THE PURISTIC MOVEMENT IN SINHALESE (1922-1970) Arabala Kodi tuwaklcug© Gunasena Thesis Submitted lor the Degree Doctor of* Philosophy in the University of* London 1976 ProQuest Number: 10672651 All rights reserved INFORMATION TO ALL USERS The quality of this reproduction is dependent upon the quality of the copy submitted. In the unlikely event that the author did not send a com plete manuscript and there are missing pages, these will be noted. Also, if material had to be removed, a note will indicate the deletion. uest ProQuest 10672651 Published by ProQuest LLC(2017). Copyright of the Dissertation is held by the Author. All rights reserved. This work is protected against unauthorized copying under Title 17, United States C ode Microform Edition © ProQuest LLC. ProQuest LLC. 789 East Eisenhower Parkway P.O. Box 1346 Ann Arbor, Ml 48106- 1346 ABSTRACT The present study Is an attempt to examine critically the Sinhalese puristic movement extending from the 1920's to 1970 » which was inaugurated by Munidasa Kumaratunga and had as its objective the resuscitation in its wholeness of* the framework of classical Sinhalese grammar and style. A brief dis­ cussion of the nature of Sinhalese diglossia with occasional relevant reference to other diglossic situations is included in chapter I both to illus­ trate the general character of Sinhalese and to show how it could b© conducive to the rise and continuance of puristic endeavour. The same chapter also presents a thumbnail sketch of the history of Sinhalese in order to establish the historical origins of the dichotomy existing between written and spoken Sinha­ lese. The second chapter discusses the historical and linguistic background from the end of the fif­ teenth century which brings to an end the classical period of Sinhalese writing, and which the modern purists regarded as incepting a period of linguistic decadence. The first beginnings of puristic reviva­ lism can be seen in the latter half of the eighteenth century and much of the nineteenth century with their nativistic tendency. These are dealt with in chapter Ill, Chapter IV Is devoted to discussing the emer­ gence of Kumaratunga, his linguistic objectives and the inception of his Hefa Havula (Pure Sinhalese Fraternity). The fraternity’s conception of lang­ uage and its proper development together with its definition of grammar and correctness are taken into consideration in chapter V. Chapter VI is an ana­ lysis of the grammatical works of the movement which were designed to teach the Helese doctrine of per­ fection. The activities of the followers of Kumara­ tunga and their zealous endeavour to propagate his linguistic credo are dealt with in chapter VII, The final chapter discusses, firstly, the recent attempt of the Hefa Havula to obtain authoritative recogni­ tion of its special linguistic features by using governmental backing to get them introduced into the state—sponsored Standard Sinhalese Grammar and the series of Sinhalese school text books. Secondly, it discusses the causes which led to the decline and of dying out/the Hela movement. Two appendices are Included to illustrate some of the points discussed. ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS I should like to thank Mr. C. H. B. Reynolds under whose supervision this work was undertaken, for the meticulous care with which he examined it and for the very valuable criticism which did much to improve its quality. He was always unsparing of his time and ever ready with helpful advice. I owe it to his gene­ rous exertions on my behalf that I was able to obtain a place at the School of Oriental and African Studies to begin my research and to continue it through many and unforeseen difficulties. To Mr. Reynolds there­ for© I remain deeply indebted. Thanks are also due to Dr. M, W, Sugathapala De Silva who first introduced me to the study of linguistics and was largely instrumental in obtaining an opportunity for me to prosecute my research studies in England, X am deeply grateful for his unfailing kindness, when kindness was needed, and for the advice and great encouragement he was able to give me to proceed in my work. I should also like to express my sincere thanks and gratitude to Professors E, R. Sarachchandra and K, W, Goonewardena for their advice and encourage­ ment . To my friends in Sri Lanka, Dr. G. D, Wijaya- wardhana and Mr. G, M. D. Fernando 1 owe a deep debt of gratitude for the alacrity with which they supplied me regularly with the books and periodicals 1 could not obtain here. Dr. P. V. Premaratne was able to give me much valuable help in discussion. I should like to thank him most sincerely. Finally, to my wife Sujata who, while engaging in similar academic research, obtained for me release from the pressures of every problematic circumstance and the leisure and peace of mind without which study would be impossible, as well as for the great strength and Inspiration she always gave me X offer my most heartfelt thanks. Words cannot express the sum of all I owe to her, and my deepest gratitude must always remain unsaid. 