III. TRANSLATION (1:1a) Hayashi Dōshun once published An Inquiry into the Shrines of Our Country in three fascicles.1 To [this text] he added passages related to Buddhism, which he had collected [from his sources]. Things that did not suit him, he discussed on the basis of his own private insights,2 maligning [Buddhism] to his heart's content, and going to the depth of his poisonous envy. He did nothing but revile the splendid achievements3 of the Sages and thus led astray the foolish feelings of ordinary people. Anyone who is amongst the followers of the [Buddha] cannot but be deeply pained when he sees this. This being the case, a man who had great talents,4 a mature judgment,5 and a reputation [to maintain] in the world6 would have been circumspect and scrupulous on many points, and would not have discussed [these matters] lightly. For several decades this book has spread unchecked throughout the realm. (1:1b) Quite frequently uneducated Shinto priests have used it to engage in empty speculation7 and to destroy ancient [arrangements]. Stupid laymen, avid for novelties, have leapt at these heterodox [notions] and lost the truth. 1 Honchō jinja kō had been published by 1659. In the list he compiled of his father's published works (Henchoshomoku, dated Manji 2/12/14), Hayashi Gahō mentions a Jinja-kō, in 3 fascicles, and adds "recently published." (Razan-sensei shishū vol. 2, appendix 4, p. 63a). The book itself has no dated prefaces or postfaces, and only two of the many, many printed copies listed in the Nihon kotenseki sōgō mokuroku Database of Kokubunken apparently carry a colophon that specifies publishers and dates. One seems to have been published in Shōhō 2 (1645) by Tahara Jinzaemon 田原仁左衛門, and the other between Kan'ei 15 (1638) and Shōhō 2 by one Kamimura Jirōemon 上村次郎右衛門, both in Kyoto. The book must have been reprinted, but no dates are available. There are a number of modern editions. All references are to the edition in the series Nihon shisō tōsō shiryo vol. 1. 2 Razan writes: "When, occasionally, there are passages that have to do with the Buddhists, then I add them, but lowered by one character in order not to confuse the readers. And, moreover, when discussing [these things], I do it according to my ow n insights, and also add [my comments] to the same [text]." See above, the translation of the preface, and Nihon Shisō Tōsō Shiryō vol. 1, p. 366. 3 For the meaning of huilie 徽烈 ("splendid achievements") see Mor. IV: 10267-49. 4 The compound 谹才 is not attested, but 宏才 is, and 谹 is listed as a regular itaiji of 宏; see Mor. III: 7086 s.v., and ibid., 7086-27). 5 The compound 老度 is not attested in any of the dictionaries. Our translation is based on the meaning of the two individual characters: "old" and "to measure, to plot." 6 For 命世 see Mor. II: 3473-49. In one of the loci quoted there, the phrase 命世之 宏才appears. 7 A literal rendering of 課虚 would be "measuring the void." As explained in KakikuDashi, note 2, the reading of this passage is problematic; hence, the translation is provisional. 2 [Now,] my status is as low as that of a dog or a horse8 and my talents are [as useless] as those of a summer insect.9 I have many shortcomings and I have hidden myself in a cabin10 by a mountain stream. What breath I have left I dedicate to meditation and recitation.11 By nature I am clumsy with words and with the brush, but my companions [want to] do something [about this book] and have forced me to compose the present volume. I fear and am ashamed of the fact that, whatever I may see through my tiny tube12 will fail to be complete and comprehensive. It may truly be a case of "trying to stop the fire by bringing the kindling."13 [I might make things worse.] A day in the middle month of spring, 6th year of Shōtoku, Year of the Monkey14 Jakuhon of the Unsekidō wrote this. 8 Dogs and horses are used by others and subservient to man. In the context of this metaphor, mi could be interpreted as "status" (mibun). 9 The idea is that summer insects are short-lived. They do not know the winter's ice, and this makes them unfit for understanding worldly events. We owe this insight to Zhuangzi; see Mor. III: 5720-205. 10 Ka means "shelf, ledge, beam," but the meaning neDoko is also attested; see Mor. VI: 14586 s.v. 11 A compound 禅誦 is not attested. On the other hand, little breath is needed for meditation, so one might consider the translation"meditative recitation." 12 This is a metaphor for "little learning." 