In Canadian newspapers 71 Chapter 5: Interrogating (Re)Productions Of The 'Other' In Canadian Non Governmental Aid Discourses 74 5.1 Introduction: Parallel Discourses 74 5.2 Contextualizing RAWA 76 5.3 Contextualizing CW4WAfghan, CASC, And The FMF 80 5.4 Oppositional Discourses Of'Liberation' And 'Oppression' 88 5.5 Cultural Relativism 92 5.6 (Re)producing The 'Other' In The Discourse Of CW4WAfghan And CASC 96 5.7 Conclusion: Orientalist Feminism 101 Chapter 6: Conclusion 105 6.1 Next Steps 108 References 109 v Abstract Since the events of September 11th 2001 and the resulting US led 'War on Terror,' the position of women in nations associated with 'Islamic fundamentalism' has attracted sustained attention in the global North. In fact, women have become central to debates in 'Western' popular culture and policy circles over the nature of Islam and the 'War on Terror.' This research demonstrates that the Canadian government, mainstream media and Non-Governmental Organizations, in particular Canadian Women For Women In Afghanistan and Canada-Afghanistan Solidarity Committee, have strategically utilized women's rights rhetoric post 9/11. Furthermore, it argues that this gendered discourse along with politicized representations of Afghan women influenced, and potentially justified, CIDA policy shifts and massive injections of aid into Afghanistan and worked to garner support in Canada for the military intervention. It also explores how the Canadian 'war story' supports the image of Canada as 'rescuer,' sustaining national mythologies of peacekeeping or peace-creating, tolerance, and multiculturalism through an Orientalist discourse that often frames women in Afghanistan as 'traditional' and 'oppressed' victims and Afghan men as uncivilized aggressors. Ultimately, this thesis aims to highlight the utility of feminist, postmodern, and postcolonial approaches to a critical analysis of national foreign, aid, and defence policies. vi List Of Abbreviations Used CASC Canada-Afghanistan Solidarity Committee CIDA Canadian International Development Agency CW4WAfghan Canadian Women for Women in Afghanistan FMF Feminist Majority Foundation NATO North Atlantic Treaty Organization NGO Non-Governmental Organization RAWA Revolutionary Association of the Women of Afghanistan UN United Nations US United States (of America) 9/11 September 11, 2001 (the events of) vii Acknowledgements I am deeply grateful for the unwavering support of my family and friends, notably Greg Nasmith, Beth Hayward, Sam Wang, and Jane Kirby for talking me through the most difficult of questions and doubts while providing invaluable support and editorial insights. I am further indebted to my committee - David Black, Theresa Ulicki and Jane Parpart, for guiding this research and encouraging me to produce my best work. I would also like to thank the dedicated faculty and staff of the International Development Studies Department. Lastly, I am greatly appreciative of the Social Sciences and Humanities Council of Canada for funding this research. viii Chapter 1: Introduction 1.1 Rationale & Research Statement Sedef Arat-Koc argues that Canadian identity has been reshaped after the events of September 11, 2001 (9/11). She suggests that this reconfiguration has led to "a re- whitening of Canadian identity" in order to situate Canada squarely within 'Western Civilization' and therefore on the 'right' side of the 'clash of civilizations' (2005, 32). Arat-Koc postulates that the 'clash of civilizations' rhetoric permeating government, media, and aid discourses is central because several governments in the global North "quickly interpreted the object of the [9/11] attack as 'Western civilization' and its values of freedom and democracy" (2005, 34). A number of scholars suggest that Canada's ties with America was one of the most influential factors determining Canada's preliminary military decisions in 2001, and again when Stephen Harper took office in 2006 (see Laxer 2008; Stein and Lang 2007). Indeed, in his first speech to the House of Commons as Leader of the Opposition in May 2002, Prime Minister Harper, then Leader of the Canadian Alliance, argued: ...Mature and intelligent Canadian leaders must share the following perspective: the United States is our closest neighbour, our best ally, our biggest customer and our consistent friend...Not only does the United States have this special relationship to us, it is the world leader when it comes to freedom and democracy... If the United States prospers, we prosper. If the United States hurts or is angry, we will be hurt. If it is ever broadly attacked, we will surely be destroyed (In Laxer 2008, 137). Whatever the actual motivations for war - Canada-US relations, control over energy (oil) resources (Foster 2009), a struggle to stem poppy cultivation, and therefore heroin and opium production (Laxer 2008) - the Canadian government has focused on the 'clash of civilizations' rhetoric identified by Arat-Koc and others, an emotional 1 discourse of extremes, as well as themes of rescue and benevolence that complement widely held understandings of national identity. For example, John Manley, acting as Foreign Affairs Minister, stated the day after 9/11, "Canada has soldiers that are buried all over Europe because we fought in the defence of liberty and we're not about to back away from a challenge now because we think somebody might get hurt" (In Stein and Lang 2007, 1). More recently, Canadian Immigration Minister Jason Kenney articulated Canadian policy using the 'clash of civilizations' framework. In discussing Canada's support of Israel, Kenny explained, "the existential threat faced by Israel on a daily basis is ultimately a threat to the broader Western civilization" (Kenny in Salutin 2010). The binaries (re)constituted in Canada, between 'Western'