Pý )3 . VENGEANCE AND THE C ý USAIlDES 1095-1216 SusannaA. Throop Trinity Hall 1 September2005 , ý.. 1 Y UF., ,: LIýRýýnY This dissertationis submittedfor the degreeof Doctor of Philosophy. i TABLE OF CONTENTS Declaration of length and originality, Abstract iv Abbreviations V Introduction I Chapter 1: Sources and methodology 6 Vengeance in other relevant disciplines 6 Vengeance in the Middle Ages 19 The idea of crusadingas vengeance 22 Methodology 27 Primary sources 29 1QQ5m1137 29 1138m119i 32 1198-1216 39 Chapter 2: The meaningof vindicta, upd®and venjance 43 Vengeanceand justice 44 Vengeance, power and emotion s® Vengeance and religion 61 Ethnicity, gender and vengeance 68 Summary 70 Chapter 3: Zealnvengeance and the crusades 72 Evidence 72 Analysisand argument 78 Christian love and righteous anger 78 Emotion and action 83 Summary 95 H Fart H 98 Chapter 4: The idea of crusadingas vengeance,1095-1 137 98 Evidence 98 Analysis and argument 105 God°s vengeanceon the unfaithful 106 Milftxy obligation and social relationships Anti-Jewish sentiment 117 Summary 123 Chapter 5: The idea of crusading as vengeance, 1138-1197 125 Evidence 125 Analysis and argument 136 God's vengeance, papal power andanG the nature of; ls&vntc injuries 138 Cruciftion and crusade 147 Identity andhierarchy 156 Summary 163 Chapter 6: The idea of crusadingas vengeance,1198-1216 165 Evidence 165 Analysis and argument 175 Christian unity 175 Judaism, Islam, heresyand the crucifixion 181 Friendship and vengeance Is5 S 188 Conclusion 189 Appendix:A Crusading ideology and literature 194 iblio iziraphy 197 Sources 197 Secondary literature 202 ifi DECLARATION OF LENGTH AND, 0 ýI ýýýITY This dissertationdoes not exceed8®n®00., words in length, including mºmpendices and excluding footpn®tes. This dissertationis the result of my own work and includesnothing that is the outcome of work done in collaborationexcept where indicated,in the text. SusamaA. Thr®®p IV ABSTRACT Through textual analysisof specific medievalvocabulary it hasbeen possible to clarify the courseof the concept of vengeancein generalas well as the more specific idea of crusading act of vengeance.The conceptof vengeancewas intimately connectedwith the ideas®fjustIlce and punishment. It was perceivedas an expressionof power,m embeddedin a seriesof commonly understoodemotional resoc nses,and also as a value systemcompatible with Christianity. There was furthermore a strong fink betweenreligious zeal, righteous anger,and the vocabularyof vengeance. The idea of crusading as an act of vengeance largely originated in the aftermath of the First Crusade,as contemporariesstruggled to assigninterpretation and meaningto its success. Three themesin early twelfth-century sourcespromoted the idea of crusadingas vengeance: divine vengeanceon the unnfaithfnd,a connectionbetween crusading and anti-Jewishsentiment, and the social obligation to provide vengeancefor kith and kin indicatedby the key vocabularyof auzilfurrr and car°ftas,. The idea of crusadingas an act of vengeanceexpanded noticeably through the later twelfth century. This correspondedsubstantially with increasingpapal power, theories of material coercion, and a broad definition of the injuries comn-dttedby Muslims. The social obligation to provide vengeancewas still expressedin familial terms but also was linked increasinglywith lordship relations. The texts strongly downplayedthe distinction betweenJews and Muslims in a numberof ways centring around the crucifixion of Christ, and in so doing contributed to the ideology of crusadingas vengeance. In sourcesfrom the early thirteenth century, particularly papal correspondence,the idea of crusadingas an act of vengeancewas applied to a variety of crusadingexpeditions. Analysis Of the idea demonstratesa strong emphasison Christian unity and also the continuedcontribution of notions of social obligation. The sourcescontinued to blur the distinctionsbetween Jews, Muslims and heretics,again using as a binding event the cruciffidon of Christ. By the early thirteenth century, the vocabularyof vengeancewas an establishedpart of crusadingrhetoric. V AB 0lp REVIA°II'I®NS Quellen DeutschenGeschichte des Nfittelalters .