13 The proverb appears at several places in the classic corpus. See Quotations in Mor. V: 13221-21 (kyūka 救火, with references to Mengzi 6A18: "... is like trying to save a cartload of kindling with one cup of water."), Mor. V: 11917-71 (hōshin 抱薪, with a reference to Huainanzi), and Mor. IX: 32149-51, where the proverb is explained as "to sacrifice yourself, trying to prevent a disaster," and "to make a disaster bigger while trying to prevent it" (reference to Zhanguoce: Wei ce). "Adding fuel to the flames," would be the European eQuivalent. 14 Shōtoku 6 corresponds to 1716. In the sixth month of that year the era name was changed to Kyōhō. 3 Discussing the Doubts regarDing An Inquiry into the Shrines of Our Country (1:2a) First Fascicle In the Preface of An Inquiry into the Shrines [Dōshun] says: "Our country is the country of the gods. Since Emperor Jinmu15 the Royal Way thereupon expanded. In the Middle Ages, [the Royal Way] gradually dwindled, and the Buddhists, availing themselves of the opportunity, introduced the Law of those western regions, [thus] changing the customs of our eastern land. As the Royal Way had already decayed, the Way of the Gods, too, gradually fell into disuse." I criticize this as follows: "When one considers this carefully, our country lay waste16 for a long time, from the Age of the Gods until [well into] the Age of Man. Its territory lay isolated in the Eastern Sea; its customs were the same for all.17 The gods of heaven and earth were subtle and effective, and the inhabitants were sincere and obedient. When we come to the reign of Emperor Ōjin,18 Confucianism arrived from Paekche; for the first time in our history, we were informed of the customs of a strange country. Thereupon, we knew the concepts of Benevolence and Righteousness. After three hundred years and some had gone by, (1:2b) under the reign of Emperor Kinmei,19 by way of tribute Paekche sent a Buddha statue, sutra and śāstra. Although at this time it happened that such benighted traditionalists 20 as Mononobe no Okoshi (dates unknown) and Nakatomi no Kamako (dates unknown) were suspicious of [the Buddha statue] and rejected it, [the emperor] gave it to Soga no Iname (d. 570), [who] revered it. Eventually, Prince Toyotomimi 21 greatly advanced the whole country 22 and 15 Jinmu's traditional dates are 711-660-585 B.C. 16 荒洪 is defined as "completely wild and extensive"; see Mor. IX: 30953-77. The same characters in the inverse order are used in Qianziwen to describe the cosmos in its initial phase: "boundless and without order"; see Mor. VI: 17402-61. 17 For 異道 see Mor. VII: 21886-187. 18 Ōjin's traditional dates are 200-270-310. 19 Kinmei's dates are 509-539-571. 20 The compound 愚執 is not attested. The meaning of the first character is clear; the second we interpret in the sense of 執着 (shūjaku), as "clinging to, obsessed by." 21 Toyotomimi ('he with the abundantly acute ears") is one of the names of Shōtoku-taishi. 22 It says "raised the country's borders," but the intention will be "all within the borders." We have translated accordingly. 4 turned to [the Buddha's] way.23 Medicines that cure diseases are not the product of one's own village, and something rare and marvellous originates from a strange and distant land. Things may have come into being in a different region, and yet their efficacy24 will not be lost. A Way may have come from a strange clime, and yet its transformations are immediate. The Way of the Sages knows no partiality, and nothing falls outside [the scope of] its divine transformations. Why does [Dōshun insist on] speaking of the western heaven and the eastern region, and about the differences in laws and customs? If he dislikes teachings from a different region, then he should not [want to] practise the teachings of Benevolence and Righteousness in our country. After all, Confucianism came (1:3a) earlier and [was the first to] change our country. Why does he not think of that himself? When he says that, 'As the Royal Way had already decayed, the Way of the Gods, too, gradually fell into disuse,' well, I do not think this [to be the case at all]. I have heard that the Way of the Holy Ones is completely good [and that there is no particle of evil in it]. What does he think the Buddha's teaching is? In its first stage, it guides man by means of the Five Precepts and the Ten Good Deeds.25 The Buddha does not incite [man to do] evil. Within broad outlines, [man should obey] the correct Laws and in this way respect public order.