Equal Immigration Protection

Equal Immigration Protection

(UN)EQUAL IMMIGRATION PROTECTION Carrie L. Rosenbaum* Table of Contents I. INTRODUCTION ............................................................................... 231 1I. EQUAL PROTECTION INTENT DOCTRINE ...................................... 236 III. IMMIGRATION UNEQUAL PROTECTION........................................243 A. Equal Protection Challenges to Alienage Laws.....................245 B. Equal Protection Challenges to Racially Discriminatory Immigration Laws..................................................................246 IV. DHS V. REGENTS - INTENTIONAL BLINDNESS REDOUBLED ........ 253 V . CONCLUSION...................................................................................260 I. INTRODUCTION The Supreme Court's recent ruling in DepartmentofHomeland Security (DHS) v. Regents' exposes the equal protection doctrine's failure to reach one of the most entrenched systems of racial oppression in the United States-immigration law. The Regents Court considered the lawfulness of the Trump administration's criticized Deferred Action for Childhood Arrivals (DACA) rescission.2 Former Department of Homeland Security Secretary Janet Napolitano announced the DACA program on June 15, 2012, and it allowed DHS to exercise discretion to defer removal of young noncitizens who met specific and rigorous criteria to qualify for the * Visiting Scholar and Lecturer, University of California Berkeley School of Law Center for the Study of Law and Society. I would like to thank the Southwestern Law Review Editorial Board, Beth Caldwell, and those who have provided feedback on drafts, including Richard Delgado, Susan Bibler Coutin, Pooja Dadhania, and Phil Torrey. All errors are my own. 1. 140 S. Ct. 1891 (2020). 2. Id. At times throughout this article, I refer to this as the "DACA case." 231 232 SOUTHWESTERN LAW REVIEW [Vol. 50 program. 3 By the time of the rescission, DHS had granted deferred action to over 800,000 individuals.4 The rescission was effectuated via a facially race-neutral government action but with a documented disparate impact on Latinos and surrounded by anti-Latino rhetoric. When a state action does not purport to discriminate overtly on the basis of race, the Court analyzes equal protection claims via the intent doctrine, or by looking at the intent of the lawmaker.5 In Regents, in spite of considerable evidence of discriminatory intent-disparate impact and discriminatory rhetoric-the Court dismissed the equal protection challenge, instead invalidating the policy on Administrative Procedure Act (APA) grounds.6 The Court sidestepped equal protection scrutiny through an unsatisfying combination of "plenary power," a doctrine that grants great legal deference to the political branch, and the intent doctrine, which also ultimately affords great deference to the government actor accused of discrimination.7 This article will contribute to immigration equal protection jurisprudential discussions by highlighting the way in which plenary power in immigration equal protection cases creates a barrier parallel to the intent doctrine-both prohibit curtailment of government action, resulting in racialized harm. The scant recognition of the double duty done by plenary power and the intent doctrine reflects the banality of what may appear as a mere redundancy at first glance. However, the insidiousness of the double- barrier all but ensures that equal protection challenges to facially race-neutral immigration laws with disparate impact will fail. Plenary power is effectively duplicative of the intent doctrine because the intent doctrine already results in great deference to lawmakers. Disproportionate impact is insufficient alone to invalidate a facially nondiscriminatory law on equal protection grounds." In decision after decision, the Court contorts itself to 3. Memorandum from Janet Napolitano, Sec'y of Homeland Sec., to David V. Aguilar et al., Acting Comm'r, U.S. Customs and Border Prot., (June 15, 2012), http://www.dhs.gov/xlibrary/assets/sl -exercising-prosecutorial-discretion-individuals-who-came- to-us-as-children.pdf. Recipient had to have been under age thirty-one on the date of the announcement; continuously present in the country since June 15, 2007; under age sixteen at the time they entered the United States; in school, possess the equivalent of a high school degree, or have an honorable military discharge; and free of convictions for felonies or significant misdemeanors. Id. at 1. 4. Gustavo L6pez & Jens Manuel Krogstad, Key Facts About Unauthorized Immigrants Enrolled in DACA, PEW RESEARCH CENTER (Sept. 25, 2017), https://www.pewresearch.org/fact- tank/2017/09/25/key-facts-about-unauthorized-immigrants-enrolled-in-daca/. 5. See Village of Arlington Heights v. Metro. Hous. Dev. Corp., 429 U.S. 252,265-68 (1977). 