ýQDGM, AausSevAhIte zur CCCMIcccml Corpus Christianorum,C@BntnauuatIl® Mediaevalis CI-IF Les classiquesde I'hist®ire de Franceau moyen 1ge CRMCFM Les classiquesffrsnngans du moyen ige DHC Documentsrelatn i I'hist®ire des cr®nsades ýGHSSýGHSS MonumentaGermaniae Historica, SeriesScriptores OFCC The Old French CrusadeCycle PL PatP®Il®gia,Latina RS Rerum BrittanicaaQaummedfi aevi scriptores RIrLC®ceRHC®ce Recueddes Historiens des Croisades,If`nst®rienns Occidentaux RIIGFRH,GF Recueffdes Historiens des Gauleset de la France SBQSBEZ S. Bernardi Opera Omniz MF Textes Lntt6PSSresFnannos I IN`M@IIDUC`II'I®N Why did peoplein the twelfth century go on crusade? How did they justify the crusadi movementto themselves?The late twelfth-century Old French epic La C8ýý dAaadocBae suggeststhe answeris vengeance.Even within the first forty laissesof the poem, attention was drawn to the First Crusadeas vengeance: but the noble baronswho loved God and held him dear, went to oudremer°in order to avengehis body.' Vengeancewas required by the seizureof 'Christian' lands,the desecrationof the holy places,the abuseof pilgrims and easternChristians, and evenby the crucifixion of Christ. Not only did the narrator of the chansondraw his audience'sattention to the motif of vengeance,but also 0 characterswithin the poem, from Pope Urban 11to the knightim RainaldPorcet, were depicted envisioningthe First Crusadeas vengeance.' Vengeancedrove the ideology of the Chanson d'rntg¢cTe, and also provided its internal narrative momentum,as crusadersin the text sought engagementafter engagementwith Muslims,to avengetheir fallen comrades. Here, then, was an epic poem devoted to the concept of the First Crusadeas an act of vengeance,a strain of ideology little commentedon in crusadehistoriography. Yet a cursory examinationof other texts revealedthat the construction of crusadeas vengeancewas hardly an anomaly. Another chansonde geste,La Venjýýe de 1NostreSeigneur, portrayed the Roman destruction of Jerusalemas revengefor the cn°ancnfnxi®n.Even the acceptedand widely used history by Baldric of Bourgueil, written in the early twelfth century, depictedthe crusadersdriven by the obligation to avengeChrist as a fallen kinsman. Moreover, it could be arguedthat the failure to distinguishbetween Jews and Muslims evident in the ChansondAaýdoche was equally apparentin the slaughterof Jewsby crusaderson their way to the East in flDy il It would be possibleto dismissone piece of evidencelike the C hansomdAen di ocFe as singularand largely irrelevant,as C. Erdmanndid when he describedthe emphasison crusadingas improvisation immature idea vengeanceas `an obvious suggestive of how the of crusade still 1La chanwneaA fflelPOccdct, ed. p. Neflwn, OFCC 4 (7[ie"oeu 2 go3), p. 49. 2ILa cBcanr,wea d ffleaCd®cbce50 and 182. CAM3RlDGE UNi' _,: SITY L&iARY 2 D But althoughthis was clearly not an instanceof a singular,anomalous text, most historians of the crusadeshave not investigated,the presenceof 4 S erneof vengeance,or even acknowledgedit as worth investigating. Two notablean exceptionsare P. Roussetand 1. Rfley- Smith, who havetouched upon it briefly in their careers,concentrating primarily on the secular valuesof military serviceand 'blood feud'.' Thetopic merits a fuller discussion.Although there can be no doubtthat military obligation and notions of family honour contributed to the concept of crusadingvengeance, no one hasyet taken into full account the frequent referencesto the Biblical God of vengeancein crusadenarratives. Moreover, despitea lack of evidence,the generalassumption remains that perceptionsof the crusadeas vengeanceonly flourished amongthe laity at the very beginningof the First Crusade,a vivid exampleof their limited comprehensionof theological subtlety and the generalemotional excitementthat accompaniedthe expeditionsof 1096. ButEb there hasbeen no extensivestudy of the origin and evolution of the ideology to prove this point. In this dissertationI examinethe idea of crusadingas vengeancein crusadingtexts written between 1095 and 1216 and the reIlatnonshipbetween these expressions of vengeanceand broader social context of the twelfth-century crusades. Did the concept of crusadingas vengeancedecrease in popularity as the twelfth century progressed,as is generallyassumed? What constructswere usedto promote the idea of crusadingas vengeancein the textual sources, and how did those constructsrelate to the history of the twelfth century as a whole? To be sure, thesequestions do not deny the relative importanceof the ideasof holy war, PH mageand the other primary ideological themesof crusading. The theme of crusadeas vengeanceis for the most part a thernewritten betweenthe ¢ines,a thernetaken for granted, perriapshe th by med ievý contemporariesof the crusadesand by present-dayhistorians. ' The i" E-rdmann,C., The origin of the idea ®fte°aasaadirag,trans.=M. W. Baldwin and W. Goffart (Princeton 1977), p. 116. 'RousseQ, P., Les origines et descae°czctie°es de daape°eaaaca?re croisade (NleecllnArtellIl945); RHey-Smith, 11.,77 first crusade and the idea ®ffcraoswcdceag (London 1986) and Rfley-Smith, I., Thrnsem violence and the crusades, ' ed. A. S. Abulafm elegd®usviolence between Christians and Jews. medieval roots, modem perspectives 619asi. nngst®ke 2002), DD. 3-ZCb. s, m to the 'consciously present and largely unproblematic' categoriesusually