HEGEMONIC DISCOURSE AND SOURCES OF LEGITIMACY IN CUBA: COMPARING MARIEL (1980) AND THE MALECONAZO (1994) LUKAS PORT, MSc. Thesis submitted to the University of Nottingham for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy JULY 2012 Abstract This research project investigates the sources of legitimacy in hegemonic Cuban discourse, understood to have supported the stability of the Cuban system during crises and challenging times, such as the end of the Cold War and the 1990s Special Period. Evidence was drawn from the Cuban press, namely Granma, Bohemia and Verde Olivo, in two critical periods: the 1980 Mariel episode and the 1994 maleconazo disturbances as two examples before and after 1989 in order to compare the sources of legitimacy and identify continuities and shifts. The two periods represent recent examples of instability, which dominated the attention of the whole nation. The evidence is based on textual examination using discourse analysis as the method of investigation. The research is written in the discipline of political history, with elements taken from cultural studies and political communication. The project is based on the assumption that the sources of legitimacy represented a significant, but not exclusive factor which may have encouraged the population's loyalty by reflecting their attitudes and concerns and channelling them in a particular direction. The discourse also interpreted reality to support the legitimacy of the system. This might have contributed significantly to the stability of the whole system, and its ability to survive the post-1989 transitions experienced in other communist countries. The research examines the content and internal mechanics of the discourse, its assumptions and endogenous references, taking into account the specific context of the single-party communist state in control of the country's media and mass organisations. By suppressing alternative discourses, the system increased the impact of the hegemonic discourse, especially if compared to pluralist political systems. The discourse might have contributed to the continuing loyalty of the population by explicitly and implicitly stressing endogenous sources of legitimacy intelligible to the Cuban audience, reflecting its particular historical experience and political culture. The research investigates the sources of legitimacy traceable in the"discourse, to demonstrate what made it tick internally and why some Cubans might have decided to remain loyal to a system that they perceived as legitimate and defending their interests, attitudes, concerns and identities. Collaterally, the research addresses the topic of migration, which was a main issue during both crises, and the way the perceptions of migration shifted over time in order to protect the legitimacy of the system confronting large outflows of discontented people. The research demonstrates how the system interpreted events in its favour, and how it prioritised different sources of legitimacy, such as independence, patriotism, socialism, material prosperity, social provision, culturalism and the US embargo in order to encourage loyalty. The research takes into account the regional Hispano-Caribbean context, reflecting the identities of the Cuban population in their perceived difference from Anglo-Saxon America and its socio-political model. The research looks in more detail at the key sources of legitimacy during the challenging 1990s when the system was near a possible collapse. The research enhances our understanding of how the sources of legitimacy shifted over time to reflect new realities and to support the system. The research sheds further light on the system and the structure of the system's endogenous ideology in a post-structuralist sense, stressing the role of language and the complex and extended definition of ideology. For this reason it takes into account Cuban semantics, linguistics and endogenous meaning of words and concepts. The existing academic literature focuses on explaining the stability of the system before and after 1989 by analysing Cuban history, institutions, culture, international relations and other aspects, but there is insufficient focus on legitimacy, politics and media addressed to the population as a possible factor in the system's stability. It does not investigate sources of legitimacy in relation to the content and internal mechanics of the discourse constructed to appeal to Cubans. This research answers these questions and thus enhances our understanding of the system. The research provides one possible answer to the question of how the system might have maintained stability, what sources oflegitimacy it argued for, how it argued for them and how it interpreted current issues to encourage loyalty. It demonstrates how the