6. Regents, 140 S. Ct. at 1915. 7. See id. 8. Arlington Heights, 429 U.S. at 264-65. 2021 ] (UN)EQUAL IMMIGRATION PROTECTION 233 find some other nondiscriminatory purpose to avoid a finding of discriminatory intent.9 Even without plenary power, the intent doctrine would need to be reimagined for immigration equal protection claims to receive consideration indicative of equality principles.'0 Interestingly, the Court has applied equal protection guarantees within civil alienage laws, which pertain to noncitizens within the United States. This was done while denying the relevance of equal protection within immigration law, which dictates who can become and remain a member of the legal and political community within the United States." At the same time that equal protection has been less than protective in immigration law, immigration regulation has been a prime factor in the making ("social construction") of race1 2 through national origin quotas, racial restrictions on naturalization,1 3 exploitive policies influenced by labor needs and capitalism, like the Bracero Program,' 4 and mass deportation programs targeting or disproportionately burdening particular ethnic groups 9. See, e.g., Trump v. Hawaii, 138 S. Ct. 2392, 2419-21 (2018). 10. Carrie L. Rosenbaum, The Role of Equality Principles in Preemption Analysis of Sub- Federal Immigration Laws: The California TRUSTAct, 18 CHAP. L. REV. 481 (2015) (describing the limitations of equal protection in crimmigration enforcement). 11. See BETH C. CALDWELL, DEPORTED AMERICANS: LIFE AFTER DEPORTATION TO MEXICO 20-22 (2019) (describing the "contradictory legal framework that imbues noncitizens with constitutional protections in some cases but not in others"). 12. NATALIA MOLINA, HOW RACE IS MADE IN AMERICA: IMMIGRATION, CITIZENSHIP, AND THE HISTORICAL POWER OF RACIAL SCRIPTS (Earl Lewis et al. eds., 2014); see also Gabriel J. Chin, Regulating Race: Asian Exclusion and the Administrative State, 37 HARV. C.R.-C.L. L. REV. 1, 3 (2002) ("[T]he intellectual foundations of the immigration laws were eugenics and scientific racism."); Kevin R. Johnson, Race, the Immigration Laws, and DomesticRace Relations:A "Magic Mirror" into the HeartofDarkness, 73 IND. L.J. 1111 (1998) (exploring the United States' history of racial discrimination in immigration policy); Charles Lawrence III, Unconscious Racism Revisited: Reflections on the Impact and Origins of "The Id, the Ego, and Equal Protection", 40 CONN. L. REV. 931, 943 n.36 (2008) [hereinafter Lawrence, Unconscious Racism Revisited] (explaining that racism functions more as a verb than a noun because as "speech ... it refers to a socially constructed idea or meaning derived from a history of oppression" and as "conduct ... it is perpetuated and reinforced through an ongoing process of contemporaneous speech and acts" (citing Kendall Thomas, Nash Professor of Law and Co-Director of the Center for the Study of Law & Culture at Columbia Law School, Comments at Panel on Critical Race Theory, Conference on Frontiers of Legal Thought, Duke Law School (Jan. 26, 1990))); Carrie L. Rosenbaum, Crimmigration--StructuralTools ofSettler Colonialism, 16 OHIO ST. J. CRIM. L. 9, 27 (2018) ("[F]ederal immigration law and policy, criminal and immigration racial profiling jurisprudence, and criminalization of migration have converged to signify new and additional ways to contain and control."). 13. IAN HANEY LOPEZ, WHITE BY LAW: THE LEGAL CONSTRUCTION OF RACE (10th ed. 2006). 14. See KITTY CALAVITA, INSIDE THE STATE: THE BRACERO PROGRAM, IMMIGRATION, AND THE I.N.S. (2010) (criticizing guest worker, Bracero Program); ERNESTO GALARZA, MERCHANTS OF LABOR: THE MEXICAN BRACERO STORY (1964) (critically recounting the Mexican Bracero story). 234 SOUTHWESTERN LAW REVIEW [Vol. 50 or persons of particular national origins, like the 1930s era repatriation of Mexican nationals 5 or Operation Wetback in 1954.16 More recently, other race-neutral immigration policies hide discrimination in colorblind" or race- neutral terms yet reflect President Trump's demonization of racialized immigrants, like immigration bans targeting persons from Muslim majority countries, ' migrant detention centers on the border imprisoning Latinx migrants,'9 and attempted cancellation of programs like Temporary Protected 20 2 Status (TPS) and Deferred Action for Childhood Arrivals (DACA). 1 Donald Trump's "Colorblind Repatriation of Latinx Noncitizens," as 15. See generally FRANCISCO E. BALDERRAMA & RAYMOND RODRIGUEZ, DECADE OF BETRAYAL: MEXICAN REPATRIATION IN THE 1930S (rev. ed. 2006) (discussing the history of "repatriation" during the Great Depression). 16. See JUAN RAMON GARCIA, OPERATION WETBACK: THE MASS DEPORTATION OF MEXICAN UNDOCUMENTED WORKERS IN 1954, at 139

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