6 TABLE OF CONTENTS Abstract 2-3 Acknowledgements 4-5 Chapter I Introduction; Diglossia The 8—52 Situation in Sinhalese Chapter II The Historical and Linguistic 53-75 Background (1500-1770) Chapter III The First Beginnings of 76-102 Purism Chapter IV Kumaratunga, the Inception 103-139 of his Hela Havula and its Activities Chapter V Linguistic Philosophy of 140-177 the Hela Havula Chapter VI Grammatical Works of the 178-251 Hela Havula Chapter VII The Hela Movement after 252-282 Kumaratunga Chapter VIII Recent Phases of the Helaa 283-356 Movement 7 Conclusion 357-362 Appendix I Some Examples of the Alterations 363—378 made in the Editions of Sinhalese Classics by the Hela Havula Appendix XI The Editions of the Sidat Sang a-- 379-382 nava and the Sinhalese Grammars written up to 1935 Bibliography 383-405 8 CHAPTER I INTRODUCTION DIGLOSSIA: THE SITUATION IN SINHALESE All languages with a fairly long history of (written) literature display some differences between the literary and spoken varieties with regard to phono­ logy, morphology and, sometimes, syntax. In a literate society, especially in one that is educated to a know­ ledge and an appreciation of the writings of the past, the written and the spoken language may develop at different rates and may come to diverge from one another considerably in vocabulary and grammar. The longer the period during which a language has been committed to writing (and used for literary activities) the greater may be the discrepancy between the two registers. Languages of these characteristics are parti­ cularly vulnerable to puristic endeavours. The reasons for this are obvious. Firstly, written records have a comparatively greater degree of permanence and subse­ quent writers tend to look upon them as models of 9 excellence, particularly in the idiom and style. Being tangible records which are available for such reference, written works have a tendency to impose restrictions on the normal linguistic evolution that takes place in any speech community. In languages which possess a lengthy literary tradition, therefore, it is possible to discern some cleavage between the language of literature and the spoken language of the people in question. The types of cleavages that can arise with the advent of the lite- rary activity have been classified by M.W, Sugathapala De Silva in 1967 and more fully in 1975#^ In order to establish the place that Sinhalese oocupies among languages which are characterized by such cleavages, it is pertinent to give here a brief summary of De Silva's thesis. From the point of view of the relationship that obtains between spoken and written languages, he makes a five-fold classification to which he has given the following names: (i) congruent type, (ii) restricted standard type, (iii) inter-regional standard type, (lv) graphic standard type and (v) divergent 1# M. ¥. Sugathapala De Silva, 'Effects of Purism on the Evolution of the Written Language: Case History of the Situation in Sinhalese', Linguistics 36 (1967), pp. 5-17? 'Problems of Literacy in Diglossic Communi­ ties ', Literacy Discussion: UNESCO Special Number in Mother-tongue Literacy (forthcoming). 1 o type. Being the product of writing for the first time what he calls congruent relationship naturally implies the absence of a literary tradition and therefore this particular type need not detain us here. In the course of time the written language either in its grammar and style or in its manner of graphical representation of sound or in both may correspond to the linguistic habits obtaining in a particular part of the wider linguistic community, in which case the relationship may be called a restricted standard type; or it may correspond to a neutral standard speech equally shared by all educated speakers in which case the relationship might reflect an inter-regional standard. In the case of Chinese where the written language is capable of representing, because of its non-phonetic character of representa­ tion, all forms of speech regardless of their phonetic 1. Arabic is a good example. The grammar of written Arabic is different from the grammar of every single regional variety of Arabic, but the grammar of the written language is used for inter-communication by people belonging to different regions, and it is also used in radio newscasting etc. communicated to a number of areas at one time ( For details see, C. A. Ferguson, ’Diglossia*} Word, vol. 15 (1959), pp. 3 2 5 - 3 ^ 0 % reprinted in Language in Social Context, ed. Pier Paolo Giglioli, 1972, pp. 232-251? see also Peter Trudgill, Soclo1inguisties, 197^* PP» 118- 120 ). 11 differences, the relationship would be of a graphic i standard type.