system interpreted migration to cancel its potentially destabilising impact, and how it shifted the interpretations of the sources of legitimacy over time, especially in relation to the different global context before and after 1989. Acknowledgements With sincere thanks to my parents, my wife and the staff and colleagues at The University of Nottingham. List of Contents Part I: Setting the Context Chapter 1 1.1. Introduction 2 1.2. Interpretations of the Cuban System since the 1960s 6 .:. Interpretations of the First Two Decades of the Revolution (p.6) .:. Interpretations of the 1980s and 1990s: Collapse of the Socialist Bloc (p. 15) .:. Charismatic Leadership of Fidel Castro (p. 25) .:. Contribution of this Research (p. 27) Chapter 2 2.1. Legitimacy and Its Sources 33 2.2. Discourse Analysis as a Tool to Examine Sources of Legitimacy ..37 .:. Suitability of Discourse Analysis (p. 37) .:. The Concept of Hegemonic Cuban Discourse (p. 38) .:. First Methodological Component: Critical Discourse Analysis (p.39) .:. Second Methodological Component: Discourse Analysis Theory (p. 40) .:. Combining the Two Approaches (p. 43) .:. Use of Terms (p. 45) 2.3. Evidence 47 .:. Reasons for Choosing 1980 Mariel and 1994 maleconazo (p.47) Part II: Evidence Chapter 3 3.1. Discourse Analysis: 1980 Mariel Episode in Cuban Newspaper Granma, and Magazines Bohemia and Verde Olivo 52 .:. The Situation before the Crisis (p. 52) .:. Calm Before the Storm: January to March 1980 (p. 57) .:. Celia Sanchez as an Exemplary Loyal Revolutionary (p. 58) .:. Encouraging Voluntary Loyalty (p. 59) .:. The Uncertainties Abroad in Contrast with the Comforts at Home (p. 61) .:. Unrest Escalates: April to October 1980 (p. 62) .:. Confident, Loyal Masses Face the Parasites (p. 63) .:. The United States as a Criminal State (p. 66) .:. The Mariel Boatlift: 22-26 April 1980 (p. 70) .:. After the Storm (p. 74) .:. Castro Summarises the Situation (p. 76) .:. Concluding Observations (p. 78) Chapter 4 4.1. Cuba Between the Two Episodes: 1980 to 1994 81 .:. First Half of the 1980s: Inequality, Growing Economic Problems and the US Threat (p. 81) .:. Gorbachev Loosens the Screws (p. 84) .:. 1986 Rectification (p. 85) .:. Cuba after 1989 (p. 92) .:. Cuba and the United States in the 1990s (p. 99) .:. Legitimacy and Interpretations of Early 1990s (p. 100) Chapter 5 5.1. Discourse Analysis: 1994 Malec6n Episode in Granma, and Bohemia 103 .:. Summary of Key Events (p. 103) .:. January to July 1994: Tensions under the Extreme Poverty of the Special Period (p. 104) .:. Retaining Revolutionary Communist Orthodoxy Backed by Patriotic Sentiment (p. 109) .:. Saving the Revolution from Neoliberalism (p. 110) .:. Changing the Interpretation of Emigration (p. 113) .:. Achievements of the Revolution, Nelson Mandela and Continuity Based on National Heritage (p. 114) .:. The US Threat and International Solidarity (p. 115) .:. s" August Disturbances (p. 116) .:. Rioters and Hijackers as an Instrument of Imperialist Aggression (p. 119) .:. Victory, Large Scale Support Rallies and Heroic Patriots (p. 123) .:. Castro Reiterates Key Messages (p. 127) .:. After the Storm: September to December 1994 (p. 128) .:. Concluding Observations (p. 133) - Part III: Findings Chapter 6 6.1. Analysis of Evidence 135 .:. Comparing the Mariel and Maleconazo Episodes (p. 135) .:. Similarities (and Some Differences) (p. 140) .:. Shifts between the Two Periods (p. 144) .:. Sources of Legitimacy: 1980 Mariel and 1994 Maleconazo (p. 148) .:. Continuing Relevance of Historical Legitimacy (p. 151) .:. Shifting Perception of Emigration (p. 152) .:. Cuba as a Developing Country under Attack (p. 152) .:. The Continuing Relevance of el bloqueo and the US Threat (p. 153) .:. Continuing Legitimacy of Fidel Castro (p. 154) .:. Close Communication between the Leadership and the Public (p. 155) 6.2. Conclusions 157 .:. Conclusions about Legitimacy and post-1989 Cuba (p. 157) .:. Implications for Existing Literature (p. 159) .:. Inferences about the Longevity of the Cuban System (p. 162) .:. In Conclusion: New Insights into the System (p. 165) Part IV: Bibliography 7.1. Periodicals (Evidence) 169 .:. Bohemia by date (p. 170) .:. Bohemia by author where available (p. 170) .:. Granma by date (p. 171) .:. Granma by author where available (p. 176) .:. Granma Internacional by date (p. 178) .:. Granma Internacional by author where available (p. 180) .:. Verde Olivo by date (p. 180) .:. Verde Olivo by author where available (p. 181) .:. List of Conducted Interviews (p. 182) 7.2. Literature 183 Total number of words: 91,120 Part I: Setting the Context Chapter 1 1.1. Introduction Cuba, its political system and internal mechanics have long been a mystery for many interested in this Caribbean island, perceived by some as isolated. The island's